BBC News | The day a mysterious cyber-attack crippled Ukraine BBC News This time last week, an online attack brought chaos to Ukraine's banks, hospitals and government, before spreading worldwide. The evidence suggests that money was not the aim the real intention was disguised. Could it be a sign of something more ... |
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The day a mysterious cyber-attack crippled Ukraine - BBC News
This article first appeared on The Daily Signal.
Kiev, UkraineI arrived in Ukraine for the first time in July 2014, three years ago this month.
I originally planned to stay for three weeks. I never would have thought then that by Independence Day 2017, three years later, Id still be here, still reporting on the war.
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On that warm summer day of my arrival in Kiev three years ago, the taxi from the airport dropped me off at the top of Institutskaya Street, as it was still called at the time. (Today, it is Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred Street, in honor of the 100 protesters who died in the February 2014 revolution.)
Trees green with summertime leaves lined the cobblestone street as it steeply ascended from the Maidan, Kievs central square and epicenter of the revolution.
Young couples in shorts and flip-flops walked past holding hands. Police officers on their beats acted relaxed, smiling and joking.
Ukrainian soldiers guard a checkpoint on May 14, 2014 in Novatroizk, Ukraine. Pro-Russian militants ambushed Ukrainian troops nearby the day before, killing seven and wounding another eight in the most deadly attack yet on Ukrainian forces. Brendan Hoffman/Getty
On that day, there was little evidence of the barbaric scenes that played out on this street in February 2014, five months prior to my arrival. Yet, beneath the veneer of what could have been a normal summer day in any European capital, there were reminders of what happened there half a year earlier.
At that time, long sections of the brick sidewalk lining then-named Institutskaya Street were stripped bare, revealing earth beneath. Five months earlier, protesters had peeled away the bricks to build a defensive wall against gunfire from a special police force called the Berkut, which deposed Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych had unleashed on the crowds calling for his ouster.
On that day, workers pounded new bricks into the naked soil. Others sprayed water on the black stains that dotted the stone floor of the Maidans open expanse, erasing the traces of Molotov cocktails and the mounds of tires protesters had burned to provide a smokescreen from the snipers.
Of all the sights and sounds I encountered along Institutskaya Street on that day in July 2014, one stood out. I heard English spoken in an American accent. So my ears naturally homed in on the only understandable voice.
Freedom isnt free, the man said.
Just past the Hotel Ukraine, where Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred Street rounds the top of the hill overlooking the Maidan, there is a patch of open ground and a low wall off to one side.
This is a place of mourning. In July 2014, the ground here was covered in framed photos, candles, and flower garlands. Bullet holes scarred the surrounding street signs and trees. The bullet holes are still there today.
On that day in July 2014, my first in Ukraine, a crowd lingered around this otherwise ordinary patch of earth. The mood was quiet and somber. Most people walked around with their arms folded across their chests. Some held a hand over their mouths. It was an unusual break from typical Slavic stoicism.
Two groups of framed photos nestled within beds of flowers and candles were arranged on the ground like a church congregation, with a cross made out of red glass candle holders in the center. The faces on the photos were of the fallen. Old and young, men and women, students and professors. Hardly the neo-Nazi fascists carrying out a CIA-sponsored putsch as Russian media had depicted.
Families paused before the photos. Parents pointed to the memorials, trying to explain to their children what went on here, and, I imagined, what it all meant for their future.
Three years later at this spot, there is now a metal memorial with engraved faces of the dead. A flower garden grows on that patch of earth where so many died three years ago.
Prior to my arrival in 2014, I had watched a YouTube video of what had happened at this place during the revolution. The sky was gray in the video, and the trees were bare.
Snipers hidden in the surrounding rooftops gunned down the protesters one by one as they ascended the street. Some dropped dead in a flash. Others folded to the ground like in slow motion. Eventually, the dead clustered where they had collectively sought shelter in their final moments.
The protesters were unarmed. They wore motorcycle helmets and wielded shields fashioned out of the top of garbage bins and road signs for protection. As sniper fire cut down one wave of protesters at the top of the hill, their comrades would rush up to drag the dead and wounded away.
After depositing the casualties in the nearby Hotel Ukraine lobby, the survivors did something amazing. They turned around and went back.
Its hard to know, of course, the inner motivations of those protesters who walked head-on into sniper fire. Clearly, something powerful was motivating them. It had to be, because moving toward the sound of gunfire is terrifying, and one has to be motivated by something more powerful than the fear of dying to do it.
At lunch in Kiev a few weeks after my arrival in 2014, a Ukrainian friend explained to me the mood in Ukraine. Elena Milovidova, then a 29-year-old journalist, said there was a wave of patriotism throughout the country she had never seen before. She said there was a sense of shared responsibility among Ukrainians to live up to the sacrifices of the protesters.
We dont want it to be for nothing, Milovidova told me about the revolution. Ukrainians are very patriotic now. And if things go back to the way they were before, there will be another Maidan.
Milovidova explained how her family was torn, like many families in Ukraine, due to her mixed Russian-Ukrainian heritage. She was proud to be Ukrainian, though, and she was proud of what the protesters did for her country. Most Russian-speaking Ukrainians felt the same way, Milovidova told me, and the idea that Ukraine was somehow split along ethnic or cultural lines was a fiction created by Moscow.
On the streets of Kiev, signs of the countrys reborn patriotism were subtle, but prolific. Women tied small blue and yellow ribbons (Ukraines national colors) on their purses. The same ribbons were tied to the radio antennas on cars and to tree branches.
On St. Andrews Descent, a culturally eclectic hillside enclave in Kiev not unlike Montmartre in Paris, artists sold paintings of scenes from the revolution. On Khreshchatyk, Kievs main boulevard, sidewalk vendors sold rolls of toilet paper and doormats adorned with the faces of Yanukovych and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Its still like that, by the way, three years later.
Ukraines newfound patriotism was fueled by pride in the courage of its young people. Like Valentyn Onyshchenko, who was 21 years old when he took part in the revolution. He was shot by a 9mm bullet from a pistol. Luckily, the round hit his metal belt buckle, he said, and aside from a nasty bruise, he was left unharmed.
When I fell off the barricade, they were yelling, Another man down, he told me. And then they grabbed my arms and started to pull me away, but I just popped up and told them I was OK. They couldnt believe it.
Onyshchenko had a recurring dream of a man he saw cut down by a sniper during the revolution. In the dream, the man rose up and spoke to Onyshchenko from the grave. His face death gray and a bullet hole in his head.
I was running and this guy was shot in the head by a sniper right in front of me, Onyshchenko said. His brains flew into my face and broke my glasses. But it was crazy, you know, my first thought was, OK, theres a McDonalds right over there, I can go there to wash off my face.
After the revolution, Onyshchenkos friends convinced him to see a psychiatrist. He was resistant to the idea at first, he said. Like most young men who have experienced combat, he was more worried about appearing weak than any physical danger.
The dreams of the dead man have gone away now, Onyshchenko said. I think the psychiatrist really helped me, he confessed.
Over dinner in 2014, Natalia Portier, another Ukrainian friend, told me she was more patriotic than she had ever been. Her job in Kiev was sending her to the U.S., and she had to apply for a visa. I assumed with my reflexive American pride that she would be excited about this.
The truth was, Portier, then 30 years old, felt guilty about leaving her homeland in time of war. She had a brother, she explained, and she was afraid he would be mobilized to fight in the east along with the 60,000 Ukrainian troops currently deployed there at that time. There are, incidentally, still about 60,000 troops serving in the eastern war zone as of July 2017.
The world is so cruel, Portier said to me three years ago. She shook her head, looking past me. But then she beamed when a man walked into the pub wearing a T-shirt with a trident on it, Ukraines national symbol.
Its not so unusual to see that now, she said, smiling. Im so proud of my country and to be Ukrainian. I hope this stupid war ends soon.
As a veteran of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, I know what its like to serve in a war zone. And as someone who was a 19-year-old cadet at the Air Force Academy on Sept. 11, 2001, I also know what inspires young men and women to go to war. Ive been there. I get it.
The young soldiers Ive encountered in Ukraine, destined for the front lines in the east, wear a combined look of fear and youthful exuberance that I remember seeing on young U.S. soldiers in other war zones. And the combination of pride and worry felt by the families those Ukrainian soldiers have left behind is no different than what my own family endured when my brother and I deployed to Afghanistan and Iraq.
After three years of war, most Ukrainians still believe freedom is worth fighting for. Ukrainians know why they have to win the war, they just dont know why they had to fight it.
The revolution was never about Russia, Milovidova explained to me in 2014. It was about making Ukraine better. No one thought this war would happen.
Three years later, the words of that lone voice from my first day in Kiev are still fresh in my mind. Especially on a day like Independence Day, when I reflect on my own countrys virtues, on why my generation spent our youths in war, and on what our sacrifices ultimately accomplished.
As I see a young Ukrainian woman blowing a kiss to a passing convoy of troops. Or, as I see an old woman kiss her fingers and then reach to touch the face of a young boy in one of the photos at the top of Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred Street, I hear those words again: Freedom isnt free.
Ive always known that, and Ive heard the expression countless times. I even fought for it. But until I arrived in Ukraine, I never really understood what it meant.
Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signals foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.
Originally posted here:
Nolan Peterson: What Freedom Means in Ukraine - Newsweek
Ukrainian banks were among the enterprises targeted
Brendan Hoffman/NYT/Eyevine
By Chris Baraniuk
Ukraine has claimed Russia was behind the NotPetya cyberattack that caused havoc around the world, with Ukraine itself apparently the hardest hit. Ukraines national bank, public transport hubs and supermarkets were targeted; sixty other countries also reported attacks.
During the outbreak, security researchers claimed to have evidence that computers belonging to a Ukrainian accounting software firm, Intellect Service, had been breached. NotPetya was then pushed out to businesses via updates to the firms MeDoc program, the researchers alleged. Intellect Service has continued to deny this, but Ukraines national cybercrime force has said it is under investigation and will face charges.
The Ukrainian authorities have also said they have proof that the real force behind NotPetya was a foreign state, Russia an accusation Moscow has denied.
Although NotPetya appears to be ransomware, designed to encrypt hard disc data and demand a $300 payment in Bitcoin, some security experts now believe it was unleashed more to cause disruption than to make money. Analysis reveals that significantly fewer payments were sent to the NotPetyas Bitcoin wallet than to WannaCry during the first 24 hours of each outbreak.
pretending to be a ransomware while being in fact a nation state attack is in our opinion a very subtle way from the attacker to control the narrative of the attack, wrote Matt Suiche at cybersecurity firm Comae in a blog post last week.
If NotPetya was indeed malware created by a nation state, then that might open the door to retaliation by Ukraine, according to a NATO legal researcher. Tom Minrik said in a press statement that because the cyberattack affected government systems, it might be viewed as a violation of sovereignty.
But not everyone is convinced by the theory that NotPetya was malware deliberately disguised as ransomware. Instead, it may simply have been poorly implemented ransomware, suggested security researcher Robert Graham. Infamy, he wrote, doesnt mean skill.
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Read more here:
Ukraine claims Russia launched NotPetya ransomware attack - New Scientist
More than 2,700 soldiers have been killed and over 10,000 have been injured since conflict begun in eastern Ukraine three years ago, the vice defence minister says.
At a seminar in Kiev, Ivan Rusnak said areas in the midst of the conflict, which covers the eastern regions of Donetsk and Lugansk bordering Russia, were still in a difficult situation but were controllable.
The signs of stabilisation were related to the agreements reached in Minsk for a ceasefire starting from April 1 this year, he said.
According to Rusnak, eastern Ukraine has seen a destruction of its social, transport and energy infrastructure and citizens have been left without jobs, with losses estimated to be at $US50 billion ($A66 billion).
He denounced Moscow, who the Kiev government accuses of aggression, had deployed some 60,000 troops to the occupied territories of Lugansk and Donetsk, as well as the region of Crimea - annexed by Russia in 2014 - and all along the Ukrainian border.
The conflict broke out in April 2014, after a revolution in the country saw the pro-Russian government overthrown and replaced with one in favour of closer relations with the European Union.
In the eastern regions, pro-Russian rebels backed by nationalist militias staged an uprising, leading to a conflict which the United Nations estimates has killed at least 10,000 people.
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Ukraine conflict 'claims 2700 soldiers' - NEWS.com.au
Donald Trump will soon come face-to-face with the man US intelligence services believe directed an unprecedented plot to meddle in the 2016 presidential election and help the US leader take power, Russian President Vladimir Putin.
It is believed that the war in Syria and the conflict in Ukraine will be the main talking points when Mr Trump meets with Mr Putin later this week at the G20 summit in Germany. But it is uncertain whether Mr Trump will bring up how Russian attackers attempted to interfere in the US election. The Russian President continues to deny any involvement in the cyber attacks.
Mr Trump warmed up his visit to Hamburg by speaking to both German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Italian Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni over the telephone on Monday. Ms Merkel has made it clear that she is displeased with the US's withdrawal from the Paris climate change agreement, and climate was one of the main topics on the call. She and Mr Trump may also clash over the issue at the summit.
However, it appears that Mr Trump's sideline meeting with Mr Putin will be the main attraction at the summit for many. Mr Trump whose campaign advisers are facing several investigations into whether they colluded with the Russian government has a difficult task. If he appears too friendly, critics will leap on the meeting as an example of the President being too soft with Mr Putin and the Kremlin. However, if he is too frosty, Mr Trump could lose the chance to try and repair relations that he has admitted are at a low.
But, it is not clear whether this will even be the first meeting between Mr Trump and Mr Putin. During a presidential debate in October, Mr Trump denied that he has ever met the Russian President, despite having claimed several times in the past that they have crossed paths. Mr Trump has previously praised Mr Putin in public, and the Russian president has described the US leader as bright and talented.
The White House has, perhaps understandably, been cagey about discussing the subject matters potentially on the table. Two Trump administration officials told CNN that the main issues Mr Trump and Mr Putin will discuss will be the complex civil war in Syria and the situation in Ukraine. Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 2014, eliciting international outrage that led to the Obama administration and other countries sanctioning Russia.
Mr Trumps national security advisor HR McMaster told reporters last week: Theres no specific agenda. Its really going to be whatever the president wants to talk about.
Mr McMaster did say administration officials had instructed to draw up options to confront Russia over destabilising behaviour such as cyber threats and political subversion. Other topics of conversation could include how the two countries might cooperate over North Korea.
While the White House has mostly been tight-lipped about what the two leaders will discuss in Germany, the Russians have offered more hints.
The Kremlin has said Mr Putin will demand the return of two diplomatic compounds that were closed by the US last December as part of the retaliation over the election meddling.
The Russian Presidents foreign affairs adviser, Yuri Ushakov, said on Monday that his government had shown unusual flexibility by not retaliating when then-President Obama confiscated the two compounds in New York state and Maryland and expelled 35 Russian diplomats, but that Moscow's patience "has its limits".
Mr Ushakov urged Washington to free Russia from the need to take retaliatory moves.
The compounds were formally used by the Russian embassy as recreational facilities, but US intelligence agencies have asserted they were bases for espionage.
A statement from the Russian government said the Kremlin expected that Mr Putin would convey the need to find the most rapid resolution on the issue, describing it as an irritant in Russian-US relations.
During Mr Obama's presidency, relations between Moscow and Washington were described as their worst since the Cold War and they do not appear to have warmed much under the Trump administration.
Congress is currently attempting to pass legislation that would toughen sanctions onRussia.The Senate's bill would also establish a new congressional review process that would allow Congressto blockMr Trumpif hetries to ease sanctionson Moscow.
However, despite the tension between the two governments,the Kremlin haslisted areas in which it believes Russia could cooperate with the US. These issues include Russias dissatisfaction with US sanctions, its desire to cooperate on international terrorism, the crisis in Syria and improving efforts around nuclear arms control.
There is significant potential for coordinating efforts, the Kremlin said, adding our countries can do much together in resolving regional crises.
In Syria, Russia and the US are on opposite sides of the war, with the Kremlin supporting the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Last month, Russian officials threatened to treat US-led coalition planes flying in Syria, west of the Euphrates River, as targets after the US shot down a fighter jet belonging Syrian Government.
But not all may be lost, with work already beginning on ties ahead of the meeting between Mr Trump and Mr Putin.
Russian Ambassador Sergei Kislyak, under immense scrutiny in the US over his contacts with Trump campaign associates, met in Washington with Undersecretary of State Thomas Shannon on Monday. Their meeting focused partially on preparations for the G20 summit meeting.
Mr Shannon and Mr Kislyak also used their time together to discuss the possibility of a new meeting between Mr Shannon and Russia's deputy foreign minister, Sergey Ryabkov, the State Department said, a move that would signal the two powers were again focused on trying to establish a functioning relationship. It was unclear if and when such a meeting would take place.
Mr Ryabkov and Mr Shannon had been slated to host an ongoing series of discussions aimed at addressing irritants that have thwarted efforts to get the US-Russia relationship back on track. The goal was to resolve smaller issues first, in hopes of restoring a base level of trust that could clear the way for broader discussions about Syria, Ukraine and other global crises. But Moscow nixed the second session last month to protest against new Trump administration sanctions over Russia's actions in Ukraine.
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Trump expected to bring up Syria and Ukraine in Putin meeting, but not Russian election hacking - The Independent