Archive for the ‘First Amendment’ Category

Floyd County to consider ‘First Amendment auditor’ training Tuesday; SPLOST work also on the agenda – Northwest Georgia News

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Floyd County to consider 'First Amendment auditor' training Tuesday; SPLOST work also on the agenda - Northwest Georgia News

J6 Committee Is Using Americans’ Assertion Of Rights As Proof Of Guilt – The Federalist

The Jan. 6 Committee is abusing its power by asking inappropriate questions about their fellow Americans beliefs and associates, and publicly portraying witnesses who exercise their Fifth Amendment rights as guilty all to put on a show trial.

Later on Tuesday, the Jan. 6 Committee will hold yet another public hearing, this one purportedly to focus on the role of extremists in the attack on the Capitol. While the precise script for the afternoons proceedings remains unknown, last week Democrat Rep. Jamie Raskin previewed the committees plans, telling The New York Times that when public hearings resumed in July, he intends to lead a presentation that will focus on the roles far-right groups like the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers and 1st Amendment Praetorian played in the Capitol attack. According to the Times, Mr. Raskin has also promised to explore the connections between those groups and the people in Mr. Trumps orbit.

An attorney for 1st Amendment Praetorian, or 1AP, a nonprofit dedicated to protecting free speech, spoke exclusively with The Federalist about the committees questioning of 1AP, the groups founder, and another member of the nonprofit, all of whom she represents. From the framing of the questions posed to her clients, Leslie McAdoo Gordon was left with the firm impression that the Jan. 6 Committee merely wanted video capturing her clients declining to answer the questions for the purpose of impugning their character during the televised hearings.

The committee knew before the depositions that my clients would be asserting their First and Fifth Amendment rights, and also would not answer any questions because the depositions were being held in violation of the rules established by the House, McAdoo Gordon told The Federalist. So, shortly after the hearing began and the 1AP witnesses made clear they would not answer any questions, the staffers moved to general topic areas and would ask a few prepared questions, then the committee representative would note that he had more questions on the topic and inquire whether if he asked those questions, the witnesses intended to assert the same objections.

My clients would respond yes to that question, so then the committee would move forward with the next topic, McAdoo Gordon said. But after covering various topics, the committee staffer at the end volleyed a litany of individual questions to my clients, forcing them to respond to each question with Rules, First, and Fifth, the shorthand we had agreed to with the committee to convey their objections to questions posed.

Given that the committee had broadcast video of Michael Flynn asserting his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination in an earlier hearing, McAdoo Gordon said she wouldnt be surprised if Tuesdays hearings include clips of her clients refusing to answer the committees questions.

In fact, she said as much to the committee in a letter last week. After calling the lawmakers out for implying to the public that Flynn was guilty of some crime because he asserted his Fifth Amendment rights, McAdoo Gordon wrote that implying guilt based on a witness asserting his rights, is a McCarthy-esque tactic that offends the Constitution and is unworthy of the United States Congress. The attorney added that she is forced to anticipate that the Committee will use the same totalitarian tactic to improperly smear 1AP.

The irony is that McAdoo Gordon was working with the committee to arrange for her clients to testify voluntarily, within the bounds of the First Amendment, until the committee concocted what she has called a cockamamie criminal conspiracy theory. The committee argued in litigation with former Trump attorney John Eastman that President Trump, Dr. Eastman, and others conspired to defraud the United States by disrupting the electoral count, supposedly in violation of Section 371 of the federal criminal code, which makes it a crime to conspire to defraud the United States. The committees pushing of what she called a preposterous legal theory left McAdoo Gordon with no option but to recommend that my clients assert their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.

McAdoo Gordon told The Federalist that during her clients depositions, the committee asked a series of questions that she likely would have allowed her clients to answer if the meeting had been on a voluntary basis. Putting aside the question of whether the committee was properly constituted, the 1APs attorney noted Congress had a legitimate interest in investigating the riots and violence at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

What 1AP did, or more accurately put, didnt do, on Jan. 6 was relevant to the committees investigation into the riot and the violence at the Capitol, and I was working to arrange for my clients to voluntarily provide the committee with that information, McAdoo Gordon said. Likewise, the committee had questions about a couple tweets my clients sent on the sixth, and again, such questions were relevant to the Jan. 6 investigation.

But once the committee advanced the absurd Section 371 criminal conspiracy theory, I could no longer recommend my clients speak with the committee, the attorney explained. McAdoo Gordon did respond to the committee on behalf of her clients, however, after Raskin falsely described 1AP as a far right group with a role in the Capitol attack in his interview with the Times. All of those points are false and defamatory, she told the committee. 1AP is a mainstream, non-partisan group with no role whatsoever in the attack on the Capitol.

It isnt just the Fifth Amendment the committee has been shredding, however. Even if my clients did not assert the Fifth Amendment, I would have still objected to several questions on First Amendment grounds, McAdoo Gordon added. While some questions related to Jan. 6 were relevant, the majority of the questions posed to 1AP representatives were none of Congresss business, McAdoo Gordon stressed. And even the process reveals the warped authoritarianism of the committee, the attorney added.

At the beginning of the depositions, the congressional staff sought confirmation that we were not recording the proceedings in any way, while they proceeded to video record the questioning, McAdoo Gordon said. She then noted that while witnesses called before a federal grand jury in Washington, D.C., can obtain a transcript of their testimony, the Jan. 6 Committee refuses to allow those they target to obtain transcripts of their subpoenaed testimony.

The committees hiding of the transcripts serves to cover their lies and to control the narrative of the show trial, but it also allows the Jan. 6 Committee to hide the wildly inappropriate questions it posed to the witnesses.

Do you believe in QAnon? Do you believe that Joe Biden is the legitimately elected president of the United States? Whats your understanding of what happened on 1/6?

A Committee of the United States Congress actually asked my clients those questions, McAdoo Gordon told The Federalist in an exclusive weekend interview.

Before the deposition, I assured my clients that their political and personal beliefs would not be probed, the D.C. attorney explained. While I knew from the subpoenas the Jan. 6 Committee intended to seek constitutionally protected information concerning other 1AP members, my jaw just kept dropping further when they started to question my clients on what they thought and believed.

The committee also asked Robert Lewis, who is a retired United States Army Green Beret and recipient of the Bronze Star and a Purple Heart, and Philip Luelsdorff, a former U.S. Army Ranger, to describe 1AP activities. For whom and for what purpose did they provide volunteer services? Did they provide security? Surveillance? Assistance with legal activities? What training did they provide? And how were they able to afford to provide the training and volunteer services? Where did the money come from? Who made donations? What bank accounts were used? Did the organization accept cryptocurrency?

Again, none of those questions concerned the events of Jan. 6. Rather, the committee focused on events long before the Jan. 6 events at the Capitol. For instance, it asked whether 1AP provided security for polling places. Other questions concerned 1APs security work at a Nov. 14 rally and a Dec. 12 rally.

In essence, the committee is seeking information about 1APs members, financial status, donors, and activities. None of that is relevant to the Jan. 6 riots, and all of it is off-limits to the government, the lawyer said. The Committee had no business asking those questions, so my clients werent about to answer them in violation of their First Amendment rights.

The Committee had cited as evidence against my clients that they obtained a permit for a demonstration the day before the riot. How is obtaining a permit to hold a peaceful protest evidence of a role in a riot the next day? It isnt, McAdoo Gordon said. The committee also sought to quiz Lewis and Luelsdorff on their relationship with the Trump family, the White House, the campaign, and numerous specific individuals such as Sidney Powell and Michael Flynn. The staff further asked whether they had been in contact with any of the defense attorneys representing any of the Jan. 6 defendants.

The government should not be asking a civic organization, which is what 1AP is, about its relationships, in general, with other people, much less about the organizations donors or lawyers with whom they spoke, McAdoo Gordon stressed.

Beyond asking inappropriate questions that implicated 1APs First Amendment rights, the committee framed several questions in the do you still beat your wife format. Before the election, did they provide security in order to overturn the election? Have you engaged in any activities to overturn the certified election results? Have you engaged in any activities to reinstall Donald Trump as president of the United States since Jan. 20, 2021? These questions all presuppose that the election results were sought to be overturned, as opposed to challenged.

But of course, the Jan. 6 Committees focus on the few unfounded claims of election fraud, as opposed to the numerous violations of state election law and evidence of illegal voting issues Trump and his legal team pursued aids in the narrative that the protesters wanted to install Trump or overturn the election, as opposed to protest election irregularities. And by using a guilt-by-association strategy, the committee paints not just 1AP and its volunteers as complicit in the violence at the Capitol, but every American who attended the rallies and peacefully protested the disastrous 2020 election.

The committee might be using nicer language, but its questioning is Stalinist in nature nonetheless, McAdoo Gordon said.

The 1AP lawyer is correct. But because the corrupt media is effectively serving as a state-run press for its preferred politicians, most of America will be oblivious to that fact when the hearings resume later today.

Margot Cleveland is The Federalist's senior legal correspondent. She is also a contributor to National Review Online, the Washington Examiner, Aleteia, and Townhall.com, and has been published in the Wall Street Journal and USA Today. Cleveland is a lawyer and a graduate of the Notre Dame Law School, where she earned the Hoynes Prizethe law schools highest honor. She later served for nearly 25 years as a permanent law clerk for a federal appellate judge on the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals. Cleveland is a former full-time university faculty member and now teaches as an adjunct from time to time. As a stay-at-home homeschooling mom of a young son with cystic fibrosis, Cleveland frequently writes on cultural issues related to parenting and special-needs children. Cleveland is on Twitter at @ProfMJCleveland. The views expressed here are those of Cleveland in her private capacity.

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J6 Committee Is Using Americans' Assertion Of Rights As Proof Of Guilt - The Federalist

What happens when you have a beef with a judge? – Iowa Capital Dispatch

It was not in the menu, but there was a heaping helping of irony served up one evening last week at a restaurant in Washington, D.C.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh was dining at Mortons steakhouse. Demonstrators were outside, intent on ensuring he left with indigestion and not just a full belly.

At the center of this dinnertime dust-up was the right to choose interposed next to the right to chew. That is part of an ongoing debate over where such protests are appropriate.

The demonstrators oppose the Supreme Courts recent decision ending the Constitutions guarantee that women have a right to an abortion under certain circumstances.

That issue was front and center outside Mortons just as it has been in demonstrations in dozens of communities across the United States, including Iowa. People have peacefully gathered to express their views on the decision to end Roe vs. Wades protections for women.

Kavanaugh has been the target of many protesters, not only because he was one of the votes in favor of overturning Roe, but also because he assured us during his Senate confirmation hearing in 2018 that Roe was an important legal precedent that has been reaffirmed many times.

Whether you support the courts recent decision or not, we should all agree peaceful demonstrations are one of the freedoms that need to be protected in the United States. Of course, it is ironic how peoples views of the appropriateness of demonstrations and picketing change as the issues change.

About the demonstration at Mortons:

Critics of the Supreme Courts decision jumped on the symbolism of the reaction to the encounter on the sidewalk in front of the restaurant. At the same time,critics of the demonstration focused on the issue of people invading Kavanaughs privacy and keeping him from dining in peace.

Mortons management criticized the unruly behavior of the protesters. The restaurant statement caused some supporters of the demonstrators to choke on the assertion that the rights of restaurant patrons should not be infringed upon.

Politics, regardless of your side or views, should not trample the freedom at play of the right to congregate and eat dinner, the restaurant said.

While some people were angered by the intrusions into the private lives of Supreme Court justices, other people mocked such concerns by using language similar to that in the Supreme Courts decision.

Alexandra Petri, a Washington Post columnist, wrote: The right to congregate and eat dinner is actually not to be found anywhere in the Constitution.

But there was much more at stake than steak in the demonstration outside Mortons.

There is that matter of peoples right to peaceably assemble and petition the government for a redress of their grievances, two foundations of the First Amendment. And there is the question of whether public officials like the justices should have to live by the same rules they set for the rest of us to follow.

This is where another helping of irony gets served up.

Some of the supporters of the Supreme Courts abortion decision have been vocal critics of demonstrators marching in front of the justices homes. These critics have expressed concern for the safety of the jurists and their families. They also have said the homes of justices should be off limits so the officials can go about their lives free of harassment.

There is irony, because the Supreme Court has for many years put the large public plaza in front of its own building off-limits to demonstrators. And in the weeks leading up to the abortion ruling, the court established a much larger buffer zone around its building, with an 8-foot-tall fence to keep demonstrators farther away.

Contrast that with the Supreme Courts past decisions in which the justices concluded that even a 35-foot-wide buffer zone around abortion clinics was an unconstitutional restriction on the First Amendment rights of abortion opponents to express their views and confront doctors and patients.

In a 1988 case, the court did uphold the constitutionality of a Wisconsin law that prohibited targeted picketing outside peoples houses. The issue then was protesters carrying baby killer signs who gathered outside the homes of doctors.

But the tables have turned now.

Then, it was people who were pro-choice who wanted targeted picketing banned. Now, it is people who are pro-life who support a ban on picketing outside homes of people like Brett Kavanaugh.

Then, it was doctors and employees of abortion clinics who feared for their safety. Now, it is judges and their families who have that fear. And both groups concerns are legitimate.

Through the years, several doctors and clinic employees have been murdered by pro-life zealots. Last month, a retired Wisconsin judge was killed in his home by man he had sent to prison a decade ago. Five days later, an armed man was arrested in the middle of the night outside Kavanaughs house.

There are other places to peacefully express our views without clogging the sidewalks in front of peoples homes, leaving occupants to fear a wacko might be in the group. Thats true whether a Supreme Court justice lives there or whether its an employee of an abortion clinic.

This is where common sense should come in.

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What happens when you have a beef with a judge? - Iowa Capital Dispatch

Clear as Mud: Navigating In-School Employee Expression in the Wake of Kennedy v. Bremerton School District – JD Supra

The Supreme Court ruled in Kennedy v. Bremerton School District on June 27, 2022 that a public high school violated the Constitution by restricting a football coach from engaging in personal but overt post-game, mid-field prayers while still on duty. What is the practical impact of the Kennedy decision on public school districts? The opinions 70-plus pages of dense debate over nearly a century of First Amendment jurisprudence is complex and often confusing. But the opinion has potentially sweeping implications not only for religious expression in schools, but also the day-to-day supervision and management of school employees. To help simplify the issues, we have pulled from the Kennedy decision four key questions it should prompt for all school administrators gearing up for another school year.

In 2008, coach Joseph Kennedy established a regular post-game ritual of praying aloud while kneeling at the 50-yard line of the school football field. Students began joining Kennedy while he prayed, and eventually a majority of them regularly participated, prompting Kennedy to incorporate motivational speeches with overtly religious references.

Kennedy and the school district disagree about the evolution of his prayer ritual and the extent to which it involved students. Despite Kennedys claims that the expression was private and personal, the record indicates that what may have begun as a solo moment of quiet prayer evolved into Kennedys directing demonstrative center-stage prayers and religion-infused pep talks while surrounded by kneeling students with their helmets raised skyward.

In September 2015, the Bremerton School District instructed Kennedy to discontinue his post-game prayers, asserting they violated the establishment clause of the First Amendment, which prohibits state establishment of religion. Kennedy kept on praying, so the district put him on paid administrative leave and did not rehire him for the next season. Kennedy sued the school district, alleging it violated his First Amendment rights to free speech and free exercise.

In a sweeping decision that sidesteps widely held church-state separation concerns regarding prayer in school, the Supreme Court ruled in Kennedys favor.

What exactly did the Court rule?

(Very) simply put:

In short, a public school cannot prohibit an employee from engaging in workplace personal and private religious expression, even when the expression also is overt and public.

How were these prayers personal and private? Didnt this happen at the 50-yard line?

The Court characterized Kennedys prayer ritual as private and personal because (1) students were not required to participate; (2) it was not conducted in his capacity as a coach; (3) it was quiet; and (4) even though students routinely joined him, Kennedy said he was willing to pray in the absence of students.

The Court was not persuaded by the demonstrative nature of Kennedys prayers or the media attention they attracted some of which Kennedy appears to have invited himself. Nor did it matter that Kennedy prayed while on duty and still in his school uniform, and in the middle of school events widely attended by students and the community. According to Justice Gorsuch, who wrote the Courts majority opinion, these facts made the prayers noticeable but still personal and private not unlike a Muslim teacher [] wearing a headscarf in the classroom or a Christian aide []praying quietly over her lunch in the cafeteria.

How do we know what religious activities are allowed in public schools?

Before Kennedy, in-school religious activity was not allowed (because it violated the establishment clause) if it could reasonably be interpreted as a school endorsement of religion, or if it tended to coerce student participation in religious activity. In Kennedy, the Supreme Court rejected the traditional endorsement and coercion tests in favor of an analysis focused on original meaning and history and reference to historical practices and understandings.

The new history-and-tradition standard offers very little practical guidance to schools, at least until the lower courts more routinely apply the Kennedy holding to real-world facts. For now, Kennedys extension of constitutional protection of school religious activity is limited to private religious expression that is non-mandatory for students and conducted outside the scope of the employees job functions. There is nothing in the decision that suggests mandatory student prayer is newly protected.

While religious activity that obviously pressures or coerces student participation likely will remain off-limits, Kennedy suggests that only certain types of coercive conduct rise to the level of triggering an establishment clause violation. After all, in Kennedy, Gorsuch discounted evidence that some students felt pressured to attend Kennedys post-game prayers out of fear of retaliation, writing, [l]earning how to tolerate public prayer is part of learning how to live in a pluralistic society. In other words, suck it up.

In the immediate term, schools would be wise to think twice before restricting employees from engaging in private religious expression at school, especially while outside the classroom, during non-working time and/or in non-student-facing settings. Whether in-school religious expression is private will depend on the facts at issue, but the Kennedy decision suggests a broad definition that does not depend on whether students and/or the public are merely exposed to the religious activity.

Does this case change how and when schools can regulate non-religious employee expression?

Maybe. Under current precedent, a public employees speech in their official capacity is not entitled to First Amendment protection and thus is subject to regulation by the employer. In the public school context, this has meant that school districts can put limits on the speech of teachers and coaches when they are speaking in the context of their job duties. In Kennedy, the Court deemed Kennedys prayers protected from school regulation because they occurred outside the scope of his employee responsibilities as a coach, and thus personal speech.

The holding certainly suggests that teachers and other school employees are entitled to broader leeway in expressing their personal views while at work as long as the expression falls outside their normal job functions. Presumably this still means that a school can restrict a teacher from incorporating their personal views religious or otherwise into formal classroom instruction. But if Kennedy moments after the end of a game, while still working and in uniform, and in the middle of the football field was not praying in his capacity as a coach, where exactly are the boundaries of official capacity? Is anything outside a formal class period also outside a teachers official capacity? Must schools now permit employees to express views inconsistent with school positions in all other areas of the school for example, while eating lunch among students in the cafeteria or when passing in the hallway?

Once again, its not clear. However, schools should tread more carefully when regulating employee conduct in school areas generally reserved for employees to spend non-class or non-working time. The appropriateness of employee messages and/or displays in hallways and/or other student-traveled school areas likely will be more nuanced and require careful analysis by districts. For example, in Weingarten v. Board of Education, a federal court in New York ruled a district could prohibit teachers from wearing political campaign buttons on school grounds but must allow them to distribute campaign material in teacher mailboxes and on union bulletin boards. Under Kennedy, prohibiting campaign buttons everywhere on school grounds may no longer pass constitutional muster given the Court deemed Kennedy outside his role as a coach even though he was on-duty and physically on the football field where he primarily worked. It remains to be seen where such boundaries lie, but Kennedy counsels districts proceed with caution on similar issues until we have more clarity.

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Clear as Mud: Navigating In-School Employee Expression in the Wake of Kennedy v. Bremerton School District - JD Supra

RCFP partnership with Pulitzer Center will support journalists reporting on AI, surveillance – Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press

The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press is partnering with the Pulitzer Center to offer pro bono legal support to the Centers first cohort of Artificial Intelligence Accountability Fellows.

The ten journalists representing four continents are pursuing stories of local and global scope that touch on themes crucial to equity and human rights, such as AI in hiring, surveillance, social welfare, policing, migration, and border control.

Reporters Committee attorneys will work with the journalists to vet stories before they are published to reduce legal risk, and to provide other pro bono legal assistance related to newsgathering and First Amendment issues.

Were thrilled to partner with the Pulitzer Center on its new initiative supporting journalists reporting on the impact of artificial intelligence and surveillance in their communities, said Katie Townsend, deputy executive director and legal director for the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. Our attorneys are looking forward to providing the AI fellows with much-needed legal support to help them pursue and publish this important work with greater confidence.

Reporting on the impact of AI technologies, especially in marginalized and vulnerable communities, is urgent and foundational to democracy, said Marina Walker Guevara, the Pulitzer Centers executive editor. We are grateful that the AI Fellows will have the support of the Reporters Committees world-class and dedicated attorneys as they pursue their stories.

The Pulitzer Center empowers a global community of journalists and media outlets to deepen engagement with critical underreported issues, bridge divides, and spur change. It supports more than 200 journalism projects annually that are published in local, regional and global outlets. The Centers K-12 and university programs connect journalists and stories with students and teachers, fostering critical thinking and media literacy in classrooms.

Through the AI Accountability Network, the Pulitzer Center seeks to address the knowledge imbalance on artificial intelligence that exists in the journalism industry, especially at the local level, and to build the capacity of journalists to report on this fast-evolving and underreported topic with skill, nuance, and impact.

The Reporters Committee regularly files friend-of-the-court briefs and its attorneys represent journalists and news organizations pro bono in court cases that involve First Amendment freedoms, the newsgathering rights of journalists and access to public information. Stay up-to-date on RCFPs work by signing up for their monthly newsletter and following them on Twitter or Instagram.

For media inquiries, contact the Reporters Committee at media@rcfp.org, or Sarah Swan at the Pulitzer Center, sswan@pulitzercenter.org.

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RCFP partnership with Pulitzer Center will support journalists reporting on AI, surveillance - Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press