Archive for the ‘First Amendment’ Category

Indie Filmmakers First Amendment Win in National Parks Battle Reversed – Hollywood Reporter

Finished movies are guarded by the First Amendment, but the act of filming them on government property isnt inherently protected activity, according to a Tuesday decision from the U.S. Court of Appealsfor the District of Columbia.

Gordy Price shot his 2018 film Crawford Road on National Park Service land without first obtaining a permit and paying a fee. After its first screening, the NPS cited him with a misdemeanor, which carried a potential sentence of up to six months in prison and a fine. The citation was dropped, but Davis Wright Tremaine First Amendment specialist Robert Corn-Revere took an interest in the matter, and Price in December 2019 sued the U.S. Attorney General(then William Barr) along with officials from the Department of the Interior and National Park Service, challenging the constitutionality of the rule.Thus, Prices indie movie about a reportedly haunted section of the Colonial National Historical Park in Virginia became the center of a legal battle over the extent to which filmmaking on government property is protected activity.

In a huge win for filmmakers, U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly in January 2021 sided with Price and found the scheme to be unconstitutional. She issued an injunction barring the permit and fee requirements for commercial filming and the prosecution and the imposition of criminal liability thereunder.

The statute at issue (read ithere) only required a permit for commercial filmmaking it generally exempted news gathering and non-commercial projects and Kollar-Kotelly found that amounted to a content-based restriction on Prices First Amendment rights.

Mr. Prices filmmaking at these parks constitutes a form of expressive speech protected by the First Amendment, she wrote in the opinion, adding the creation of a film must also fall within the ambit of the First Amendments protection of freedom of expression. To find otherwise, would artificially disconnect an integral piece of the expressive process of filmmaking.

The government appealed, and on Tuesday the D.C. Circuit released its 2-1 decision reversing the ruling.

We hold that regulation of filmmaking on government-controlled property is subject only to a reasonableness standard, even when the filmmaking is conducted in a public forum. Because the permit-and-fee requirements are reasonable, we reverse the order of the district court, writes Senior Circuit Judge Douglas H. Ginsburg.

Ginsburg finds that special protection only applies to communicative activities in a public forum, such as assembly, the exchange of ideas to and among citizens, the discussion of public issues, the dissemination of information and opinion, and debate. Further, he finds not every piece of government property is a public forum, and not every activity protected by the First Amendment is communicative.

[W]e are convinced that it would be a category error to apply the speech-protective rules of a public forum to regulation of an activity that involves merely a noncommunicative step in the production of speech, writes Ginsburg.

Though protected as speech under the First Amendment, filmmaking, like typing a manuscript, is not itself a communicative activity; it is merely a step in the creation of speech that will be communicated at some other time, usually in some other location, writes Ginsburg. There is no historical right of access to government property in order to create speech.

In short, Ginsburg writes, [T]he key takeaway from the preceding analysis is that, with respect to noncommunicative first amendment activity such as filmmaking, the highly-protective rules of a traditional public forum are inapplicable. The upshot is that filmmaking on all NPS land is subject to the same reasonableness standard that applies to restrictions on first amendment activity in a nonpublic forum.

Ginsburg notes that reasonableness is a low bar and, under the standard, the purposes of the NPS permit and fee scheme (raising revenue and protecting the parks) are reasonable.

Circuit Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson wrote a brief concurring opinion emphasizing the limited reach of the decision. We conclude that the regulation of most non-communicative speech on government property is subject to reasonableness review, she writes. We need not and do not explain the full contours of what does and does not constitute communicative speech.'

In a scathing dissent, Senior Circuit Judge David S. Tatel criticizes the decision to focus on the reasonableness standard. My colleagues reimagine the public forum to protect the stumping politician but not the silent photographer, to shield the shouting protester but not the note-taking reporter, Tatel writes. These distinctions find no basis in First Amendment jurisprudence. It makes no more sense to exclude certain types of speech from public forums than it does to police which squirrels may enter a conservation easement.

He argues this decision deviates from precedent that struck down similar restrictions as overbroad and antithetical to core First Amendment principles. [T]he court today upholds these restrictions on grounds untethered from our courts precedent and that of our sister circuits, Tatel writes. Because the permit and fee requirements penalize far more speech than necessary to advance the governments asserted interests, they run afoul of the First Amendment.

Tatel cites a 2010 decision in Boardley v. United States Department of Interior. Like the NPS regulations in that case, the Permit Regime burdens substantially more speech than necessary to achieve the governments significant interests in protecting NPS resources and preventing interference with park visitors, writes Tatel. He argues that because the regulations define commercial filming as any film, electronic, magnetic, digital, or other recording of a moving image by a person, business, or other entity for a market audience with the intent of generating income this kind of restriction isnt narrowly tailored enough to withstand scrutiny. (Ginsburg argued Boardley is irrelevant because it concerned the distribution of written materials, which is communicative activity.)

[T]he Permit Regime applies to an extraordinarily broad group of people, ranging from large-scale filming operations, to small documentary film crews, to individuals who take short videos on their phones and later monetize this content on social media platforms, Tatel writes. Even a park visitor who takes a five-minute video on her phone, planning to post it on YouTube and generate advertising revenue, must obtain a permit and pay a fee. Although large commercial filming projects may well involve equipment operators, filming subjects, and sustained operations that burden park resources and disturb visitors the government provides no reason to think that individuals and small groups interfere meaningfully with [these] interests.'

The court reversed Kollar-Kotellys decision, vacated the declaratory judgment and the permanent injunction, and instructed the trial court to deny Prices motion for judgment on the pleadings and to grant the defendants motion.

In a brief statement to The Hollywood Reporter on Tuesday, Price and Crawford Road co-producer James Person said, We are disappointed with the decision and currently are considering our options.

If Price decides to continue his fight, the next step would be petitioning the U.S. Supreme Court. Given some of the issues Tatel raises in his dissent, including his opinion that this decision puts the D.C. Circuit in conflict with other appellate courts, it seems modern technology has created yet another free speech issue thats ripe for consideration by the high court.

Or, as Tatel puts it: Before standing outside Yosemite National Parks visitor center using a cell phone to record commentary on our national parks that will air on an advertisement-supported YouTube channel, an individual must obtain a permit and pay a fee. Before filming a protest on the National Mall, tourists must obtain a permit and pay a fee if they have any inkling that they might later make money from this footage on social media. And when the filming is spontaneous, these individuals will be criminally liable and face up to six months in prison even though they could not possibly have obtained a permit ahead of time. By stripping public forum protection from filming, my colleagues for the very first time disaggregate speech creation and dissemination, thus degrading First Amendment protection for filming, photography, and other activities essential to free expression in todays world.

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Indie Filmmakers First Amendment Win in National Parks Battle Reversed - Hollywood Reporter

How SCOTUS Rained On The Left’s Anti-Religious Legal Parade And Reclaimed The First Amendment – The Federalist

The Supreme Courts latest momentous term delivered major victories for religious freedom.

The ability to freely exercise ones religious beliefs is one of the most essential rights enshrined in the U.S. Constitution by our Founding Fathers. It distinguishes America as a free nation. Yet many governmental institutions from schools to cities and states have curtailed this constitutionally-protected right by misrepresenting the First Amendment.

The rulings in three cases this term, Carson v. Makin, Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, and Shurtleff v. Boston, corrected decades of misinterpretation and applied the First Amendment as originally intended. Predictably, some progressive legal scholars referred to the rulings as hypocrisy and regressive decision-making spurred by the religious right. But such hyperbolic characterizations minimize the problems that pervaded religious liberty jurisprudence. The decisions in these cases are indeed consequential, but only as a remedy proportionate to the issues they resolved.

The First Amendment states, Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Otherwise known as the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses, these words were meant to protect the expression of faith but have, ironically, been used as a basis for religious discrimination.

This paradox was clearly evident in Carson v. Makin. In this case, the justices evaluated Maines Town Tuitioning Program, which provided state aid to students living in towns without public schools. The program supported education at secular schools only; faith-based institutions and their students were prohibited from receiving funding. This unmistakably biased policy adversely affected specific groups of students and needlessly deprived them of a values-aligned education. While the state attempted to distinguish between discrimination based on religious status and identity, both prevent students from freely exercising their faith. Discriminating against schools with religious instruction is simply discrimination against religion.

It was not surprising that the justices agreed with this view since they reached a similar judgment in analogous cases. Referring back to Trinity Lutheran Church v. Comer and Espinoza v. Montana, Chief Justice John Roberts, writing for the majority, plainly indicated that the Free Exercise Clause forbids discrimination on the basis of religious status. Roberts concluded that there is nothing neutral about Maines program. The State pays tuition for certain students at private schools so long as the schools are not religious. That is discrimination against religion.

But this wasnt the only triumph for religious liberty this term. In Shurtleff v. Boston, the justices unanimously decided that the City of Bostons refusal to fly Camp Constitutions Christian flag was a violation of the First Amendment. Boston denied the request because it believed flying a religious flag at City Hall could violate the Establishment Clause, a claim that the justices rejected. In his concurrence, Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote that although the city got the Establishment Clause so wrong some of the blame belongs here and traces back to Lemon v. Kurtzman since [it] sought to devise a one-size-fits-all test. The Lemon test was a judge-created standard used to determine if a law or government activity constituted entanglement with religion. This standard persisted for decades, even though it failed to provide a reliable metric by which judges could evaluate Establishment Clause cases.

A month after the ruling in Shurtleff, the court retired the Lemon test in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District. This case was centered around Joseph Kennedy, a football coach who regularly prayed in the middle of the field after games. The district claimed that a reasonable observer could misconstrue his actions as the school sponsoring religion and subsequently put him on paid leave and allowed his contract to expire.

Like the other cases, the justices were not persuaded, recognizing that the schools actions betrayed an erroneous understanding of the First Amendment. Echoing his sentiments in Shurtleff, Gorsuch wrote in the majority opinion that the court long ago abandoned Lemon and that, in its place, judges would now interpret the Establishment Clause with reference to historical practices and understandings. This means that courts are no longer encumbered by the Lemon test, a significant stumbling block that prevented courts from adjudicating Establishment Clause cases fairly and consistently under the law.

The government ought not to show preference for any faith, but it should also not disadvantage individuals based on religious identity. Unfortunately, this is exactly what happened: The government warped the First Amendment so severely that it turned what was intended to be the protection of a fundamental right into a license to discriminate. To that end, this trio of rulings, far from regressive decision-making, promoted equality by liberating the First Amendments religious liberty protections. This is good for everyone.

Rachel Chiu is a policy fellow at the Committee for Justice, visiting fellow at the Independent Womens Forum, and a contributor for Young Voices. Follow her on Twitter @rachelhchiu.

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How SCOTUS Rained On The Left's Anti-Religious Legal Parade And Reclaimed The First Amendment - The Federalist

Lawsuit: Womans First Amendment rights violated | News – Huntington Herald Dispatch

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Lawsuit: Womans First Amendment rights violated | News - Huntington Herald Dispatch

The First Amendment and the thin blue line – Lexology

If you own private property in the state of Ohio and think you have the right to speak or not speak your mind, meet State Representatives Tim Ginter and Kevin Miller. They have introduced HB No. 712, which would prohibit manufactured home park operators, condominium associations, neighborhood associations, and landlords from restricting the display of the thin blue line flag. If this bill passes, property owners who would prefer not to display the flag which has come to be associated at times with white supremacy movements and those who oppose policing reforms will be compelled, by the force of law to permit a tenant to fly the flag.

This legislation is viewpoint based, compelled speech and anyone who purports to uphold and defend the constitution should be appalled by it. The government has no business telling us what we cant say or, in this case, what we must say. In 1943, the United States Supreme Court, in West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, ruled that a public school could not force a student to recite the Pledge of Allegiance. In doing so, Justice Robert Jackson wrote: If there is any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein.

I think of the Barnette case now and then, and consider the courage of the Court to reach that decision in the midst of World War II. It would be nice if Representatives Ginter and Miller would take the time to read it.

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The First Amendment and the thin blue line - Lexology

Governor Stitt Issues EO to Protect Teachers’ First Amendment Rights and Stand Up to Teacher Unions – Oklahoma.gov

Today, Governor Kevin Stitt issued Executive Order 2022-18 to protect Oklahomas teachers and school district employees First Amendment rights by fighting back against liberal teachers unions. With the executive order, Oklahoma educators will be assured of the freedom to decide whether or not to participate in unions, rather than allowing union bosses to intimidate teachers into handing over part of their salaries.

It is time we fight back against the liberal unions that have been keeping a stranglehold on their cut of teacher pay, and stand up for Oklahoma educators first amendment rights, said Governor Stitt. Teachers should know they have the freedom to opt-in not opt-out of unions

The EO urges the State Board of Education to take action to ensure that payroll deductions meet the requirements of state and federal law and that school district employees are fully informed of their First Amendment rights.

This is another step in the right direction to focus our classrooms on parents, teachers and kids, said Secretary of Education Ryan Walters. We are cutting the liberal union chains off of our teachers.

The Executive Orders filing can be found here.

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Governor Stitt Issues EO to Protect Teachers' First Amendment Rights and Stand Up to Teacher Unions - Oklahoma.gov