Archive for the ‘Tea Party’ Category

Details of the money behind Jan. 6 protests continue to emerge – Center for Responsive Politics

(Photo by Brendan Smialowski / AFP) (Photo by BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images)

New details of how a top fundraiser for former President Donald Trumps campaign parked funds with groups that helped organize the Jan. 6 rally before the Capitol attack shine light on the coordination between seemingly independent groups and the role of Trump campaign officials.

Caroline Wren, a top fundraiser for Trumps campaign who was listed as a VIP Advisor on the permit granted by the National Park Service for the Jan. 6 rally, reportedly boasted of raising $3 million for the protest before the Capitol riot. She then parked funds with two dark money groups that helped organize the protest and a closely-tied super PAC, ProPublica reported last week.

Parking funds across multiple groups can give the appearance of more widespread support from multiple independently-operating organizations and makes it more difficult to trace the source of funds.

The strategy added a layer of confidentiality for the donor and offered institutional support for the 6th, Dustin Stockton, a Republican operative who helped Women for America First organize the rally, told ProPublica.

Earlier reports estimated the rally only cost about half a million dollars, primarily funded by a $300,000 donation from Publix supermarket heir Julie Jenkins Fancelli to Women for America First, the 501(c)(4) nonprofit dark money group that submitted the rallys permit records to the National Park Service.

Women for America Firsts co-founder, Amy Kremer, and her daughter have been subpoenaed by the U.S. House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol. They are scheduled for depositions on Oct. 29.

Stockton was also a spokesperson for WeBuildtheWall when former White House adviser Steve Bannon and three others affiliated with the dark money group were charged with fraud related to the online fundraising effort in 2020. Stockton was not charged. The select committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack found Bannon in contempt last week for refusing to comply with a subpoena.

Two of the other organizations that ProPublica reported helped store funds for the rally, Rule of Law Trust and Turning Point, are dark money groups that were listed as organizers of the rally.

Tea Party Express is the one group named by ProPublica that was not listed as an organizer on the rally website.

Launched in 2010 as a project of the political action committee Our Country Deserves Better PAC, Tea Party Express gained national attention for its rallies and bus tours. But it was criticized for diverting a large portion of its fundraising to consultants instead of supporting candidates.

Kermer, a longtime political organizer,was Tea Party Express chair from 2009 to 2014.

One of the dark money groups that reportedly parked funds and helped promote the rally, the Rule of Law Defense Fund, is the 501(c)(4) affiliated with the Republican Attorneys General Association.

At least $150,000 of the Rule of Law Defense Funds money for the rally reportedly came from Fancelli in a Dec. 29 donation a little more than a week before the rally, according to records reviewed by the Washington Post.

Other Rule of Law Defense Fund donors included opaque nonprofits such as the Koch networks Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce, the Edison Electric Institute, Empowering Ohios Economy and the Alliance Defending Freedom.

Turning Point, the other organization that parked funds and helped organize the rally, is best known for its conservative youth engagement efforts and digital operations, which were used to promote the rally.

The operations flagship nonprofit organization, Turning Point USA, reported raising more than $39.2 million from undisclosed donors in its most recent tax year spanning from July 2019 through the end of June 2020, according to new tax records obtained by OpenSecrets.

The tax records show how Turning Points operation continued to grow in the leadup to the 2020 election and subsequent fallout.

Turning Point USA brought in $4.3 million and its president, Charlie Kirk, reported earning just $27,231 for 65-hour weeks, according to organizations 2016 tax records.

By the 2018-2019 fiscal year, Kirks salary grew to $292,423 as its annual revenue rose to $28.5 million, with one $6.2 million anonymous donation and multiple additional contributions over $1 million. Turning Point Action attracted more than $1.1 million from July 2018 through the end of June 2019.

In the 2019-2020 fiscal year, Kirk made more than $329,000 across Turning Point-affiliated organizations.

The scope and reach of Turning Points influencer operation also grew during the Trump administration.

The organizations digital operations faced media scrutiny in 2020 when social media platforms removed hundreds of accounts run by Rally Forge LLC after reporting found teenagers paid to post thousands of coordinated messages, giving the appearance of organic grassroots support for messages boosting Trump as well as unfounded information about coronavirus, voting and other topics.

Turning Point USA paid about $500,000 to Rally Forge LLC during its most recent fiscal year.

Turning Point USA and Turning Point Action, the 501(c)(4) arm of Turning Point that was officially listed as an organizer on the rally website, collectively paid another $1 million to Rally Forge LLC disclosed in their 2018-2019 tax returns obtained by OpenSecrets.

Turning Point has received more than $1 million from Republican mega-donor Richard Uihleins family foundation, including $250,000 in 2019.

Uihlein was also a major donor to other groups affiliated with rally organizers. He contributed to the Women for Trump hybrid PAC affiliated with Women for America First, and Uilehin was the top 2020 election donor to the super PAC affiliated with Tea Party Patriots, another rally organizer. Uihlein has given the Tea Party Patriots super PAC about $4.3 million since the 2016 election.

The Judicial Crisis Network, a dark money group now legally named the Concord Fund, also contributed to multiple groups involved in the rally. The dark money group gave at least $4.7 million to the Tea Party Patriots, $50,000 to Turning Point Action and $1.9 million to the Rule of Law Defense Fund from 2013 to 2019, according to OpenSecrets review of its tax records. And it gave millions more to the affiliated Republican Attorneys General Association.

Trump campaign officials roles in organizing the protests on Jan. 6 only add to the opacity.

Wren made at least $170,000 from Trumps political operation during the 2020 election cycle for her work as the campaigns national finance consultant with the joint fundraising committee. In total, Trumps political operation reported paying more than $4.3 million to people and firms that organized the Jan. 6 rally since the start of the 2020 election.

Megan Powers, Justin Caporale, Maggie Mulvaney, Tim Unes and Wren organizers of the rally who were paid by Trump s political operation have all been subpoenaed by the House select committee.

Trumps 2020 campaign and joint fundraising committee, the Trump Make America Great Again Committee, funneled another $771 million in payments through American Made Media Consultants LLC during the 2020 election cycle. The joint fundraising committee steered about $685,000 through the LLC in 2021 with around a third of that going to text messaging on Jan. 6.

But since the Trump campaign did not disclose details of payments AMMC LLC made to subcontractors, the full roster of people working for Trumps campaign and the amount of money that changed hands remains hidden from the public.

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At OpenSecrets.org we offer in-depth, money-in-politics stories in the public interest. Whether youre reading about 2020 presidential fundraising, conflicts of interest or dark money influence, we produce this content with a small, but dedicated team. Every donation we receive from users like you goes directly into promoting high-quality data analysis and investigative journalism that you can trust. Please support our work and keep this resource free. Thank you.

Anna is OpenSecrets' investigative researcher. She researches foreign influence as part of the Foreign Lobby Watch Project, tracks political ad data, and investigates "dark money." She holds degrees in political science and psychology from North Carolina State University and a J.D. from the University of the District of Columbia School of Law.

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Details of the money behind Jan. 6 protests continue to emerge - Center for Responsive Politics

Advocates for incorporating The Woodlands haven’t made their case – Houston Chronicle

The question Im hearing over and over from residents and business owners alike is Why? said Montgomery County Commissioner Precinct 3 James Noack, a conservative who lives in The Woodlands and opposes incorporation, on Friday. Why would we want to do this in the first place? Who wants this?

Supporters of the ballot measure include several township board members, including longtime chairman Gordy Bunch, as well as the Texas Patriots PAC, the tea party organization for Montgomery County and north Houston.

An array of business, political, and civic leaders have come out against the measure, including Noack; The Woodlands Chamber of Commerce; the Montgomery County Hispanic Chamber; the Howard Hughes Corp., which acquired The Woodlands Development Co. a decade ago and owns much of the undeveloped land; U.S. Rep. Kevin Brady, a Republican; and Georges Coffee Club, a civic group named for George Mitchell, the billionaire, oilman and visionary who founded the township in 1974.

The civic group noted that it doesnt make public statements on political matters, but had to make an exception in this case.

In this unique situation the vast majority of club members feel so strongly that there simply are too many unanswered questions at this point in time to support incorporation now, the members explained in a statement.

Caught in between these unusual coalitions are the voters of The Woodlands, who have been blanketed with slickly produced flyers arguing against incorporation. Many remain confused by the question and the fact that its being posed right now in an off-year, during a pandemic, and in response to a problem that may exist, but hasnt been specified, exactly.

On HoustonChronicle.com: Should The Woodlands become a city? Voters will decide on Nov. 2

Incorporation held a lot of appeal for years to township residents, especially after the city of Houston swooped in and annexed Kingwood 25 years ago. The reasoning was that incorporation would serve as a bulwark against annexation by Houston, 30 miles to the south, or Conroe, to the north. But that threat has been allayed by agreements with both of those cities, as well as laws passed by the Republican-controlled Texas Legislature that basically say no community read, The Woodlands can be annexed without the consent of its residents.

Proponents of incorporation say that annexation is not the issue anyway. They argue this is about local control in the face of ongoing development that could fundamentally change the nature of the community, which the Chronicle described in 2014 as a meticulously planned community nestled in pine trees that's part well-kept neighborhoods and part gleaming skyscrapers. It boasts an outdoor performing arts center, a thriving Market Street shopping district and man-made canals.

The Township cant address these threats, but the City of The Woodlands can, says the Texas Patriots PAC on its website.

And, in its telling, incorporation wouldnt cost residents a thing: rather than contracting with Montgomery and Harris Counties for core services such as law enforcement and road maintenance, the new city could simply pay for those things itself, without higher taxes (a companion ballot measure would set a maximum property tax rate of 22.31 cents per $100 of valuation).

If Woodlands residents vote to become a city, taxes wont go up and government wont grow, asserted Dr. Shelly Sekula-Gibbs, a township board member who supports incorporation, in a September letter to residents. She also said the move would give residents more control over roads and development and prevent clear-cutting of trees.

COVID-19 funds have also become an issue. In June, the township board hired a $50,000-a-month lobbying firm, based in Washington, D.C., to make the case for federal COVID relief funds after failing to secure them from the county or the state. Bunch has argued that The Woodlands, given its population, would be due some $30 million under the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, if it were a city.

Since The Woodlands is not currently a city, its hard to assess the claims made by proponents. But by the same token, theres reason to be skeptical of the rosy picture theyre painting

Township directors are elected, just as mayors and city council members are in regular cities. And they do have the capacity to rein in development, in theory. If theyve instead issued variances that have enabled overbuilding, thats a reason to oust them, not scrap the townships governing structure.

And consider the COVID funds. Bunchs argument is reasonable enough, but at odds with other recent developments in the region. Houston is a city, for example, and we arent getting a nickel of federal Harvey relief funds under the plan put forth by the states General Land Office. Seriously, not even a cent! Just because youre a city, in other words, doesnt mean you always get your way especially with a Texas governor and legislature eager to wrest control of decisions from local leaders.

Its easy to see why so many disparate groups have come out against incorporation. The process would be disruptive. It would likely involve new costs for residents, depending on which study you believe and in the event of dueling studies, taxpayers should keep in mind that nothing is free. And once incorporated, The Woodlands would remain a city, rather than the unique township it is today.

The Chamber considers that this is not the best time for The Woodlands to take a step from which it will not then be able to retreat, the Montgomery County Hispanic Chamber said in a statement.

Incorporation advocates shouldnt feel overly optimistic heading into Tuesdays election, given that many voters are unclear on what the benefits of incorporating would be.

And voters who are understandably confused by the case for incorporation should consider that to be a mark against the idea. As it stands, advocates for incorporation havent made a clear case. If thats indeed the best path forward for The Woodlands, its an idea that should be put to voters during an even-numbered election year, after a thorough debate.

erica.grieder@chron.com

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Advocates for incorporating The Woodlands haven't made their case - Houston Chronicle

Lawless: Shocked at What Progressives Were Willing to Give Up – GoLocalProv

Friday, October 29, 2021

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UVA Political Science Chair Jennifer Lawless

As far as the infrastructure bill and the reconciliation bill are concernedI do think theres a general sense now that theres a framework that will pass this week. We know theres bipartisan support for the infrastructure bill it now seems for the social spending bill, everything that Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema wanted out is out and theres enough left for the progressives in the House to get on board, said Lawless.

No one likes the way the sausage is made at the end of the day, we have almost two trillion dollars in additional social spending which should make most Democrats happy. The process certainly revealed some problems in the Democratic Party," she added.

Lawless compared the infighting among the Democrats to a rift among the GOP more than a decade ago but said that the Republicans' internal dynamics then still did not come close to the Democrats issues today.

I think the closest recent example is when all the Tea Party members got elected in 2010 and they basically decided to form their own caucus in the House and made John Boehners life completely impossible. They were civil Libertarians on a lot of issues, which made it difficult renewing pieces of the Patriot Act and other privacy protections that were going up against national security concerns, she said. But certainly in recent history, this is the most egregious in terms of one party not being able to get itself on the same page.

Some of the items that were on the cutting room floor, are things quite frankly Im shocked the progressives were willing to give up I get its important to pass the bill and they have no choice, but the bill doesnt include paid family or medical leave, which was not only a centerpiece of Bidens campaign but something that the House under Democratic leadership has been pushing now for well over a decade, said Lawless.

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Rochester’s Connection to Bathsheba Spooner – Wanderer

The scriptural story of Bathsheba is a theme as old as mankind itself: lust, adultery, and death. The real-life story of one Bathsheba Spooner contains all those dark elements with an added twist, as this Bathsheba will face the gallows in Worcester for her part in the murder plot of her husband, Joshua.

Bringing this tragic historical story to light from the perspective of court documents is author Andrew Noone in his recently released publication titled, Bathsheba Spooner: A Revolutionary Murder Conspiracy.

The author spent no less than seven years researching the details of this murder-for-hire plot and then another seven writing the book. The result is a comprehensive look at the facts of the crime as well as a deep dive into the politics and laws that governed the land before, during, and after the Revolutionary period.

Spooners family tree is populated with familiar names such as Ruggles, White, Crocker, Howland, Bourne, and Cogswell to name a few. But it is Spooners father, Timothy Ruggles, whose presence in Rochester has been documented and ties the story back to the Tri-Town.

Noone said, In 1710, Timothy Ruggles parents moved from Roxbury to Rochester. A year later, Tim was born. In 1732, following his Harvard graduation, he returned, and by 1735 had established his law practice in town. He soon secured a seat in the General Court as Rochesters representative. In 1739, he married recently widowed Bathsheba Bourne Newcomb, and moved to Sandwich, where our Bathsheba would be born a few years later.

To open the pages of Noones book a little wider, we find that Bathsheba was named after her mother, born the last of seven children in the Ruggles clan. Their lives would have been spent in relative comfort given that the patriarch of the family was a professional versus a farmer. Ruggles was also a very staunch Torrey to the point that he was stripped of his position in the community and banished to live in Hardwick. He would later up-sticks with his family to Staten Island to be near other Torreys.

It is speculated that the young Bathsheba was given over in an arranged marriage to an older but well-healed gentleman, namely Joshua Spooner. She had been a widow of some means with older children, a possible attraction for Ruggles. But accounts also recorded that she was beautiful. By all accounting, if not heated with passion, the marriage was calm.

Yet Spooner would turn her affections towards a 17-year-old child in the community of Brookfield where the Spooners had settled, a lad named Ezra Ross. Spooner is said to have conspired with him to dispatch her husband, making way for them to legally be together. But the young man apparently did not have a murderers disposition.

Enter two British deserters, Private William Brooks and Sergeant James Buchanan. Offered money and rich clothing, enough to see them through for some time, these two characters in the plot are said to have done the deed. They beat Spooner at least to a senseless state and then, as was apparently suggested by the lady, thrown in a very deep well on his own property. One wonders at the rather ill-conceived plan, why put him in a place so easily found? That question may never be answered.

Throughout the dramatic story of the criminal activity, Noone has woven a rich fabric of the surrounding history of the Colonial and Revolutionary eras.

In discussing his approach with The Wanderer, Noone said, My chief motivation in choosing this story was to elaborate upon Worcester Countys most notorious saga as a means of sharing Worcesters crucial, too-often-ignored contribution to the Revolution. Worcester coined the term minuteman, witnessed the most significant anti-British action between the Boston Tea Party and Lexington-Concord, was very nearly the scene of the first battle, served as the site of Sam Adams and John Hancocks hideaway following the opening battles, and in Isaiah Thomas featured the most important Patriot printer of the Revolution.

Noone further elaborated, I wanted to place Bathsheba in the context of a socially and politically-driven set of families, whose heritage would be tragically marred by the actions of one descendant. Her father, the legal star of Rochester, fatefully pivoted on a dime in 1765, overnight becoming the scorned loyalist whose politics helped to shape his daughters miserable end.

Spooners hanging, along with those of the three men who participated in full or in part with the killing of her husband, speaks to the morals and laws of the day as well as the unevolved concepts of human psychology.

It is most likely and Noone notes this that, by todays standards, execution and possibly even a long jail sentence could have been avoided given Spooners questionable hold on reality. Further, and probably the most troubling aspect of her grim demise, it is the verified fact that Spooner was five-months pregnant at the time of the hanging. She was hanged, despite carrying a baby. This fact alone would have spared her life in the 21st century.

To learn more about Bathsheba Spooner and her notorious status as the first woman to be executed in post-revolutionary America, visit Noones website: http://www.bathshebaspooner.net. Noones book is available at all major book retailers.

By Marilou Newell

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Rochester's Connection to Bathsheba Spooner - Wanderer

Journalist Butchery of School Board Protests Upending Politics in Virginia and Elsewhere – Reason

The media pile-on atop Sen. Ted Cruz (RTexas) for his comments Wednesday characterizing mock Nazi salutes at school board meetings as First Amendmentprotected speech is not, unfortunately, an aberrational event when it comes to news coverage this fall of parents publicly registering their discontent with various contentious K-12 policies.

Not a day goes by without the media comparing raucous school board meetings to the January 6 Capitol Hill riots, attributing the increase in parental outrage to racism and/or manipulation by cynical puppet masters, conducting laughably one-sided fact-checks, using the phrase "Republicans seize" unironically, and taking at face value education-establishment claims that all curricular and organizational changes made in the name of racial equity are merely about being more accurate in the teaching of history.

Sometimes most or even all of these boxes can get checked off in a single article or broadcast segment. Such as on CNN's Anderson Cooper 360 Wednesday night, when, after a minutes-long, head-shaking lecture from Cooper about how "facts are facts," CNN legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin came on to provide this tendentious explanation for why school board politics have become heated enough to animate GOP senators and change the trajectory of next week's Virginia gubernatorial election.

"It's really important to remember why we are talking about school boards at all: because it's about white supremacy, and that's on the rise in the Republican Party," Toobin charged. "The reason school boards are controversial is that some school boards have dared to teach that, you know, civil rights and African American rights have not been so great in this country over the centuries, like when we had slavery and when we had Jim Crow. And that has so outraged the Republican Partytelling the truth about race in Americathat they feel the way to win elections and to win the governorship in Virginia, is to demonize these school boards for daring to tell the truth about race in America. And that's really the core of what's going on here."

The progressive journalist Zaid Jilani, who lives in northern Virginia and teaches part time there, retorted on an episode of The Fifth Column podcast Wednesday that Toobin's vision bore no resemblance to what he's experienced on the ground.

"Those debates actually have been happening for a number of months, before this all became like a national thing," Jilani said. "There were debates about some of the selective high schools, andshould they use testing to get people in, should it be a holistic process. There were debates about curriculum, there were debates about COVID and masking. And I don't think at any point in those debates did any white supremacists show up. I didn't see anyone in a Klan hood."

There is something revealingly incongruous about a news organization that in one breath conducts hair-splitting fact-checks deferring to the government's of view ("In fact, there's no mention of 'parents'at all in the memo, none," Cooper said triumphantly Wednesday, about the controversial October 4 Justice Department directive to have federal agents be on the lookout for antischool board violence), then in the next being content to nod along when a colleague accuses citizen participants in democracy and a major political party of being primarily motivated by white supremacy.

Since this issue is not going away anytime soon, particularly if Republican gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin upsets Virginia power pol Terry McAuliffe in the governor's race next week, it's worth being on the lookout for recurrent media framing devices that distort the depiction of an important set of debates. (K-12 instruction amounts to about 20 percent of all state and local government spending, don't forget.) The point is not to be steered toward my admittedly idiosyncratic school policy preferences, but rather to become via pattern recognition a more discerning consumer of news.

Here are two of the most common ways the media warp school board politics.

1) Exaggerating the incidence of violence.

On October 22, in an article picked up widely and also adapted by the Associated Press, Minnesota Public Radio made this alarming assertion: "Violent school board meetings and threats toward school board members [in Minnesota] over these issues have caused dozens of board leaders to quit their positions." Do note the serial pluralization.

Were there really multiple acts of violence, and multiple threats, causing "dozens" of board members to quit, in a state known for its niceness? The 757-word article did not explicitly list any; there was one hyperlink to a June piece that mentioned "someone had recently threatened on a community Facebook page to rush the podium" at one meeting, but no such bum-rush took place.

I was able to find one violent incident in Minnesota, from late September, when two members of the public who were on opposite sides of a school masking policy debate got into a brief scuffle that was broken up by a police officer.

What seems to be happening much more than citizen-on-official violence, or credible threats thereof, is a recurring reaction of bewilderment on the part of the (often volunteer) school board members in the face of vein-throbbing parental outrage and doubtlessly some pretty bizarro vox-populi rants. Some board members are spooked, some don't consider the emotional conflict worth the hassle, and some, like Mankato, Minnesota, School Board Chair Jodi Sapp, think the way out of the mess is to declare that this "is not a meeting that belongs to the public," and then require any citizen speaker to state his or her name and home address into a microphone:

There have been indeed acts of personal violence and physical intimidation at school board meetings this summer and fall. But how many?

In its notorious but still successful letter of September 29 requesting "immediate" federal law enforcement assistance "to protect our students, school board members, and educators who are susceptible to acts of violence," the National School Board Association (NSBA) mentioned and linked to 20 discrete incidents, using such summative language as "attacks against school board members and educators," and "acts of malice, violence, and threats against public school officials."

How many of the 20 incidents included a physical altercation? The bulk of them (I count 13) were meetings disrupted by shouting or defiance of mask policies. As best as I can reckon, the NSBA letter contained two references to people coming to blows: a guy in Illinois punching the school official who was escorting him out, and the now-infamous (and still-disputed) case in Loudoun County, Virginia, where the father of a girl who had been sexually assaulted in a school bathroom went berserk after hearing the superintendent say that, "To my knowledge, we don't have any record of assaults occurring in our restrooms."

The Loudoun County arrest in particular has stoked local, state, and national outrage, with all the wild-eyed truth bending that comes with it. (The NSBA letter misportrayed the incident as being tied to discussion of "critical race theory andequity issues"; conservatives have since inaccurately blamed the attack on the school's transgender bathroom policies.) And the personalized vitriol directed at Loudoun officials has been particularly vile, worthy of heightened law enforcement attention. Still, a violent reaction from a lone father distraught over his daughter's assault seems a poor fit for a national trend story.

There have been other acts of violence not listed in the NSBA letterthere were reportedly multiple fights in a Missouri parking lot after a September meeting on masking, for example. But the fact that we're still counting on one hand, maybe two, the number of times people at our near testy school board meetings this year have thrown hands, in a country of 14,000 or so school boards, suggests a far more modest contextual presentation of the conflicts than we have seen in the press.

"GOP Demands Justice Department Back Off Threat To Protect School Board Members From Violent Mobs," ran the headline this week at Above the Law. Such lopsided hyperbole, and contempt for swaths of the citizenry, has (along with restrictive blue-state educational COVID-19 policies) driven at least a half-dozen school-opening advocates I follow on Twitter away from a Democratic Party they've spent their lives voting for. And it may yet push voters in Democratic Virginia to vote Republican for governor.

2) Claiming that parental outrage is a contrived, ginned-up "culture war" untethered from real-world concerns.

"Fox News can't get enough of these congressional hearings in which GOP lawmakers bashAG Merrick Garlandover manufactured controversies," wrote CNN Senior Media Reporter Oliver Darcy this week in the Reliable Sources newsletter.

"Fox News helped amplify (if not create) a furor at school board meetings several months ago," wrote Washington Post columnist Philip Bump last week. "Over the summer, this had the (intended) effect of establishing a tea-party-like movement from the base upone that, like the tea party a decade ago, was carefully cultivated and tended.It's an issue that was formed fromthe sheer energy of the culture warmore than anything else."

I do not recall Fox having such pull in San Francisco and New York City. Yet both cosmopolitan capitals have been the site of intense school board politicsnot for months, but for years. Three of the seven board members of the San Francisco Unified School District are facing a recall vote this coming February, with backers of the effort (per Ballotpedia's write-up) "frustrated that schools in the district remained closed for nearly a year in reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic," and also "upset that the board had spent time voting to rename 44 buildings in the district rather than focusing on opening schools."

From 20092020, Ballotpedia counted between 18 and 38 school board recalls per year, targeting between 46 and 91 members. In 2021 those numbers have more than doubled84 recalls aiming at 215 officials. Now close your eyes and think real hard: What other motivations might recallers have besides the enjoyment of responding "How high?" when Fox News yells "Jump!"?

"The combination of extended Covid-related school closures; mask mandates; an increasingly extreme race- and gender-focused curriculum; and the removal of tests, honors classes and merit-based admissions has created a bumper crop of engagedand, in many cases, enragedparents rightfully concerned about what is happening in their children's schools," wrote Manhattan-based school activist and City Council candidate Maud Maron, a "lifelong liberal," over at Bari Weiss' Substack on October 11.

During the 19+ months of the COVID-19 pandemic, and particularly since the fall of 2020, the United States, particularly in its biggest cities, has been a global outlier when it comes to keeping schools closed, masking children, and (soon enough) mandating vaccines for 5-year-olds. These comparatively extreme policies, driven largely by the strength of teachers unions in parts of America's decentralized schooling system, have understandably motivated some parents to get more involved in the decision-making process.

And one of the things that they discover there is that the education establishment, particularly but not only in big cities, has only accelerated recent trends of junking Gifted & Talented programs, removing selective entrance exams, constructing "controlled choice" admission systems, and centering curricula around "anti-racist" themes, all in the name of "equity." These choices are divisive in the most placid of times, which a pandemic is decidedly not.

"We should call this controversy what it isa scare campaign cooked up by G.O.P. operatives" and others to "limit our students' education and understanding of historical and current events," American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten told The New York Times last week.

Well, no. As I have been writing about for two years now, the equity-based policy changes, and the way some education officials have bulldozed the concerns of affected parents, was already beginning to alienate families away from public schooling before the onset of the pandemic. Combined with the aforementioned COVID-19 restrictions, these radical alterations are fueling a K-12 exodus.

Sometimes media outlets cover these topics with nuance and detail. Other times they spend an inordinate amount of time fact-checking the semantic difference between the academic term critical race theory and the co-opting of the term by conservative activists as a negative political branding exercise. (A branding exercise, to be sure, that has led to bad policy results, such as a Texas Republican lawmaker this week compiling a list of 850 books that"might make students feel discomfort, guilt, anguish, or any other form of psychological distress because of their race or sex.")

As I can testify from grisly firsthand experience, there are kooks at just about any public meeting (it takes one to know one), and those who are being motivated by the apocalyptic likes of Tucker Carlson are likely to have a heightened sense of crazy. But it's a category error to characterize most participants at school board gatherings as being driven there by national media. These politics, and relationships, are local.

So when former President Barack Obama sneers that, "We don't have time to be wasted on these phony trumped-up culture wars, this fake outrage, the right-wing media's peddles to juice their ratings," as he did by McAuliffe's side on Saturday, it's an insult to every last one of us who has dragged ass out to the local school meeting because we care about policies affecting our kids.

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Journalist Butchery of School Board Protests Upending Politics in Virginia and Elsewhere - Reason