Archive for the ‘Progressives’ Category

A Progressive Case for the Inflation Reduction Act – Data For Progress

By Rep. Pramila Jayapal (WA-07)

After more than a year of negotiations, Senate Democrats finally passed a historic reconciliation bill. The Inflation Reduction Act lowers health care costs, begins to ensure that corporations pay their fair share, and makes the largest-ever federal investment to tackle the existential threat of climate change. While were heartbroken to see the care economy, housing, and immigration left on the cutting room floor, we should be very clear that the Inflation Reduction Act takes real steps forward on key progressive priorities. Progressives in Congress and movements across the country should feel very proud of our part in getting to this point: had progressives not held the line a year ago, insisting on real negotiations and an actual Build Back Better bill passing the House, we would not be where we are. Major pieces of that bill are now in the Inflation Reduction Act about to become law. Its an achievement we can all feel excited about especially when we dig into the details.

The bill will put the United States on track to cut carbon pollution by 40 percent by 2030 through rapidly accelerating the adoption of renewable energy technologies such as electric vehicles, heat pumps, and solar panels, saving the average family $1,025 a year in energy costs and creating 9 million good jobs. It includes roughly $60 billion for environmental justice going to frontline communities. The bill allows nonprofit and public utilities, for the first time, to receive direct payments from the federal government to rapidly adopt renewable energy production, and invests billions so utilities and rural co-ops can retire coal-fired power plants, improving air quality for frontline communities and saving lives.

Progressives have been clear: we dont support the provisions that expand fossil fuel leasing but critically, independent analyses show that their limited impact will be far outweighed by the bills carbon emissions cuts. Under a worst-case scenario, the Inflation Reduction Act will remove 24 tons of pollution for every ton produced by new oil and gas leases.

When we pass the Inflation Reduction Act Friday, 13 million people will immediately see their affordable health insurance coverage extended. The bill will cap seniors yearly drug costs at $2,000 per year, and insulin at $35 per month for those on Medicare. For the first time ever, Medicare can begin negotiating prices for a small group of drugs that expands over time. After years of fighting for legislation to take on Big Pharma, Democrats are standing up to one of the nations richest and most powerful lobbying forces.

In a win for progressive economic policy, the investments in this bill are paid for by finally beginning to make the wealthy pay their fair share. The bill imposes a 15 percent minimum tax on corporations, taxes corporations that inflate their share values through stock buybacks, and invests in the IRS to go after large corporations and wealthy individuals (those who make over $400,000 per year) who evade taxes. As President Biden promised, the bill wont raise taxes on any family making less than $400,000 per year.

This isnt just good policy the Inflation Reduction Act has overwhelming public support. Polling from Data for Progress finds that 73% of Americans support the bill, including majorities of Democrats, Independents, and Republicans. The majority of Democrats and Independents support the climate provisions of this bill and for many of the clean energy components, so do the majority of Republicans. The majority of all Americans are more likely to support the bill when they hear about its carbon-pollution-cutting power.

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A Progressive Case for the Inflation Reduction Act - Data For Progress

Where’s the progressive plan to fix government? – The Hill

More than 100 election deniers have won Republican primaries across the country this year. Its a woeful reminder that former President Trumps seditious assault on U.S. democracy didnt end with his followers failed coup attempt on Jan. 6, 2021.

This ominous trend makes the midterm elections much more than a referendum on President Bidens job performance. But Republican extremism isnt the only threat to our democracy.

A more subtle but corrosive danger is nosediving public confidence in the federal governments ability to function effectively. According to the Pew Research Center, only 19 percent of Americans say they trust Washington to do the right thing most of the time. Thats near the historic low point in public confidence since Pew started measuring it in 1958.

At the same time, solid majorities of Americans believe government should play a major role in tackling national problems. Their qualms about government are practical, not ideological; centering more on its performance than its size.

Paul Light of the Brookings Institution, a leading expert on public attitudes toward government, reports that demand for very major reform of government is at a 20-year high, rising from just 37 percent in 1997 to 60 percent today.

Light sorts voters into four groups with distinct perspectives on government. The largest (44 percent) is dismantlers, who favor smaller government and big changes in how it operates. Rebuilders (24 percent) want bigger government but share the dismantlers desire for major government reform.

Expanders (24 percent) are most enthusiastic about bigger government and less interested in reform. Streamliners (10 percent), want smaller government and only some reform.

These numbers indicate that a modest majority of U.S. voters now lean toward smaller government, while a more substantial majority favors big reforms of government.

They help to explain why the progressive lefts dreams of bold, transformative government action keep smashing on the political rocks. Progressives are full of ideas for expanding government but have no plan for fixing government.

That leaves them unable to allay public doubts that Washington has the capacity to efficiently manage federal agencies, much less run a health care sector that absorbs 20 percent of GDP; rebuild the U.S. economy to the specifications of the Green New Deal; bring back traditional manufacturing jobs; and massively redistribute wealth to abolish inequality and poverty.

Even last years Build Back Better debacle has done little to dent the lefts unbounded faith in the federal governments redemptive powers. Recently there have been calls to nationalize oil companies, even as gas prices come down, and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) is pushing a bill to empower the IRS which cant even answer citizens calls to do everyones taxes for them.

Trust in the federal government is unlikely to rebound without significant reform, says Light. Republicans are making the problem worse by stoking deep state paranoia. Because Democrats of all stripes believe in in active government, it falls to them to offer leery voters credible ideas for making it work better.

That begins with honest acknowledgement of underperforming public sector systems and bureaucratic dysfunction.

Public schools are a good example. Many parents are deeply frustrated with central school district bureaucracies and teachers unions, which kept schools closed for too long during the pandemic, failed to communicate clearly with families and have yet to figure out how to offset students steep learning losses.

The moment is ripe to press for a sweeping reinvention of our legacy K-12 system aimed at making schools more nimble, autonomous and accountable to parents. But Democrats mostly line up with districts and unions in defending the status quo.

What Light calls the steady thickening of government has made the federal government less agile and responsive to citizens. A striking example is the growth of presidential appointees, from 2385 in President Clintons second term to 5,000 in the Biden administration. Adding layers of leaders with portentous titles (like associate principle deputy assistant secretary) further paralyzes government by fragmenting decisionmaking authority.

The Progressive Policy Institute has documented the related problem of regulatory accumulation the constant layering of new rules upon old. Since Washington lacks politically viable ways to get rid of obsolete, duplicative or conflicting regulations, citizens and businesses are left to hack through an ever-growing thicket of rules.

President Bidens greatest domestic accomplishment to date is passing the landmark $1.3 trillion infrastructure bill. Yet it takes way too long to build things in the United States. As Philip Howard of Common Good has documented, endless regulatory reviews, public hearings and court appeals mean long and costly delays in building new roads, ports, railways and wastewater systems.

Environmental reviews of new projects can grind on for more than a decade. Germany and Canada put time limits (usually two years) on such reviews to force bureaucratic action. Both do at least as good a job protecting the environment as we do. Why cant our federal and state governments impose similar deadlines?

The Biden administration seems to be edging in this direction, but the last Democratic president to take government reform seriously was Bill Clinton. The Clinton-Gore reinventing government initiative (Rego) actually shrunk the federal bureaucracy, trimmed layers of managers and obsolete rules, and used financial incentives to challenge big federal agencies to boost their productivity.

More fundamentally, Clinton proposed radical changes aimed at making big public sector systems work. He balanced the federal budget, replaced a dependency-fostering welfare system with one that rewarded work and championed public-school choice to give low-income and minority families alternatives to failing urban schools.

Public confidence in government stopped falling and actually rose sharply toward the end of Clintons term.

What Democrats need today is a Rego redux a comprehensive blueprint for arresting the erosion in state capacity. It should harness the power of IT to modernize major public sector systems, making them nimbler, less rulebound and more performance-based.

Its also time for a serious push to decentralize decisions and resources to local government leaders, who enjoy the highest levels of public trust. Above all, we need to free public servants from the process-oriented constraints that keep them from exercising their authority and making common-sense decisions.

So, Democrats need a two-pronged strategy to defend U.S. democracy. First, stop Trump and his minions from sabotaging U.S. elections; second, start reviving Americans confidence in their governments ability to help them solve their problems.

Will Marshallis president and founder of the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI).

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Where's the progressive plan to fix government? - The Hill

Opinion: Pierre Poilievre does not need Stephen Harper’s help to mobilize progressives against him – The Globe and Mail

The paradox of the current Conservative Party of Canada leadership race is that the front-runner in the contest to replace Erin OToole is seeking to move the party in the opposite direction of where most available voters seem to be heading.

As Prime Minister Justin Trudeau scales new heights of unpopularity, with more than half of Canadians now holding a negative opinion of the Liberal leader, Conservatives have a rare opening before them to capture the centre. With the ranks of disaffected Liberals swelling by the day, countless Canadians are scanning the horizon for a credible alternative to the Grits.

As it happens, it would be hard to find a Conservative leadership candidate better equipped to seize on that opportunity than Jean Charest. A recent Angus Reid Institute poll showed that the former federal Progressive-Conservative leader and ex-Liberal premier of Quebec could attract a sizable share of voters who cast a ballot for the federal Liberals in the 2021 election. He could even sway some New Democrats to switch their vote to the CPC. That is some feat.

Mr. Charests rival for the Tory leadership, Pierre Poilievre, could scoop up some Peoples Party of Canada supporters, but would make little or no headway among centrist voters.

Unfortunately for Mr. Charest, the Conservative base appears to consider his crossover appeal a strike against him. The base is more interested in applying purity tests than debating complex solutions to 21st-century problems. It is little wonder that Mr. Poilievre has struck a chord.

After skipping last weeks Tory leadership debate, Mr. Poilievre quipped that he had better things to do than find himself cooped up in a little hotel room around a small table listening to a defeated Liberal premier drone on about his latest carbon tax idea. His comment undoubtedly regaled his own supporters. But to almost anyone else, it smacked of contempt.

It was also reminiscent in tone of the kinds of things former Conservative leader Stephen Harper once said before he became prime minister. Remember when he signed a letter that talked about the imperative of building firewalls around Alberta? Or when he accused Atlantic Canada of harbouring a culture of defeatism because of the regions dependence on federal transfer payments?

Mr. Poilievre is also very good at stoking resentment among voters who feel estranged from the political process. So it is no surprise that Mr. Harper considers Mr. Poilievre his most worthy imitator. His July 25 endorsement of the Alberta-bred, Ottawa-area MP was surprising only to the extent that he felt a need to express publicly what most Conservative insiders already knew.

It is hard to believe, as some have suggested, that Mr. Harper broke his silence because he feared Mr. Poilievre was in any danger of losing the leadership race. A more plausible explanation for his endorsement lies in his antipathy toward Mr. Charest, with whom he clashed on plenty of occasions when he was prime minister and Mr. Charest Quebecs premier.

The two men are very different kinds of politicians. Mr. Charest is a consummate networker, much like his political mentor, Brian Mulroney. His circle is wide and inclusive. Mr. Harper always eschewed that Mulroney-style chumminess, refusing to go along to get along. While he has had legitimate differences of opinion with Mr. Charest notably over the latters (mis)use of a sudden federal equalization windfall to cut provincial income taxes in 2007 the long-standing grudge match between them ultimately comes down to their bad chemistry.

If Charest ever ran to be dogcatcher in Rivire-au-Tonnerre, Harper would drive all the way there in the dead of a pandemic winter on a Ski-Doo, if he had to to poleaxe his chances, Mr. Harpers former director of communications, Andrew MacDougall, wrote after his former bosss endorsement of Mr. Poilievre.

The question now facing the Tory leadership front-runner is whether winning Mr. Harpers seal of approval does him more harm than good in the longer run. According to a Nanos research poll, more than a third of Canadians said they had a more negative impression of Mr. Poilievre after Mr. Harpers endorsement. Only 14 per cent said they had a more positive impression.

Liberals could portray Mr. Poilievre as Mr. Harpers candidate to rally progressive voters behind them. By the time of the next election, however, Mr. Harper will have been out of power for a decade. It is doubtful such a strategy would be very effective.

Besides, Mr. Poilievre appears quite capable of mobilizing progressive voters against him all by himself. The student surpasses the master, once again.

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Opinion: Pierre Poilievre does not need Stephen Harper's help to mobilize progressives against him - The Globe and Mail

Q&A: Ro Khanna is the progressive who wants to transport Democrats to the future – The Hill

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) was feeling good.

The progressive congressman saw President Bidens signing of the CHIPS and Science Act Tuesday as just one of several legislative victories in the Democrats arsenal heading into the midterm elections.

Some of those accomplishments, he believes, can help bring about a new vision for the party, where innovation and patriotism merge to remake a stronger, more economically inclusive America.

Khanna chatted with The Hill while catching a JetBlue flight to New Hampshire his second trip to the critical early primary state this summer to discuss recent achievements on climate, his friend Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and electoral strategy beyond November 2022.

This interview has been condensed for length.

The Hill: Big day for you.

Khanna:Yeah, it was! Ive been working on this legislation [the CHIPS and Science Act]for almost three-and-a-half years. Its been a long journey, but its great to see the president sign it.

My whole mantra has been a new economic patriotism. That we have to focus on bringing the new factories, the new industry to places that have been totally deindustrialized. That deindustrialization and job loss in factory towns like New Castle, Ind., and Janesville, Wis., is part of the cause of the polarization in our nation.

The Hill: What would you say is the most critical message that voters can glean from this?

Khanna:We need to make things in America again. For 40 years, we had wrong policies that shipped our production offshore, factory towns suffered with divorce, with suicides, with the destruction of community because of corporate greed that basically let factories go offshore. Our politicians did nothing about it. And now its time to make things in America.

The Hill: Talk about the bipartisan nature of that.

Khanna: The initial versions of this we introduced were [with]Todd Young, a Republican senator from Indiana, and [Rep.] Mike Gallagher [R], whos a Marine from Wisconsin. It was all about building things and making things in this country.

The Hill: How much credit do progressives get for this particular achievement?

Khanna:On the CHIPS bill, the progressive caucus really helped to make sure the money isnt going to stock buybacks and theres strong guardrails on this. The reality is that making things in America and having the government work with the private sector in business is an FDR policy. Thats how we had a victory of production. I think progressives often dont appreciate how much FDRs victory of production and mobilization of production was working with business leaders.

Progressives should embrace the broader vision of working with business to reindustrialize America. To have new factories, to build new things. It should be not just a check on corporate greed, but what is the affirmative vision?

The CHIPS and the [separate] climate bill is just a down payment on having a vision for a new economic patriotism. Imagine if we could open up a new plant, a new factory in every congressional district in this country? Or at least two per state. And have President Biden out there, opening these new factories, standing with business leaders and union leaders in these towns. It would change the psychology of America. Communities that feel down and out will feel that they and their kids can participate in the next generation of economic vitality again. Its not just about the job and the economy, its about patriotism and aspiration.

The Hill: [On working with Manchin on climate issues]: Would you say thats an area where you can see room for additional progress? Progressives having more of a give and take?

Khanna:Progressives can be very proud of the climate provisions because its groups like Sunrise and [Sen.] Bernies [Sanders (I-Vt.)] campaign and NRDC [Natural Resources Defense Council]and Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace that made climate the priority, that had it be such a big part of Build Back Better. That had me say to Sen. Manchin, this is the one thing you cant compromise on. If it wasnt for their activism and it was ordinary times, we might be 10-fold lower.

The Hill: How much of a boost do you see Biden gaining from this? Can that be sustained through November?

Khanna:He should get a boost. Lets see how it plays out. I think the important thing is we need to be in the communities across the country talking about the benefits people will get.

One of the challenges of a policy of tax credit versus the policy of CHIPS, [is] the policy of CHIPS is a little more visible. You have the government stand with the CEO of Intel in Columbus, Ohio, and open up this new factory and talk about 7,000 jobs. And so the government gets credit and is part of that message. Thats why the New Deal was so successful FDR took credit for everything that happened.

The challenge with the tax credit is its over 10 years, and how do we make that visible? How do we say that a company thats succeeding, that it was because of the governments support? Its a bigger challenge for us as legislators to be in those communities and explain what the government is doing and how its going to help their lives.

The Hill: [On the FBI raid of former President Trumps Mar-a-Lago estate]. Could [it] end up hurting Democrats in November?

Khanna:I think it depends on what comes out of it. What is the follow-up action that emerges?

The Hill: The very fact that there was a raid, you dont think is necessarily enough to handicap Democrats?

Khanna:It depends on what they find and what actions the Justice Department takes. Theres no way to gauge this.

The Hill: Are you saying on the record that you want Biden to run in 2024?

Khanna:I will support him.

The Hill: In terms of your preference for him running?

Khanna:Thats his decision. Hes the incumbent president. If he runs, hell have my support. Hes got the wisdom to make the decision. I dont think hed run if he didnt think he could win.

The Hill: Are you still going to New Hampshire tonight?

Khanna:I am. The Young Democrats invited me. Im just boarding JetBlue as we speak.

The Hill: Obviously, your trip will get some attention among the local press and national for its first-in-the-nation stuff. Im curious what you would say to the oncoming speculation youre probably about to get in the next 24 hours.

Khanna:[New Hampshire Democratic Party Chairman] Ray Buckley invited me and I said sure. I went up there on a book talk and this came out of it. I would just say that Im going up because the Young Democrats invited me.

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Q&A: Ro Khanna is the progressive who wants to transport Democrats to the future - The Hill

Biaggi wants to defeat the DCCC boss in New York. Her ex-staff has a story to tell. – POLITICO

Biaggis reply was typical of an operating style in which every communication was expected to take immediate priority, according to Evans, who left the office in February 2021 after two years when, she said, her doctor told her the stress was damaging her physical health. She and a half dozen other former staffers who spoke to POLITICO described Biaggi as a boss with few boundaries and all-hours demands that resulted in rapid turnover through her office and campaign team.

That management style is drawing sharper scrutiny as Biaggi one of the highest profile progressives in New York politics runs in a competitive Hudson Valley House primary Aug. 23 against a leading establishment Democrat: Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney, the head of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

The race, one of the most closely watched primaries in the nation, has fueled attacks by Biaggi and leading progressives that Maloney funded conservative Republicans nationwide in primaries as a DCCC political strategy and criticism by Maloney that Biaggi is out of touch with the swing district that he represented a portion of for five terms.

Maloney, too, is fielding complaints about his treatment of staff. Last month, a former congressional aide who Maloneys campaign paid to move from Miami to New York in 2014 when he was hired as an executive assistant told the New York Post that his role became that of a body man for Maloney during the more than four years he worked for the congressman.

The race will test whether progressives like Biaggi, who has been endorsed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, can knock off an establishment Democratic incumbent in 2022 and perhaps join The Squad, the AOC-backed progressive delegation in Congress. Biaggi, the granddaughter of late Bronx Rep. Mario Biaggi, has done it before: In 2018, she beat state Senate Democratic powerhouse Jeff Klein with a fraction of his campaign cash in one the most expensive Democratic primary fights in New York history.

But she has a record now, and in Albany, questions over Biaggis workplace environment are striking in juxtaposition to her defining rhetoric: As chairperson of the Senate Ethics committee, Biaggi and her young, progressive colleagues are challenging and changing the old, toxic ways of operating at the state Capitol, which has been marred by decades of scandal and sexual harassment cases.

Democrat Alessandra Biaggi offers her email to a resident at an affordable housing complex in Peekskill where she canvassed July 16 for her congressional run against incumbent Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney.|Anna Gronewold/POLITICO

On the campaign trail, Biaggi is warm and effusive.

Its her favorite part, she said several times during a July morning door-knocking session at a public housing complex in Peekskill in Westchester County. Meeting voters, telling them how shes fought for their rights and how shes ready to do it again in Congress.

Its kind of an issue; I could talk to this plant, she jokes, gesturing to the landscaping. Im just so curious about people. And I actually would, like, harm my own self to fight against people who are cruel to others.

Part of that comes from spending her entire life around prolific New York politicians, including her grandfather, who was a Democratic kingpin in the Bronx and served in Congress for 20 years. She served as counsel in the administration of former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, but later left and became one of his chief critics.

At the Peekskill complex, Biaggi has a long list of registered Democrats to pitch, but she is waylaid at the first door she comes to. She is invited into the home of a woman who is plagued by fears of eviction, rent increases and a retaliatory building manager. Biaggi perches on the couch, shaking her head, pursing her lips, gasping in rage and offering her personal email and Fordham Law legal expertise to find solutions.

Its the kind of in-person empathy also projected by Ocasio-Cortez and the Working Families Party, which also has endorsed Biaggis congressional run.

In 2018, Biaggis victory over Klein helped Democrats regain control of the Senate for the first time in decades. Klein led a small group of Democrats, called the Independent Democratic Conference, who often voted with Republicans and effectively blocking a laundry list of Democratic legislation from becoming law.

Biaggi became a prominent force for change in Albany. The Democratic-led Legislature has since blown through a backlog of progressive bills, including new protections for tenants. She also helped lead the charge to fight sexual harassment in Albany, successfully pushing to hold the first hearings on the issue in 27 years and to pass an omnibus package with new protections for victims.

Soon, 30 minutes passed in the same womans living room, and as she makes an exit, Biaggi finds herself sitting on a patio with a man whos lived at the complex for decades. A group of curious neighbors begins to gather. Biaggi is suddenly up on her feet, talking with her whole body.

First her arms are fully outstretched, then shes slapping one hand with the back of another, in a retelling of the injustices she witnessed during a tour of Rikers Island last year. She parallels it to the way the residents tell her they have been treated by the housing directors their flowers and recreational spaces have been bulldozed, a planned power cut is scheduled to take place during the heatwave. She uses the words cruel and unacceptable a lot.

Oh, I like her, one of the residents whispers to Tina Volz-Bongar, a Democratic Party district leader who is backing Biaggi. She then turns to Biaggi. Youve got my vote, but what are you, like 10 years old? she asks.

Biaggi laughs. She is 36. Her Italian grandmother told her to smear Vaseline on her face at night, she said. It preserves her youth. The crowd laughs and heads nod. Biaggis campaign staffers finish canvassing the rest of the multi-building complex without her.

New York Sen. Alessandra Biaggi, D-Bronx, celebrates after her legislation to change state legal standards on sexual harassment to help victims prove harassment cases as members discuss the Bill in the Senate Chamber at the state Capitol Wednesday, June 19, 2019, in Albany, N.Y. (AP Photo/Hans Pennink)|AP Photo

Biaggi, who lives in North Castle in Westchester, a suburban county north of New York City, didnt mean to make ousting white, male, establishment incumbents her brand, she said later, but it somehow stuck. In the Senate, she quickly became a thorn in the side of Cuomo and his staff, and she was rumored to be considering challenging him in a primary long before his fall from grace. She was never actually going to do that, she says now.

I did not want to run for governor, Ill be very clear, she said. But I was happy that he thought I did because it kept him on his toes. And it allowed me to have a platform to speak to people about what he was up to and people listened and that was so important.

Her latest fight was also unplanned after New Yorks bungled redistricting process produced a new set of maps at the last minute, Biaggi dropped the Long Island-based congressional seat she initially planned to chase.

Instead, she announced she would challenge Maloney, partly as punishment for his strong-arming freshman colleague Rep. Mondaire Jones out of his Hudson Valley district, forcing him to run in the hotly contested 10th District in Brooklyn.

I think we all want to see people actually take risks on behalf of people, instead of themselves. That, to me, is how we actually get a different world, she said.

The dream of that world is why many of Biaggis former staffers initially signed up.

Evans, now 31, says when she joined the team shortly after Biaggi took office in 2019, the energy was palpable. Evans worked on legislation creating workforce protections and anti-harassment measures. The shine of those historic moments quickly wore off.

She was doing the same shit she criticized, behind her own closed doors, Evans said. And I honestly think thats the most disappointing thing and really very dangerous. Shes so good at outwardly projecting, but where were these protections for her own staff?

Evans and the other staffers said in interviews that they were expected to field calls and texts from Biaggi at all hours of the night, regardless of the level of urgency. There was a disconnect between the events and photo opportunities Biaggi sought out and her understanding of the work it took to accomplish things she was talking about, said three staffers who worked in her Bronx district. Two described becoming physically ill with anxiety about the constant alertness she demanded on nights, weekends and holidays.

Part of the stress was the confusion of a double standard: when Biaggi wanted space during a vacation in April 2019, she sent a Slack message to her team, which had been requesting her sign-off for legislative business.

@here GM - unless something is literally on fire and you need extra water, do not email/text/call me. It is v frustrating that my phone is going off every 5-10 minutes it is not okay for everyone to expect that I am readily available at the drop of a hat on my time off, when that is not reciprocated during regular business days, the message shown to POLITICO said.

Evans counted at least 16 departures from Biaggis government office which would typically employ about 10 individuals at a time during her time there between 2019 and 2021. That did not include any from the campaign team.

She and the other former staffers acknowledged turnover is not uncommon for a new office during a tumultuous time in the state and nation. But they each had worked in other offices throughout New York politics for demanding bosses, both male and female, and said Biaggi was different.

They each independently expressed that the hypocrisy was the hardest part her public comments about championing positive workplaces, boundaries, equal protections and mental health didnt apply to her own staff. Evans, for example, said that during the first few months of 2021 she was told to reschedule her own mid-morning, bi-weekly therapy sessions which she was allowed during the rest of the year so she could have a clear calendar for the all-consuming budget season.

Yeah, working there sucked all around, said one former senior staff member who, like others, spoke on condition of anonymity to candidly discuss their former employer.

Whatever youve heard, I promise its true, and you probably havent heard the worst of it, said another.

We were all terrified of her. I hate to give her that power, but you can work hard to get what you want, and still not talk down to people like that, Evans said.

By the time Biaggi was making the national media rounds in 2021, bashing Cuomo for the cruel and demeaning workplace hed cultivated, they couldnt help but notice some similarities when it came to downtrodden staff in their own office, they said.

Its ironic the way she talked about Cuomos toxic work environment, she could have been talking about her own office, they said. It was all about serving her, making her look good, not about serving the public.

When asked about the specific criticisms from the former staffers, Biaggi vowed to take feedback from her team about how she can be a better manager, and said she could never do my job without my team who work incredibly hard to live up to the needs of our constituents, she said in a statement.

The relentless demand of the work we do day in and day out has only been exacerbated by the pandemic but I wouldnt want to do any other work. I love the team we have built and will always value and take seriously all feedback from each member. It makes us stronger and better at what we do everyday, including myself.

Her reputation in the state Capitol is also mixed: Shes known to largely reject meetings with lobbyists and sometimes spurn opportunities for compromise required in a legislative body.

Her friends like Brooklyn Democrat Sen. Julia Salazar use words like passionate and fierce. Salazar said she wasnt aware of any widespread complaints about Biaggi as a boss or colleague.

I really admire her as someone whos able to, on the one hand, be forceful and try to shape the agenda of the conference, while also having respect for her colleagues, Salazar said. I think it can be a delicate balance, but shes done it really well.

Others even some of her allies said her interpersonal style is divisive but also had a positive impact on the state Senates Democratic Conference.

Alessandra came into the Senate as an outsider and has relished that reputation since her election, said one Democratic senator who did not want be named to avoid taking sides in the high-profile primary. A small handful of colleagues may characterize that sort of approach as not being able to play well in the sandbox most colleagues and I appreciate her conviction and tenacity.

Regardless, Biaggi will not be headed back to the state Senate next year. Shes endorsed Assemblymember Nathalia Fernandez to replace her. That was over another candidate, Christian Amato, a strategist and community organizer who was fired from Biaggis staff in 2019. Amato, when reached for comment, did not discuss the details of his departure, but said he was not surprised Biaggi backed Fernandez.

Our communities that make up the new 34th district are communities that have historically been overlooked overlooked by their representatives, you know, in a grander sense, by New York City, by the county, when we talk about resiliency or transportation issues, he said. So I think that two candidates who are so focused on keeping higher office and not focused on actually improving the material needs of their constituents in their community its really telling that they would come together.

Sean Patrick Maloney isnt too popular with some of his colleagues right now because of concerns about his DCCC leadership, and he also has recently fielded a complaint about his treatment of staff.|AP

Its unclear how Biaggis public or private personas might play with voters who may not even know theres a primary in late August as summer winds down.

She and her brand of progressive politics face a different landscape than the one that brought her into power in 2018 and also helped Ocasio-Cortez unseat Rep. Joe Crowley that same year. The progressives who made promises four years ago with the fuel of an anti-Trump fervor are now challenged to prove that they were more than social media lip service. But theyre also being watched to see if theyve been absorbed by the systems they vowed to upend.

In New York, voters have embraced more moderate Democrats in recent elections driven by fears for public safety and an uncertain economy. And far-left candidates were largely beaten back at the polls in New Yorks June primaries for governor and the state Assembly.

I think that people would agree Senators Biaggi, Salazar, (Jessica) Ramos and everyone who knocked out the IDC (the Independent Democratic Conference) were correct in step with where New Yorkers were, Jon Reinish, a Democratic strategist at Mercury Public Affairs, said.

But its not 2018, the state environment has changed, and people are feeling theres a backlash to who we are as New Yorkers and theres a doubt that sending another squad member to Congress would be helpful.

Biaggi has never represented any part of the newly drawn Hudson Valley district. Its geography leans a moderate blue, but could elect a Republican in the unpredictability of this years midterm. It also includes a large and politically active Jewish voting bloc.

Both candidates have announced publicly they support Israel, but the districts Jewish community which could drive significant turnout is cautious because they have viewed many of Biaggis allies, like AOC, as hostile.

The primary winner will face the victor of the Republican primary, where Assemblymember Mike Lawler is on track to prevail by way of strong fundraising and local endorsements. Some polling suggests slim margins in a hypothetical race between Maloney and Lawler.

Maloney isnt too popular with some of his colleagues right now because of concerns about his DCCC leadership, and he also has recently fielded a complaint about his treatment of staff.

Harold Leath regularly spent time with Maloney and his family outside of work, accompanied him everywhere he went in the district, and told the New York Post my main responsibility was to make sure the congressman and his family never needed anything.

A former chairwoman of the Dutchess County Democratic Party who is backing Biaggi has filed a complaint with the Office of Congressional Ethics and asked for an investigation. The Maloney campaign and office have denied any ethical or financial wrongdoing and said any investigation will prove that.

Still, internal polling from both his and Biaggis campaigns shows him with double digits leads. He has significantly more cash on hand and support from more than 75 current and former Democratic officials, labor unions, local committees and other interest groups. On Wednesday, former President Bill Clinton endorsed him. (The district includes the Clintons Westchester County home of Chappaqua.)

On Saturday, he received the endorsement of the New York Times.

A low-turnout primary could cut both ways: Maloney could be carried by name recognition and mobilization from top Democratic leaders; Biaggis could be buoyed by her grassroots efforts. Thats Biaggis goal: Getting communities out to vote by pointing to the things her opponent hasnt done in Washington amid the turbulent times.

Ive got to remind voters: Im frustrated too, she said. Im a young person watching all of these things happen. And Im like, what are you guys doing? Like, can you have some urgency with what were fighting for? The fact that they dont feel the urgency to me is a disqualification.

Maloneys campaign says that characterization is desperate attacks from a flailing campaign and pointed to Maloneys House leadership team role in passing the first major gun safety reform package in decades, as well as the massive climate, tax and healthcare package making its way through Congress this month.

Biaggi is losing by double digits in her own internal polls because she is running a campaign based on smearing Rep. Maloney instead of making any positive case for herself, spokesperson Mia Ehrenberg said,. Thats why she has yet to receive a single endorsement from a local elected official, union or Democratic committee.

The rest is here:
Biaggi wants to defeat the DCCC boss in New York. Her ex-staff has a story to tell. - POLITICO