Roughly 100 anti-Trump protesters demonstrate    peacefully in Market Square on February 19, 2017, in    Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. (Photo by Jeff Swensen / Getty    Images)  
    The Democratic Socialists of America, a traditionally    progressive socialist organization founded in 1982, has seen    it's membership increase multiply from roughly 5,000 to 25,000    members in the past year following the Bernie Sanders campaign    and the subsequent election of Trump. Now, many on the left are    looking at the organization as a barometer of sorts for the    fate of the larger left. In addition, many are viewing the DSA    convention this week in Chicago as a key turning point within    the organization. Coming out of the DSA is a new caucus called    the Libertarian Socialist Caucus. The LSC promotes a    vision of "libertarian socialism" -- a traditional name for    anarchism -- that goes beyond the confines of traditional    social democratic politics. I asked John Michael Coln, a    member of the group's provisional organizing committee, to talk    about its vision and goals.  
    Adam Weaver: The DSA has a range of tendencies and is    sort of a "big tent" of socialist politics. What made you want    to form a Libertarian Socialist Caucus (DSA-LSC)? Tell us about    yourself and what you see as the political influences of the    group.  
    John Michael Coln: I've been a member of DSA    for over a year; some of us involved have been members before    the "Bernie and Trump bump." So it's not a matter of anarchists    infiltrating and joining DSA ... but anarchists who have been    members of DSA all along. We want to organize them as we    believe that libertarian socialism is democratic socialism.  
    Once upon a time, before Trump and Bernie Sanders, there had    been a thing called the Left Caucus which aimed to organize all the    DSA members who wanted to push the organization to the left. It    was good, I was part of it, but it's now basically defunct    because with so many new members joining DSA, many are already    to the left of the DSA. But what the existence of the Left    Caucus proved was that caucuses based on ideological interests    had a place in DSA. We want to be the first caucus within the    DSA that had a more specific vision, that openly talks about a    specific political direction that they would move towards.    Rather than say we want to move the DSA to the left, we [are    saying we] want to move to the left with specific positions and    a specific manner. And not everyone who identifies with the    left is going to agree.  
    Speaking for myself here, I believe that the LSC has an    especially important role not just in promoting its own ideas,    but also in setting an example for others for how to do    caucuses right in being internally democratic, in co-existing,    cooperating with and having cross-membership with other    caucuses. Caucuses can be hubs of organizing activity, hubs of    political education, hosting reading groups, etc. There's a    dimension of caucuses that are akin to being political parties    within the larger DSA.  
    It's important to note that you can't be in the LSC unless you    are a dues-paying member of DSA. Most of our members were    people who were already members of the DSA. There are some    people who, because we announced our existence, joined DSA, and    that's a consequence of the libertarian socialists already in    DSA who were getting organized.  
    At the end of the day, the Libertarian Socialist Caucus, or any    other caucus for that matter, is not an alien entity within    DSA; rather it's a caucus of DSA members united around a shared    interest.  
    What do you see as the commonalities and differences    between the politics that you are looking to put forward and    DSA's current politics and organizing? What are you looking to    change?  
    I would contest the framing of the question a little bit. It's    important to note that beyond the idea of big-tent socialism,    the DSA doesn't actually have a party line. Outside observers,    though, act as if DSA does, but the reality is it doesn't have    a set of positions that you have to accept. Rather, the DSA is    an internally democratic organization of socialists that    adjudicate their disputes through liberal parliamentary norms    of conflict resolution. In other words, if we disagree, like on    the convention floor, it will be argued out on the floor    between delegates. It's not a centralist organization where    there's a party line and if you disagree you have to leave.  
    The problem is that, at this point, it's difficult to say    exactly what LSC stands for because we don't have official    positions. We just finalized our membership, and because we are    democratic we haven't reached positions yet. There are probably    shared values that we have that people in DSA don't have, and    we want to promote those values and make them more popular.  
    These [values include] skepticism of the state, a critique of    the state and seeing the state as going hand-in-hand with    capitalism. A second component is a belief in radical democracy    with a higher standard of democracy, one which is more    rigorous. A lot of people believe that democracy is just    elections. But we believe democracy means more than    electionsthat it is participatory.  
    We want to advocate and convince people by the strength of our    ideas that there are things DSA should be doing and should be    promoting. We want to see more things like directly democratic    neighborhood assemblies, worker cooperatives, participatory    budgeting, radical syndicalism and municipalism that DSA is    currently not promoting, as well as the things DSA is already    doing, like organizing workplaces and fighting bosses and    landlords. We see these as the fullest embodiment of the values    that unite the different kinds of socialism within the DSA    under its banner.  
    The DSA's convention is happening in Chicago this    weekend. With over 40 proposals and with the huge influx of new    members who have entered the organization, many observers see    this convention as a turning point. Can you tell us what you    see as the key issues at stake that will be debated at the    coming convention? How is DSA-LSC leaning on these    issues?  
    I do want to answer this one by saying, like I said before, LSC    doesn't have an official position yet. The very first event    that we are organizing [Friday] morning is our first general    assembly where members of LSC will follow a procedure presented    to our membership to make decisions about convention debates.    We are going to go one-by-one through all of the floor debate    questions that will happen at the convention. If our assembly    can arrive at a consensus, we are going to ask the delegates    present to vote in accordance with that.  
    We don't know how many will show up exactly, but we are    expecting, based on our listserve, something like 20 confirmed    delegates, and we are allowing any DSA member to attend.  
    A major decision at the convention will be elections    for the 16-member National Political Committee of DSA, which    acts as a sort of national level policy and steering committee    for the organization. Right now there's the competing Momentum/Spring Platform and Praxis slates,    individuals drafted and signed onto a "Unity Platform"    document, and now members of DSA-LSC are putting forward their    candidates as well, called DSA Friends and Comrades. What do you see    as the competing visions represented?  
    I can't say anything on our official position on them. Speaking    only for myself, I think that Momentum and Praxis both have    some pros and they both have some cons. They are all good    organizers and comrades that have done good work. But I    personally disagree very strongly with what I would see as the    centralizing tendencies in Momentum's positions. But I'm only    speaking for myself, and I know for a fact that other LSC    members have different opinions.  
    What I would say about both Momentum and Praxis is that the way    they came about is that [their candidates] only represent    themselves. My hope is that in the future LSC sets an example    where candidates are selected by caucuses and are accountable    to them rather than self-selecting. And I think that's    important because the platforms of the slates have shaped the    convention as a whole, and it's more democratic if those    conversations arise from larger groups of members within the    DSA.  
    The DSA Friends and Comrades coalition is something that came    out of LSC members and was organized by LSC members informally    and hasn't been approved by the group. We wish them well, and    some of us will vote for them and promote them on our social    media, but they don't represent the LSC. Next convention we aim    to organize a primary and democratic process to put forward a    slate.  
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A Turning Point on the Left? Libertarian Caucus Debuts at Democratic Socialist Conference - Truth-Out