Archive for the ‘Republicans’ Category

Why Trump and Republicans Failed to Repeal Obamacare – The Atlantic

Obviously, it is the case that there were not enough conversations about replace, Brian Blase, a conservative health-policy expert who was a top domestic-policy adviser in the Trump White House, told me. Dean Rosen, a GOP leadership aide from the early 2000s who went on to become one of Washingtons most influential health-care strategists, said, There was an intellectual simplicity or an intellectual laziness that, for Republicans in health care, passed for policy development. That bit us in the ass when it came to repeal and replace.

One reason for this laziness was a simple lack of interest. For decades, Republicans had seemed interested in health-care policy only when responding to Democratic policies required it. Republicans do taxes and national security, Brendan Buck, a former GOP leadership aide, quipped in an interview. They dont do health care.

That ambivalence extended to the GOPs networks of advisers and advocates. The cadre of Republican intellectuals who worked on health policy would frequently observe that they had very little company, talking about a wonk gap with their more liberal counterparts. There are about 30 times more people on the left that do health policy than on the right, Blase said.

Another problem was a recognition that forging a GOP consensus on replacement would have been difficult because of internal divisions. Some Republicans wanted mainly to downsize the Affordable Care Act, others to undertake a radical transformation in ways they said would create more of an open, competitive market. Still others just wanted to get rid of Obamas law and didnt especially care what, if anything, took its place.

The homework that hadnt been successful was the work to coalesce around a single plan, a single set of specific legislative items that could be supported by most Republicans, Price told me. Clearly, looking at the history of this issue, this has always been difficult for us because there are so many different perspectives on what should be done and what ought to be the role of the federal government in health care.

The incentive structure in conservative politics didnt help, because it rewarded the ability to generate outrage rather than the ability to deliver changes in policy. Power had been shifting more and more to the partys most extreme and incendiary voices, whose great skill was in landing appearances on Hannity, not providing for their constituents. Never was that more apparent than in 2013, when DeMint, Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, and some House conservatives pushed Republicans into shutting down the government in an attempt to defund the Affordable Care Act that even many conservative Republicans understood had no chance of succeeding.

The failure to grapple with the complexities of American health care and the difficult politics of enacting any kind of change didnt really hurt Republicans until they finally got power in 2017 and, for the first time, had to back up their promises of a superior Obamacare alternative with actual policy. Their solution was to minimize public scrutiny, bypassing normal committee hearings so they could hastily write bills in the leadership offices of House Speaker Paul Ryan and, after that, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell.

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Why Trump and Republicans Failed to Repeal Obamacare - The Atlantic

Texas Republicans begin pursuing new voting restrictions – The Texas Tribune

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Today, Republican lawmakers in Texas will begin attempting to cement more bricks into the wall they hope will shield their hold on power from the state's changing electorate.

After more than 20 years in firm control, the GOP is seeing its dominance of Texas politics slowly slip away, with some once reliable suburbs following big cities into the Democratic party's fold.

This legislative session, Republicans are staging a sweeping legislative campaign to further tighten the state's already restrictive voting rules and raise new barriers for some voters, clamping down in particular on local efforts to make voting easier.

If legislation they have introduced passes, future elections in Texas will look something like this: Voters with disabilities will be required to prove they can't make it to the polls before they can get mail-in ballots. County election officials wont be able to keep polling places open late to give voters like shift workers more time to cast their ballots. Partisan poll watchers will be allowed to record voters who receive help filling out their ballots at a polling place. Drive-thru voting would be outlawed. And local election officials may be forbidden from encouraging Texans to fill out applications to vote by mail, even if they meet the states strict eligibility rules.

Those provisions are in a Senate priority bill that will receive its first committee airing Monday. Senate Bill 7 is part of a broader package of proposals to constrain local initiatives widening voter access in urban areas, made up largely by people of color, that favor Democrats.

The wave of new restrictions would crash up against an emerging Texas electorate that every election cycle includes more and more younger voters and voters of color. They risk compounding the hurdles marginalized people already face making themselves heard at the ballot box.

I think Texans should be really frustrated with their politicians, because it is so obvious that theres a lot of work that needs to be done to put itself in a place where its people are safe with all the challenges we could be expecting to be facing in the modern era, and instead theyre figuring out how to stay in power, said Myrna Prez, director of the voting rights and elections program at the Brennan Center for Justice, which is analyzing and tracking proposed voting restrictions across the country.

Their manipulation has got a shelf life, and I think that's part of the reason why theyre so desperate to do it right now because they see the end. They see whats coming down the road for them.

The months since the presidential election have been roiled by unsuccessful Republican attempts to overturn its outcome by pushing disproven claims of widespread voter fraud, and legislative pushback in state Capitols across the country in light of those defeats. Key states like Georgia and Arizona, which voters of color helped flip into Democrats column last year, are at the center of growing Republican efforts to tighten voting rules or rollback access that could suppress those voters.

Republican maneuvering to change voting rules state by state comes as Democrats in Washington D.C., try to pass a national voting rights bill that would upend key elements of Texas election laws. The wide-ranging legislation, which has passed in the U.S. House but faces stiff GOP opposition in the Senate, would require online voter registration systems and the automatic registration of eligible people who interact with certain government agencies. It would open up mail in voting to any registered voter and ban partisan gerrymandering, among other measures.

Texas remains a red state under complete Republican control, even after seeing the highest turnout in decades in 2020. But last years election continued a trend of waning.

Former president Donald Trumps victory by about 5.6 percentage points was smaller than his nine-point margin four years before, making it the state's closest race for the White House since 1996, when GOP nominee Bob Dole won by 5 points. Democrats continued to drive up their margins in large cities and fast-growing, diversifying suburbs. And while they fell significantly short of their self-imposed expectations to take back the Texas House, Democrats held onto most of their 2018 wins in newly-competitive suburban districts.

Even with the state having some of the strictest voting rules in the country on the books, Gov. Greg Abbott earlier this year aligned Texas with the party's national movement, which has been reenergized by the Republican-pushed myth that the presidential election was stolen. He deemed what he called election integrity an emergency item for the 2021 legislative session. Weeks later, he had backing from the national Republican Party, which echoed Abbotts election integrity designation when it announced a committee to push for changes to state election laws.

But the connection between some GOP proposals and the soundness of Texas elections is tenuous. One proposal would shorten the window for requesting a mail-in ballot. Another would limit eligibility to vote by mail based on a disability to voters who are homebound. One bill would prohibit voters from dropping off absentee ballots in person on Election Day. And in a state without online voter registration, another bill would eliminate the volunteer deputy registrars that counties often use to help Texans register on paper.

Several Republicans have filed or signed onto legislation that would impose limits on early voting hours, with a particular nod toward pulling back on Harris Countys extended hours. Last November, the countys 122 early voting sites stayed open three hours past their usual 7 p.m. closing time for three days, and the county hosted a day of 24-hour voting at eight locations.

In the Senate, Houston Republican Paul Bettencourt filed legislation that would set uniform schedules across the state, limiting poll hours during the first week of early voting from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. and from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. during the second week.

Bettencourt defended his bill as a starting point to discuss uniform access across the state. But his proposal would result in cuts to early voting, particularly in urban counties like Harris, Dallas and Travis that have recently hosted voting for 12 hours throughout the early voting period.

Im trying to strike a midrange solution, Bettencourt said. Im not trying to disadvantage anybody or create an advantage for anybody. Im trying to come up with a uniform answer.

Other Republicans have explained their bills as efforts to close off opportunities for voting fraud during extended hours, even though there is no evidence that it has occurred under the state's already strict system.

Momma always said nothing good happens after midnight. That includes at polling places, state Rep. Jared Patterson, R-Frisco, posted to Twitter regarding legislation that appears to be aimed at outlawing Harris Countys 24-hour voting initiative. I filed HB 2293 because of irregularities in Harris County polling hours of operation and the opportunity for voter fraud when no one is looking.

In Harris County, elections administrator Isabel Longoria said uniformity was the point in widening access during the November election. Extended hours especially 24-hour voting were meant to accommodate shift workers for whom regular voting hours dont work, including the doctors, construction workers and port workers that came out at midnight. Those ballots were cast under the same conditions and state rules that exist during daytime hours.

Im hoping theyre all here to stay, Longoria said of the countys new initiatives. What we took up in 2020 was about being creative and helping voters.

By the countys account, they worked. One in every 10 of Harris County's in-person early voters cast their ballots at the countys 10 drive-thru polling places. And Black and Hispanic voters cast more than half the ballots counted at both drive-thru sites and during extended hours, according to an analysis by the Harris County elections office. The county estimates Black and Hispanic voters cast 47.5% of the total ballots in the election.

If you total up everyone who did drive-thru voting, everyone who voted after 7 p.m. and everyone who voted by mail, thats 300,000 voters, Longoria said. Number of voter fraud attempts? Truly unknown. Number of Harris County voters who used these methods? 300,000.

Abbott has raised the suggestion that the integrity of elections in 2020 were questioned by the actions of officials in Harris County the states most populous and a Democratically controlled county when they enacted measures like drive-thru voting for the 2020 election and attempted to send applications for mail-in ballots to every registered voter in the county. The governor laid his criticism of Harris County against broader concerns about fraud in the state, but he could not offer specific instances.

Right now I don't know how many or if any elections in the state of Texas in 2020 were altered because of voter fraud, Abbott said. What I can tell you is this, and that is any voter fraud that takes place sow seeds of distrust in the election process.

Though there are documented cases of fraud in Texas, it remains rare. There have been no reports or evidence that there were widespread issues concerning fraud during the 2020 election, and Keith Ingram the chief of elections at the Texas secretary of states office recently told House lawmakers that Texas had an election that was smooth and secure.

Texas Republicans have for many years used concerns about fraud to push voting restrictions, including some that were later found to harm voters of color. One prominent example is the states voter ID law, which requires voters to show one of a handful of allowable photo identification cards before they can cast their ballots. Republicans passed the law claiming it would help prevent voter fraud, even though there was little evidence for the kind of in-person fraud that law purported to prevent.

A federal judge and the U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals considered to be among the countrys most conservative appellate courts found the law disproportionately burdened voters of color who were less likely to have one of the seven forms of identification the state required. The law was eventually rewritten to match temporary rules a judge put in place for the 2016 election in an effort to ease the states requirements.

From our perspective, the most important single issue facing Texas elections is a crisis of voter suppression that has been getting worse over time and brought about ever-tightening restrictions on the right to vote because of mythical concerns about voter fraud, said James Slattery, a senior staff attorney with the Texas Civil Rights Project.

The Republican push for "integrity" also ushered in a botched scouring for noncitizens on the voter rolls in 2019 that instead jeopardized the registrations of nearly 100,000 voters the bulk of whom were likely naturalized citizens. Now, Republicans are trying to write that effort into law.

To question their citizenship and flag them for review, the state compared registered voters to a Texas Department of Public Safety database of people who provided some form of documentation, such as a green card or a work visa, that showed they were not citizens when they obtained driver's licenses or ID cards. But the database was flawed because in between renewals, Texans arent required to notify DPS about changes in citizenship status. That means many of the people on the list could have become citizens and registered to vote without DPS knowing.

One proposal by Bettencourt would mandate proof of citizenship notices be sent to those voters with a demand to provide documentation to keep their registration.

In recent weeks, Bettencourt and other Texas Republicans have used broader language to categorize their proposals as part of an effort to raise trust and faith in the election process and results even though they are among the most prominent voices casting doubt on the system that put them in office.

Deer Park Republican state Rep. Briscoe Cain who has filed legislation to prohibit counties from sending out mail-in applications unless theyre requested by a voter has said he wants to protect the voices of American citizens who are eligible to vote. In November, Cain volunteered with the Trump campaign in Pennsylvania as it attempted to overturn the outcome of the election. The campaign eventually filed a lawsuit to essentially toss the results of that states election. A federal judge instead threw out the lawsuit.

Texans deserve to have trust and confidence in the process and outcome of our elections, Cain previously said in response to questions about his involvement with the Trump campaign.

During the election season, voters faced a similar blur in messaging. The states Republican leadership reprimanded local officials for attempting to proactively send out applications for mail-in ballots raising claims it would facilitate fraud, even as the state GOP sent unsolicited applications to voters urging them to fill them out.

Lets be clear about this: This is a national rollout. Its a national rollout that started before today and its picked up again with this idea that there's widespread fraud everywhere that doesn't exist, state Rep. Garnet Coleman, D-Houston, said at a House Democratic press conference addressing Republicans proposed legislation.

To Coleman, Republican proposals to narrow access to voting based on purported concerns of fraud amounted to veiled racism over the implication that voters of color who exercised their political weight in greater force during the 2020 election are going to cheat.

As a matter of fact, we had to fight harder for it, said Coleman, who is Black. Of course we want integrity in the voting system but we dont want the voting system to work against the voters. And thats what this legislation and this rhetoric does.

Disclosure: The Texas Secretary of State has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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Texas Republicans begin pursuing new voting restrictions - The Texas Tribune

Lesson of the Day: As Biden Faces Vaccine Hesitancy, Republicans Are a Particular Challenge – The New York Times

Students in U.S. high schools can get free digital access to The New York Times until Sept. 1, 2021.

Featured Article: As Biden Faces Vaccine Hesitancy, Republicans Are a Particular Challenge by Annie Karni and Zolan Kanno-Youngs

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said on March 20 that about 79.4 million people have received at least one dose of a Covid-19 vaccine, and President Biden has directed states to make all adults eligible for a vaccine by May 1. Mass vaccination is seen by the government and health professionals as an essential strategy for ending the pandemic. Still, many Americans are reluctant to get vaccinated.

In this lesson, you will explore some of the reasons people in different communities in the United States are hesitant to receive a vaccine, and you will consider the best strategies for addressing those concerns.

Part I: As the Covid-19 vaccine becomes more available, some people are experiencing fear and worry about the vaccine. Some of these fears are about proven side effects, while others are based on rumors and conspiracies.

What concerns do you have, or do you know of, about the coronavirus vaccines?

Where have you heard or seen these concerns?

How do you decide what medical information to trust? How do you determine what makes a source reliable?

Note: This resource from the University of California San Francisco can help students learn about which online sources of health information are most reliable.

Read the article, then answer the following questions:

1. The article states, A third of Republicans said in a CBS News poll that they would not be vaccinated compared with 10 percent of Democrats and another 20 percent of Republicans said they were unsure. Then the article identifies a variety of worries that contribute to vaccine hesitancy among some Republicans. Do you feel sympathetic to, or understanding of, any of these reasons for being concerned about the vaccine? Why or why not?

2. What are the possible dangers of widespread opposition to vaccination?

3. The article mentions several strategies to sway skeptical conservatives. Which of these do you think would be most effective? Why?

4. What factors social, economic and historical do you believe contribute to fear or opposition to getting vaccinated?

5. According to the article, the White House plans to target young people as one of its problem areas in a vaccine ad campaign. Drawing from your own experience, brainstorm two possible sources of your generations distrust. Then, brainstorm two possible solutions to address it.

Republicans arent the only group of Americans reluctant to get vaccinated. Black people, Native Americans and L.G.B.T.Q. people have been disproportionately hurt by the pandemic, yet some people in those communities have expressed hesitancy toward the vaccines because of a legacy of medical malpractice and discrimination.

To better understand the reasons for this hesitancy, read one or more of the following articles:

Next, using this Venn diagram, compare Republicans vaccine hesitancy to that of the other group you read about. After completing your Venn diagram, reflect on the following questions in your own writing or during class discussion.

Where do the concerns overlap? In what ways are they distinct?

How might an outreach campaign meaningfully connect with, and educate, those in the group you read about?

Note: If youre doing the above activity as a class, small groups can read different articles and then share what they learned.

Imagine you work for the C.D.C., and it is your responsibility to develop an effective and thoughtful campaign to encourage people to get vaccinated. How could you most effectively persuade those who are hesitant about the vaccine?

Plan your campaign and then create a draft poster or storyboard to share with classmates.

Questions to consider: Who is your primary audience? What message or slogan would you deliver? How would you deliver it (through what media)? Who would be the best spokesperson to help with the delivery? What are some of the lessons you have learned by the reading the article or articles above? What other factors or elements should you take into account?

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Find all our Lessons of the Day in this column. Teachers, watch our on-demand webinar to learn how to use this feature in your classroom.

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Lesson of the Day: As Biden Faces Vaccine Hesitancy, Republicans Are a Particular Challenge - The New York Times

They may not admit it, but Republicans know Obamacare is here to stay – Las Vegas Sun

By Doyle McManus

Monday, March 22, 2021 | 2 a.m.

The $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill that Congress passed this month did a lot more than provide pandemic aid: It also included the biggest expansion of Obamacare in the programs history. And heres what was strange about that: Republicans raised hardly any objections.

From the Affordable Care Acts passage in 2010 through President DonaldTrumps failed reelection campaign last year, GOP politicians have vowed to repeal the federally run insurance plan. But the last time Republicans really tried to scrap Obamacare was in 2017, and that attempt failed. Since then, their attacks have been little more than lip service.

In his many recent speeches denouncing President Joe Bidens COVID relief bill, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell mentioned Obamacare only once, and then only to complain that the program was becoming too generous to upper-income families. House Republican leader Kevin McCarthy, once a leader of the anti-Obamacare jihad, didnt mention the program at all.

Theres a historical parallel for this almost-imperceptible process by which a once-controversial program becomes a widely popular, deeply rooted part of what citizens expect the federal government to do: Medicare.

Ronald Reagan, then a budding politician, campaigned furiously against the proposed health insurance program for senior citizens in 1961, warning that it would be a fatal step toward socialism. President Lyndon B. Johnson, a Democrat, ignored Reagans complaints and pushed Medicare through Congress in 1965. Within three years, the program was so popular that the next Republican president, Richard Nixon, never even tried to dismantle it.

PresidentBarack Obamas Affordable Care Act, which launched with a bungled website rollout that made it the butt of jokes, has followed much the same trajectory, only more slowly. After the plan was enacted in 2010, only about 40% of Americans approved of it. But as more people used the plan, and after it became clear in 2017 that Republicans didnt have a viable alternative, its popularity crept upward, reaching 54% approval this year.

Of course, in these polarized times, most of those who now like Obamacare are Democrats, and the holdouts are overwhelmingly Republican including the partisan voters who dominate GOP primaries.

But in a general election, when the electorate includes Democrats and independents, hostility to Obamacare has turned into a millstone for Republicans. Just look at what happened in 2018, when Democrats accused Republicans of plotting to strip protection from people with preexisting conditions: The GOP lost 41 seats and its majority in the House of Representatives.

Republicans are at an impasse, Robert Blendon, a health policy scholar at Harvard, told me. They cant announce to millions of people that they plan to take their insurance away. They can change the program make its benefits more limited, try to control its costs. But theyre not going to repeal it.

The legislation Biden signed should bolster Obamacares popularity further because it fixed what had been one of the programs most complained-about features. The plan provides subsidies for users monthly insurance premiums, depending on their income. But the original, too-low ceiling for the subsidies meant upper-middle-income people a family of three with an income of $87,000, for example faced punishingly high bills.

Biden eliminated the income cap and imposed a ceiling of 8.5% on the share of income that a family would be asked to spend on premiums. That new provision is temporary, which makes it likely Congress will debate it again just before the 2022 midterm election. But will Republicans really want to propose clawing subsides back from middle-income families right before an election?

Now Biden wants to expand the program further not only by making the increased subsidies permanent, but also by adding a government-administered insurance policy (known as a public option) and perhaps by allowing people under 65 to buy into Medicare. Polls suggest that both of those proposals are broadly popular but the public option is likely to draw strong opposition from hospitals and doctors, because they fear it will create downward pressure on their prices.

All those ideas for expanding Obamacare will produce lively debates but the argument will be about how much to spend on the program, not whether to scrap it altogether. And one word has already quietly disappeared from Republican leaders vocabulary: repeal. Obamacare is here to stay and thats a very big deal.

Doyle McManus is a columnist for the Los Angeles Times.

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They may not admit it, but Republicans know Obamacare is here to stay - Las Vegas Sun

Half of Republican men say they don’t want the vaccine – Los Angeles Times

Millions of elderly Americans are still hunting for appointments to get vaccinated against COVID-19. Millions of younger Americans are waiting impatiently for their turn in line.

But theres one group whose members are far more skeptical about the vaccine and in some cases are actively refusing to get jabbed at all.

That group is Republicans, especially GOP men.

In a recent NPR/PBS/Marist survey, fully 49% of Republican men said they do not plan to get vaccinated a higher share of refusers than any other demographic group. Among Democratic men, the number saying no was only 6%.

The finding, which has been confirmed in other polls, has confounded public health professionals.

Weve never seen an epidemic that was polarized politically before, Robert J. Blendon, a health policy scholar at Harvard, told me.

For months, Blendon and his colleagues expected vaccine hesitancy to be a problem mainly among African Americans, whose history has been marked by neglect and abuse by medical authorities. But Black Americans, after some initial hesitance, now say they want the vaccine at the same rate that white people do.

Republicans, on the other hand, have become more resistant especially since a Democrat became president.

They dont trust the federal government and they trust it even less since Joe Biden came to the White House. They dont trust scientists, and they especially dont trust Dr. Anthony Fauci, Bidens chief medical advisor.

Many tell pollsters theyre worried that the vaccine might not be safe. Such fears have been fed by Fox News, whose star polemicist Tucker Carlson has frequently accused authorities of lying about the vaccines safety and effectiveness.

Blendon said he expects many of those Republican skeptics to come around once they see friends and relatives get immunized without ill effects.

We have to find a way to depoliticize this issue, he said. Instead of hearing Joe Biden or Tony Fauci tell them to take the vaccine, they need to hear it from physicians in their own states people who have never worked in Washington.

But some GOP politicians have decided to make resistance part of their political brand. As many as half of the 211 Republicans in the House of Representatives have refused to get vaccinated. So have at least four GOP senators.

A few, like Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, have asserted that they dont need an injection because they contracted COVID-19 the natural way. (Scientists disagree, recommending that COVID survivors like Paul get booster shots.)

In perhaps the least devastating insult of the year so far, Paul dismissed Fauci last week as a government worrywart.

Others, like freshman Rep. Madison Cawthorn of North Carolina, have defended the right not to be immunized as an exercise in individual freedom.

The survival rate [from COVID-19] is too high for me to want it, Cawthorn, who is 25, explained.

But theres a flaw in that argument: The hazards of refusing the vaccine dont confine themselves to the individual refuser. Vaccine resisters are putting the rest of us in danger, too.

Unvaccinated people who contract COVID-19, even if they dont become seriously ill, can pass the virus to family and friends.

And resisters are making it harder to achieve herd immunity, the point at which the virus can no longer find new hosts to infect. Thats when the pandemic will come to an end.

Herd immunity against the coronavirus will require between 70% and 85% of the population to be vaccinated, Fauci estimates. Its a new disease, so nobody knows the precise level, and new variants of the virus could push the number higher.

If a significant number of people do not get vaccinated, that would delay where we would get to that endpoint, Fauci warned recently.

And the longer it takes, the more people will get sick.

Paul, Cawthorn and their colleagues are casting themselves as courageous individualists. In fact, theyre acting as epidemiological moochers. Theyre free riders, relying on the rest of us to protect them by helping the country reach herd immunity.

Their relatives and friends, especially those 65 or older, should give them a wide berth. And their voters should treat them as what they are: dangerous to the health of their communities.

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Half of Republican men say they don't want the vaccine - Los Angeles Times