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RAPID CITY A Friday event intended to rally the South Dakota Republican Party around Donald Trumps visit to the state instead showcased division at the partys highest levels.

The states all-Republican, three-member congressional delegation Sens. John Thune and Mike Rounds, and Rep. Dusty Johnson did not attend the event in the ice arena at The Monument. Their absence was loudly noted several times by a crowd of about 7,000.

Gov. Kristi Noem took what some in the audience appeared to interpret as a veiled jab at the delegation during her speech, after reciting a portion of former President Teddy Roosevelts famous Man in the Arena oration.

Let me be clear. There are many who choose not to be in the arena, Noem said. Many who take the easy path. Who criticize. Who dont show up for our party, our country or our constitutional rights. They dont show up for you when it really matters. They didnt even show up tonight to welcome a former president of the United States to South Dakota.

The remark drew jeers from the audience for the unnamed no-shows.

Earlier in the evening, as the crowd waited for the event to start, boos rained down while videos on a large scoreboard referenced the congressional delegation. One was a replay of Trumps speech at Mount Rushmore in 2020, in which he briefly recognized the delegation; the other was a promotional video about South Dakotas history of Republican leadership that mentioned each member of the delegation.

Their absence was drawn into further relief by the presence of U.S. Sen. Steve Daines, R-Montana, who not only attended but also delivered a speech.

The offices of Thune, Rounds and Johnson told South Dakota Searchlight prior to the event that they had scheduling conflicts. Thune and Rounds have endorsed South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott for the Republican presidential nomination that Trump is seeking. Johnson has said he does not plan to endorse anyone.

Friday night, in a move that has long been a foregone conclusion, Noem formally endorsed Trump.

The event lacked something that had been expected by some observers: an indication from Trump that hes considering Noem as his running mate. He gave no such indication, although it wasnt for lack of a nudge from Noem.

That nudge came as she was reciting things people asked her during the runup to Trumps visit. Another question they ask is, Is President Trump going to pick you? she said, emphasizing pick and pausing for effect. As the most popular and favorite governor? And I said yes.

Trump, who has a vast lead in Republican presidential primary polling, did praise Noem as one of the most successful governors in the nation and said her endorsement means a lot.

Kristi, Im truly honored to receive your endorsement, Trump said. Very much so. I appreciate it.

It was Trumps third visit to South Dakota since Noems first run for governor, and he has been at her side each time first at a Sioux Falls fundraiser during her 2018 campaign, next at a Mount Rushmore fireworks display in 2020 at Noems invitation, and then in Rapid City on Friday night, where Noem introduced the former president.

The state Republican Party organized Fridays event, called the Monumental Leaders Rally, as a fundraiser. Party Chairman and state Sen. John Wiik told South Dakota Searchlight before the event that proceeds from the $25 individual tickets and the VIP packages at a price up to $25,000 to meet with Noem and Trump stayed with the party, minus expenses. Wiik said Trump may also have raised money from the event through separate efforts, but Wiik said he did not have those details.

In the absence of the congressional delegation, other state-level Republicans took the stage as warm-up acts for Noem and Trump. The undercard speakers included Wiik, Public Utilities Commissioner Kristie Fiegen, School and Public Lands Commissioner Brock Greenfield, State Auditor Rich Sattgast, State Treasurer Josh Haeder, Attorney General Marty Jackley and Lt. Gov. Larry Rhoden. All were later recognized verbally by Trump, as was former Trump campaign aide Corey Lewandowski, who has since been associated with Noem and was in attendance Friday.

Noem used her speech to cast South Dakota as a state thriving under her leadership, calling it a city on a hill during a very dark time.

Trumps speech began nearly two hours after the events 5:30 p.m. start, and he spoke for nearly two hours. He hit on his usual themes, including claims that the last election was rigged, that hell make elections more secure, that he alone can prevent World War III, that hell rid the nations schools of critical race theory, that hell ban transgender women and girls from participating in womens and girls sports, that Joe Biden is the worst president in history and that Trumps own administration accomplished more than any other.

In a piece of rhetoric aimed at South Dakotas agricultural industry, Trump boasted that farmers picked up big, fat, beautiful checks during his administration, thanks to his efforts to secure government payments to farmers during the pandemic. Trump said farmers got so much help from him that hes all but assured of winning farm country in the 2024 election.

Trump supporters took to the streets as many as nine hours before the event. Charles Hibbs, of White River, waved a giant Trump flag on a street corner near the arena at 10 a.m. Another Trump supporter stood nearby in a T-shirt that read, Fake media is the virus. Trump picked up on the fake media theme during his speech, going on an extended riff about the media and accusing it of not sufficiently showing or describing the size of the crowd.

Most tickets were general admission, which meant earlier arrivals got better seats. By early afternoon, lines stretched hundreds of feet back from the arena. Trump supporters, decked out in red, white and blue and all manner of Trump-themed apparel, stood for hours under a hot sun in mid-80s temperatures.

In the neighboring park, a small cluster of Native Americans sat in the shade and marveled at the lines. Floyd Bullman, a member of the Oglala Lakota Sioux Tribe, criticized Trumps apparent lack of planning for the attendees well-being.

If hes a billionaire, he couldve at least put out some porta-potties, Bullman said.

The local group Liberty and Justice for All obtained a protest permit from the city, but several hours before the event, only three protesters stood under a pop-up shade near the arena. Many Trump supporters passed by without comment, but some hurled insults. You guys are sad, one passerby said, quickly followed by another who added, You guys are a joke.

Toni Diamond, a protester and secretary of the state Democratic Party, wanted to provide a visible alternative presence.

We just want people to know there are people here in South Dakota that arent for Trump, that have an opposing opinion, Diamond said.

Fellow protester Mark Thalacker said he doesnt understand Trump supporters.

Ive seen all the negative things that hes done, how much he lies. It just blows me away, Thalacker said. And for people to still believe the lies that he tells, well, it just amazes me. So were trying to make some cracks in that wall.

Tim and Roxy Dix would rather keep that wall plugged. The rural Rapid Citians are staunch Trump supporters.

Hes got great ideas and hes not a politician. Hes a businessman, Roxy said.

Would they consider supporting another Republican for president who hasnt lost the popular vote twice, been impeached twice, and been indicted four times?

Not a chance.

Its all b, Tim said. Hes an actual winner, and they all know he won the last election.

This article first appeared in theSouth Dakota Searchlight,a sistersite of the Nebraska Examiner in the States Newsroom network.

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Trump rally highlights Republican division with booing of absent ... - Nebraska Examiner

Former GOP Rep. John Katko (N.Y.) said that the polls showing a hypothetical match-up between President Biden and former President Trump should “send off alarm bells” to the Republican Party.

Katko said on ABC’s “This Week” that despite “how bad” Biden’s numbers are, Trump is still not beating him.

“Trump is not beating him. Trump’s even with him,” he said on the panel. “And so that should send off alarm bells in my opinion in the Republican Party. And if you look at it, you have a group of people that they put Biden against, and the only one that’s got a significant lead would be Nikki Haley.”

“And that just tells you something. Nikki Haley’s almost three decades younger than Biden. And that’s something that you want to think about. And I think the American people are looking at that,” he added.

A CNN poll released last week found that Haley is the only GOP contender who has an edge over Biden. Haley led Biden with 49 percent support to his 43 percent, while every other major Republican candidate remains neck and neck with him.

Katko’s comments come as Democratic voters also raise concerns about Biden’s age. The CNN poll found that more than half of Democrats are worried about the age of Biden, who is 80.

Katko noted that even though Biden’s accomplishments are “well known,” it’s not reflected in the poll numbers.

“So those numbers, if you look at the polling over the last several months, are getting worse,” Katko said. “They’re not getting better. So despite all his so-called achievements, he’s in real trouble. And again, you go back to how is it the Republican Party doesn’t look at this poll and realize there’s a real opportunity if it’s not Trump? And that’s something I think they’ve got to wrestle with over the next few months.”

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Former House Republican says Biden, Trump polls should send off alarm bells to GOP - The Hill

In no setting is bachelorhood more of a liability than the presidential campaign trail. Only two men, Grover Cleveland and James Buchanan, have ever clinched the White House without a wedding band. And given the concerns already swirling around 57-year-old Tim Scotts singlehood, the South Carolina senator is going to have a tough time becoming the third.

Much of these concerns, according to the Republican presidential hopeful, are being clandestinely fueled by his primary rivals. People plant stories that have conversations to distract from our rise in the polls, to distract from [the] size of our audience, Scott said during a visit to New Hampshire Thursday when confronted with a recent Axios report on GOP donors feeling skittish about his marital status. What weve seen is that poll after poll says that the voters dont care, but it seems like opponents do care, and so media coverage that opponents plantits okay. Good news is we just keep fighting the good fight.

While Scott did not specify which of his opponents he deems responsible for advancing the narrative, he may have been referring to a piece penned this week by Boston Globe columnist Rene Graham, titled, Tim Scott Has a Woman Problem. The column argued that Scotts bachelorhood is particularly damaging for a prospective Republican president, given the resilient homophobia on the right. Bachelor status is code for sexual identity, wrote Graham. And Republicans not keen on a candidate facing four criminal trials might be even more unlikely to support someone they might believe could be a closeted gay man.

Fellow South Carolina senator Lindsey Graham faced a similar predicament when he ran for president in 2016. A lifelong bachelor, Graham, 61 at the time of the 2016 election, was hounded by questions about his romantic life, and at least two late-night hosts made subtle jokes about his sexuality.

As for Scotts romantic life, he has been reluctant to reveal many details at all. But when he first launched his campaign in May, he did confess to actively dating. Theres always time for a great relationship with a wonderful woman, and I thank God that that is happening, he told NBC News.

A two-term senator, Scott has also tried to reframe the liability as a selling point for voters, telling Axios that, if elected, he would likely have more time, more energy, and more latitude to do the job than a married man. In the same interview, he suggested that more and more Americans can relate to a midlife bachelor. The fact that half of Americas adult population is single for the first time, he said, to suggest that somehow being married or not married is going to be the determining factor on whether or not youre a good president or notit sounds like were living in 1963, not 2023. (The actual number of single adults in the US is closer to 30%, according to Pew Research.)

Fair or not, Scott parried questions about his romantic life by proudly declaring himself a 30-year-old virgin early in his political career. He also advocated for sexual abstinence until marriage, a position he held as recently as 2012. At the end of the day, the Bible is very clear: abstinence until marriage. Not to do so is a sin, he told National Journal at the time; although in the same interview, he hinted that he may have failed to remain chaste. When the then 46-year-old was asked if he was still adhering to the same virtues that he had at 30, he said, Yeah, not as well as I did back then. Youre better off to wait. I just wish we all had more patience.

The topic came up again shortly after Scott announced his 2024 presidential bid, when Washington Post journalist Ben Terriswho wrote the National Journal pieceasked the candidate whether he was still a virgin. Im not talking about my sex life with Ben Terris, Scott demurred, before using a timeless excuse to escape any awkward question. I have to go potty.

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Tim Scott Claims That Republican Hopefuls Are Feasting on His ... - Vanity Fair

The semi-loyalty of leading conservative politicians fatally weakened the immune system of French democracy. The Nazis, of course, finished it off.

A half-century later, Spanish politicians responded very differently to a violent assault on Parliament. After four decades of dictatorship, Spains democracy was restored in the late 1970s, but its early years were marked by economic crisis and separatist terrorism. And on Feb. 23, 1981, as the Parliament was electing a new prime minister, 200 civil guardsmen entered the building and seized control at gunpoint, holding the 350 members of Parliament hostage. The coup leaders hoped to install a conservative general a kind of Spanish Charles de Gaulle as prime minister.

The coup attempt failed, thanks to the quick and decisive intervention of the king, Juan Carlos I. Nearly as important, though, was the reaction of Spanish politicians. Leaders across the ideological spectrum from communists to conservatives who had long embraced the Franco dictatorship forcefully denounced the coup. Four days later, more than a million people marched in the streets of Madrid to defend democracy. At the head of the rally, Communist, Socialist, centrist and conservative franquista politicians marched side by side, setting aside their partisan rivalries to jointly defend democracy. The coup leaders were arrested, tried and sentenced to long prison terms. Coups became virtually unthinkable in Spain, and democracy took root.

That is how democracy is defended. Loyal democrats join forces to condemn attacks on democracy, isolate those responsible for such attacks and hold them accountable.

Unfortunately, todays Republican Party more closely resembles the French right of the 1930s than the Spanish right of the early 1980s. Since the 2020 election, Republican leaders have enabled authoritarianism at four decisive moments. First, rather than adhere to the cardinal rule of accepting election results after Joe Biden won that November, many Republican leaders questioned the results or remained silent, refusing to publicly recognize Mr. Bidens victory. Vice President Mike Pence did not congratulate his successor, Kamala Harris, until the middle of January 2021. The Republican Accountability Project, a Republican pro-democracy watchdog group, evaluated the public statements of 261 Republican members of the 117th Congress after the election. They found that 221 of them had publicly expressed doubt about its legitimacy or did not publicly recognize that Mr. Biden won. Thats 85 percent. And in the aftermath of the Jan. 6 riot, nearly two-thirds of House Republicans voted against certification of the results. Had Republican leaders not encouraged election denialism, the stop the steal movement might have stalled, and thousands of Trump supporters might not have violently stormed the Capitol in an effort to overturn the election.

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Opinion | Trump Is Nothing Without Republican Accomplices - The New York Times

The phrase “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” often mistakenly attributed to Thomas Jefferson, has been used by countless Americans since 1800. Calls to protect the principles of the Declaration of Independence and Constitution remain urgently relevant in 2023, when extremists have taken control of the Republican Party — via attempts to overthrow the results of a free and fair election, suppress the votes of qualified American citizens, incite violence against political opponents and spread conspiracy theories and lies.

More than a few Republican politicians, judges and voters, however, continue to oppose departures from democratic values. Along with the Republicans who denounced claims of election fraud and the Jan. 6 assault on the Capitol, they deserve a shout-out.

In May, the Republican-controlled Georgia legislature created a Prosecuting Attorneys Statewide Qualifications Commission (PASQC). The bill authorized a five-member panel to remove district attorneys who committed misconduct, failed to carry out their duties, or were convicted of a crime involving moral turpitude. When he signed the legislation, Gov. Brian Kemp predicted it would hold prosecutors accountable for giving “dangerous criminals a get-out-of-jail free card.”

In testimony before Georgia’s Senate Judiciary Committee, Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis maintained that “it is dangerous to undo the voters, because you don’t like someone, and you don’t like their policies.” Willis emphasized that prosecutors always consider resources and community standards, among other factors, before deciding to indict. Adultery, she pointed out, remained illegal in Georgia, but adulterers were virtually never prosecuted.

Willis also confronted the elephant in the room. “I take my oath seriously,” Willis emphasized. “I look at each and every case.”

“Well, that’s not what we’re reading in the papers that you’re prosecuting,” State Sen. Bill Cowsert exclaimed.

State Sen. Clint Dixon subsequently acknowledged that the pending indictment of former President Trump was “one of the reasons” Republicans established the PASQC. State Sen. Colton Moore called on the governor to call a special session of the legislature to defund Willis’s office and impeach her.

Noting that he had rejected a special session to overturn the results of the 2020 election “because such an action would have been unconstitutional,” Kemp then asserted, “I have not seen any evidence that DA Willis’ actions or lack thereof warrant action by the prosecuting attorney oversight commission. As long as I’m governor, we are going to follow the law and the Constitution — regardless of who it helps politically.”

“Over the years,” Kemp added, “some inside and outside this building may have forgotten that. But I assure you I have not.”

A special session is not going to happen. But when the PASQC opens for business on Oct. 1, the commissioners may or may not heed Kemp’s admonitions.

In GOP-controlled Ohio, the legislature’s ban on virtually all special elections held in August took effect in April 2023. On May 10, however, Republican lawmakers scheduled a vote in August raising the threshold to amend the state constitution from a simple majority to 60 percent, and requiring petitions of support from at least 5 percent of voters in all 88 counties, instead of 44 of them. The referendum, Secretary of State Frank LaRosa initially claimed, was designed to diminish the influence of out-of-state special interests. The real reason, LaRosa subsequently acknowledged, was “100 percent about” defeating what he deemed a “radical pro-abortion” constitutional amendment in November.

In August, citizens of Ohio, which supported Donald Trump by an 8 percent margin in 2020, turned out in huge numbers to defeat the measure, 57-43. “No” votes came from Republican strongholds as well as from Democrats and Independents.

An attempt to subvert the will of the majority was thwarted. At least for now.

In January 2022, three federal district court judges, two of whom were appointed by President Trump, threw out congressional redistricting maps drawn by Alabama’s Republican-controlled legislature. The plan, they declared, violated the Voting Rights Act by giving Blacks less opportunity than other Alabamians to elect candidates of their choice.

After postponing a decision until after the 2022 election was held, the Supreme Court agreed that Blacks, who comprise about 27 percent of the state’s population, should have more than one congressional district in which they constitute a majority. Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined the court’s three liberals in a 5-4 vote.

When the Alabama lawmakers submitted a “new” plan, Judge Terry Moore, one of the Trump appointees, wondered if they had “deliberately disregarded” the court’s instructions. On September 5, the three district court judges declared they were “deeply troubled” that the legislature “did not even nurture the ambition to provide the required remedy” and threw out the map.

The case, which may well return to the Supreme Court, is likely to set a precedent imperiling the GOP’s slim majority in the House of Representatives. As one Republican National Committee member put it, Louisiana is “next in line” and likely to be hit “right between the eyes.”

Racial gerrymandering has been declared unconstitutional. At least for now.

And in August, the Maricopa County, Arizona GOP proposed opting out of the state’s 2024 government-run presidential primary, and paying for, staffing and conducting a one-day contest, limited to paper ballots, counted by hand, “in solidarity with President Donald J. Trump, who was persecuted, arrested and indicted for taking the same position.”

The chair of the state’s Republican Party rejected the proposal as too expensive, too difficult to administer and likely to disenfranchise some of the 1.4 million eligible voters.

As he left the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was asked what kind of government the delegates had created. Franklin replied, “A republic, if you can keep it.” These days, keeping it requires, at least as much as it did in 1787, eternal vigilance; civic and civil engagement from Democrats, Independents, and Republicans; and a respect for democratic ideas, ideals and institutions that, alas, seems to be in short supply.

Glenn C. Altschuler is the Thomas and Dorothy Litwin Professor of American Studies at Cornell University. He is the co-author (with Stuart Blumin) of “Rude Republic: Americans and Their Politics in the Nineteenth Century.”

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In praise of Republican guardians of liberty - The Hill