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Humboldt County Superior Court Judge Gregory J. Kreis last week ruled in favor of Sharon and Steve Wolff, owners and publishers of the local news site Rio Dell Times, in a matter that pitted accusations of libel, slander and harassment against the right to free speech enshrined in the First Amendment.

In his ruling, Judge Kreis ordered attorney Chris Hamer, of Arcata firm Stokes, Hamer, Kirk & Eads, and her client, Royce Mendonca, to pay more than $53,000 in attorneys fees to the Wolffs representative, Sacramento-based Paul Nicholas Boylan, who specializes in media and free speech matters. [DISCLOSURE: Boylan has also represented the Lost Coast Outpost in the past.]

The ruling stems from a contentious legal battle over the conservatorship of Sharon Wolffs elderly mother and father-in-law, Barbara and Ronald Keller. In 2021, the probate court appointed Mendonca as conservator of the Kellers, much to the frustration of the Wolffs, who characterized the situation as a court-sanctioned kidnapping. (They had filed a competing conservatorship request.)

In a press release sent out Thursday, Sharon Wolff alleged that Hamer helped Mendonca, a distant relative of her stepfather, remove the elderly couple from the Wolffs Fortuna home shortly before a conservatorship hearing with no explanation.

And then they had mom and Ron declared mentally incompetent, which meant they could control mom and Ron completely. Thats what it felt like and looked like, and I said so in the Rio Dell Times, Sharon Wolff said, adding, This is a cautionary tale for all adult children of Alzheimers and dementia victims.

Reached by phone this morning, Hamer said that after losing the conservatorship decision, Sharon Wolff lashed out with wild allegations online and in a series of letters.

She was a sore loser, and she has been libeling and slandering us, me and my client, since the order saying that she lost and we won, Hamer said.

As described in Kreiss decision, the Wolffs chronicled their grievances in the conservatorship case on riodelltimes.com, accusing Hamer of lying and fraud, among other allegations, while accusing Mendonca of being a virtual stranger to the Kellers who kidnapped them and pursued conservatorship so he could steal their money. (Hamer says thats false and that, in fact, the Kellers personally nominated Mendonca as their preferred conservator.)

Last summer, Hamer filed two petitions on behalf of Mendonca, seeking injunctions to prevent the Wolffs from libel, slander and harassment of both Mendonca and herself. They also asked the judge to order the Wolffs to immediately remove all existing false and derogatory posting, audio files, articles, statements, letters and pictures about Mendonca and Hamer from their website.

The petitions also complained about a series of letters that accused Mendonca of elder financial fraud and abuse, letters that the Wolffs sent to Humboldt County Superior Court judges, federal state and local officials and various media outlets, including the Times-Standard, Lost Coast Outpost, Redheaded Blackbelt and North Coast Journal.

Hamer described these writings as a campaign of daily disparagement.

This imposed a considerable burden and distraction on administration of the conservatorships, Hamer said in an emailed statement. Instead of filing independent civil lawsuits for damages for defamation, Royce Mendonca, as the conservator of both Ronald and Barbara Keller, filed petitions requesting that the court simply instruct Sharon and Steve Wolff to cease libeling Royce Mendonca, the conservator, and his attorney.

In response to that filing, the Wolffs retained Boylan, and last September, Boylan filed whats known as an anti-SLAPP motion, accusing Hamer and Mendonca of trying to stifle the Wolffs free speech rights through a strategic lawsuit against public participation.

The Wollfs were the victims of the legal system to a degree Ive never encountered before, Boylan said in an email to the Outpost. Sharons mother was legally removed from her life, and then the attorney who helped do that used the inequities in the legal system (i.e., the often crushing costs of defense) to censor free speech and the right to petition.

Hamer and Mendonca wound up dismissing their petitions after being told that they shouldhave been filed them as independent civil actions, rather than petitions in the context of the conservatorship proceedings. Boylan then sought to recoup his legal fees from Hamer and Mendonca, citing a rate of $750 per hour.

Hamer said it was unfair of Boylan to seek reimbursement from herself and her client, saying there is no legal authority whatsoever supporting such a request.

In his ruling, filed on June 8, Kries says that while not all of the Wolffs statements have concerned matters of public interest, the ones concerning Chris Hamer and her activities as a lawyer in connection with the case are of public interest in that they seek to inform the public about alleged abuses of public court processes designed to protect vulnerable members of the public.

Kries also ruled that Boylan and the Wolffs would have prevailed on their anti-SLAPP motion and are thus entitled to attorneys fees and costs. (He wound up using an hourly rate of $500 to calculate the amount due to Boylan: $53,445.34.)

This is a true David and Goliath story, the largest law firm in Humboldt County against the smallest local newspaper, suing them for the exercise of constitutionally protected rights, Boylan is quoted as saying in a press release from the Wolffs. (He confirmed to the Outpost that the quote is accurate.) It is rare to encounter people this deserving of assistance, he added.

Sharon Wolff described the ruling as a wonderful outcome to a very bad chapter in my life and said,Hamer and Mendonca were using my mom and Rons money to finance two lawsuits for [their own] benefit. I am grateful that the Court put a stop to it.

Hamer reiterated that she considers the imposition of fees on Mendonca and herself to be unprecedented, saying, [T]here is not a single decided case where a judge has ever done this.

She vowed to appeal the ruling.

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DOCUMENT: Order re: Motion for Attorneys Fees

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Judge Sides With Publishers of Rio Dell Times in First Amendment ... - Lost Coast Outpost

San Jose is on a path to close anelection loophole that former Mayor Sam Liccardo and his right-hand man usedto raise more than $1.5 million to fill seats on the City Council.

The city is looking to prohibit elected officials and their staff from working on political action committees (PACs) that raise money for local races. This move comes after residents and city leadersquestioned the extracurricular political activities of Jim Reed while he served as Liccardos chief of staff. The council voted 8-1-2 on Tuesday to change city laws, with Councilmember Bien Doan dissenting and Councilmembers Sergio Jimenez and Omar Torres absent. The law is slated to take effect by August, pending final approval.

Current city policy only prohibits someone running for officea candidatefrom working on PACs. The definition of candidate would be redefined to include elected city officials, their employees and any City Hall employee. The shift would align San Jose with state law.

Reed and Liccardo raised nearly $1.5 million from wealthy landowners, developers and business executives through their political action committee Common Good Silicon Valley. Most of the dollars went to support Mayor Matt Mahans bid for the citys top seat. Reed is now Mahans chief of staff. And while his fundraising involvement was allowed then, it could soon violate city policy.

Mahan and Reed previously told San Jos Spotlightno one on the mayors staff will be working on a local PAC while Mahan runs for reelection in 2024. Reed said he volunteered for Common Good and never received payment for his work. However, councilmembers want to expedite the rule change to take effect by August when election season officially starts.

The importance of maintaining the integrity of our political system and preventing corruption and undue inputs from special interest groups is paramount, Councilmember Domingo Candelas said. Thats ultimately what were doing, protecting the public trust in our government.

Former Councilmember Maya Esparzawas one of the first to call on the city to change local election laws last November, after she lost her reelection bid to Doan. She was one of the candidates that Reed and Liccardos PAC spent money against.

Several residents called out Reed by name at Tuesdays council meeting. John Tucker, a union member of MEF-AFSCME Local 101, said hes particularly concerned with Reeds political activity because having wealthy contractors donate to Common Good could curry favors from the mayors office.He pointed to two different contractors that donated $10,000 each to the PAC: California Waste Solutions and GreenWaste Recovery Inc.

Bully for Jim Reed who abused this loophole to get his candidate elected and keep his own job in the process, Tucker said.

Tucker said the policy change would help eliminate the perception of favoritism and potential corruption at City Hall.

Esparza also directed the city to explore banning elected officials and city employees from working at a local PAC for a specific period of timeafter they leave the position, also known as a revolving door policy. However, the city attorneys office said the idea could violate their First Amendment rights to participate in local elections. Councilmembers deferred further discussion of the policy until August.

Matthew Alvarez, board member of the California Political Attorneys Association, said the changes would be unconstitutional during last weeks Rules and Open Government Committee meeting. Alvarez works at the Sutton Law Firm which represents Common Good.

The city has no compelling interest to prevent employees from participating in their personal time on whatever campaigns they wish and in whatever capacity they wish, Alvarez told councilmembers. This is basic First Amendment law 101 and the city is completely ignoring it.

The first hearing of the local election rule changes is June13 and the council will vote on June 20. If approved, the rule will go into effect on July 20. Learn how to watch and participate.

Contact Jana Kadah at [emailprotected] or @Jana_Kadah on Twitter.

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San Jose officials want to stop shady politics - San Jos Spotlight - San Jos Spotlight

Jack Greiner| Cincinnati Enquirer

I need to start this article with some caveats. First, I have been a Xavier University basketball fan since 1985. Second, I detest Bob Huggins' coaching style. Third, I think the University of Cincinnati did the right thing when it fired him back in the day. So, having said that, I assume some readers will accuse me of bias. Fair enough.

But this article isn't so much about whether West Virginia University should fire Huggins forhis homophobic comments on the Bill Cunningham radio show earlier this month. It's more about whether Huggins could hide behind the First Amendment to avoid any discipline imposed by West Virginia University.

WVU is a public institution. This means Huggins has First Amendment rights. He is in a different position than Thom Brennaman. As some readers may recall, Brennaman was removed from his post as a Cincinnati Reds announcer within minutes of using the same slur as Huggins. But Brennaman wasn't employed by a public entity. So, the Reds didn't have to worry about any First Amendment concerns when they cut him loose.

Huggins isn't free to say whatever he wants. Public employees are in a unique First Amendment space. On the one hand, as citizens, they don't lose their rights by accepting a job with a public employer. On the other hand, as employees, they can be subject to discipline for their speech.

To gain First Amendment protection, a public employee must speak out as a citizen, and not in his official capacity as an employee. Second, the speech must pertain to a matter of public concern. If those two elements are satisfied, a court then balances the interests of the employee as a citizen, "in commenting upon matters of public concern and the interests of the State, as an employer, in promoting the efficiency of the public services it performs through its employees."

In weighing the employer's interests, the court considers (1) whether the speech or conduct impaired discipline by superiors or harmony among co-workers, (2) whether the speech or conduct had a detrimental relationship on close working relationships for which personal loyalty and confidence are necessary, and (3) whether the speech or conduct impeded the performance of the speaker's job duties or interfered with the regular operation of the enterprise. Here's ahelpful pieceon the subject.

One example of a public employee being protected by the First Amendment would beDean Smith. Smith routinely spoke out in support of the civil rights movement while coaching at the University of North Carolina. Had North Carolina sought to discipline him for his vocal support of the movement, it would have been a problem.

The question then, is whether Huggins' speech on the radio is in any way comparable to Dean Smith's speech. Most likely the answer is no. It's questionable whether Huggins was acting outside of the scope of his employment while being interviewed by Cunningham. The subject, after all, was hoops. It's also questionable whether Huggins' recollection of a particular crosstown shootout (which ultimately resulted in his slur) is a matter of public concern.

But let's say for the sake of argument that Huggins satisfied both of the first two elements. It's clear that the University's interests justify discipline. WVU is already dealing with the fallout, which has no doubt interfered with its "regular operation." The First Amendment won't allow Huggins to escape accountability. Nor should it.

And this whole sordid episode should be a reminder for all of us, but maybe those of us of a certain age, to do our best to purge our inventory of hateful words. It's upsetting that Huggins used the word. It's more upsetting that he was able to so easily pull it out from his closet of insults. Maybe now he'll purge it for good. Let's hope.

Jack Greiner is a partner at Faruki PLL law firm in Cincinnati. He represents Enquirer Media in First Amendment and media issues

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Will the First Amendment protect Huggins against any discipline WVU might impose? - The Cincinnati Enquirer

Harvard Law-educated DeSantis knows full well he will lose the courtroom fights. He knows the First Amendment prohibits the very kind of viewpoint discrimination, content-based regulation, and speech-based retaliation DeSantis and GOP lawmakers in Tallahassee are engaged in. These cases wouldnt even make for tough law school exam questions.

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So why is he doing it? Its because he and like-minded state officials enacting similar laws across the country believe the political payoff will far outweigh the harm they are causing the American people and the very pillars of the Constitution.

DeSantis, who is expected to announce a presidential bid any day now, needs bogeymen to rally against. Hes chosen them: drag performers, kids who want to play sports with their peers, students who wish to learn history that reflects their stories and cultures, educators who dare speak about our nations true history, and even the company that created the Magic Kingdom when its executives speak truth to power. In a party that is becoming more extreme and shrinks in size, like a toxic reduction sauce, the pain is increasingly the point.

Its problematic because it sends a very clear, strong message to marginalized groups that their history and their views and their stories really arent worth learning, said Charles McLaurin, senior counsel at the Legal Defense Fund, one of the groups that filed the legal challenge against Floridas Stop WOKE Act.

Even if the laws are ultimately halted by courts, McLaurin said, for Black and brown and LGBTQ people who have been impacted by systemic discrimination and continue to experience it every day, there is potential for a lot of damage to be done.

And McLaurin noted that the approach has gone viral, with GOP-controlled state legislatures filing a wave of bills limiting the way race, gender, and sexual orientation and identity are taught in schools.

And they didnt even have to work that hard. Many bills, including Floridas law, were largely cut and pasted from a 2020 executive order signed by then-president Donald Trump that outlawed the use of divisive concepts and race or sex stereotyping. The MAGA crowds marching orders came straight from the top.

And the pain isnt limited to marginalized Americans. I spoke to two professors at state universities in Florida who were so concerned about the impact of the new laws, including one enacted just this week that bars diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, they didnt want to speak on the record. The silencing has begun.

For faculty, and particularly faculty of color there is this fear out there, McLaurin told me. What is the line? The law is drafted in a way that it is not clear what is prohibited and what is not prohibited. A lot of faculty members have chosen to self-censor. They dont even want to go near it.

In defense of the policy, DeSantis said those who want to attend a college with such diversity programs are free to go to Berkeley. What a way to encourage higher-ed brain drain and discourage out-of-state tuition money in your own state.

But his state isnt on his mind. Trying to claim the GOPs MAGA throne is. And he needs to wage a culture war to do it, no matter the collateral damage.

Yes, he will lose in court. DeSantis is not bigger than the First Amendment. But that doesnt mean our nation and the principles upon which it stands wont take a beating.

Kimberly Atkins Stohr is a columnist for the Globe. She may be reached at kimberly.atkinsstohr@globe.com. Follow her on Twitter @KimberlyEAtkins.

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Florida Governor Ron DeSantis's anti-wokeness crusade to trample on the First Amendment - The Boston Globe

Petitions of the week ByKalvis Golde on May 19, 2023 at 6:40 pm

The Petitions of the Week column highlights a selection of cert petitions recently filed in the Supreme Court. A list of all petitions were watching is available here.

Laws governing elections and the right to participate in the political process receive varying degrees of scrutiny when challenged in court. The Supreme Court has held that election laws restricting core political speech trigger a high degree of suspicion under the First Amendment. By comparison, laws that simply regulate the machinery of elections are subjected to a more flexible balancing test. This week, we highlight cert petitions that ask the court to consider, among other things, what level of First Amendment scrutiny applies to a state law governing slogans that appear alongside candidates names on the ballot.

New Jerseys so-called slogan statutes permit candidates in primary elections to have a short phrase containing no more than six words listed next to their names on the ballot. These slogans allow candidates to affirm their commitment to a platform goal or align themselves with a faction of their political party. The slogans cannot include the name of any person or a corporation located in New Jersey without their written consent.

Eugene Mazo and Lisa McCormick ran in the Democratic primary for seats in the House of Representatives in New Jerseys 2020 primary elections. Mazo wanted to name several local wings of the New Jersey Democratic political machine in his ballot slogan, which would have allowed him to be listed together with other machine-backed candidates higher on the ballot, but he never obtained consent to do so. McCormick was was not permitted to use her own campaigns slogan, which implicitly criticized Bernie Sanders, because a rival had established a New Jersey corporation in that slogans name and refused to give consent; she was also barred from using a slogan explicitly criticizing Sanders because she lacked his consent.

Both Mazo and McCormick eventually lost their races. But before the primary elections took place, they went to court to challenge the constitutionality of the slogan statutes. A federal district court dismissed their lawsuit.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit upheld that dismissal. It held that the slogan statutes more closely resemble rules about election mechanics than restrictions on political speech because they regulate ballots, a core component of election machinery. Accordingly, the 3rd Circuit applied the so-called Anderson-Burdick doctrine, under which courts weigh the benefits of a rule governing election procedures on a sliding scale against the rules burden on the First Amendment right to participate in the political process. Because the statutes apply to all candidates, the court of appeals reasoned, modest First Amendment scrutiny was appropriate. The 3rd Circuit upheld the statutes, concluding that New Jerseys interest in preventing voter confusion and protecting named third parties outweighed the burden on speech because Mazo and McCormick had other slogans available to them.

In Mazo v. Way, the former candidates ask the justices to grant review and reverse the 3rd Circuits ruling. New Jersey did not have to permit ballot slogans, they argue, but once it did, their regulation should trigger the highest degree of suspicion under the First Amendment because slogans are core political speech. Mazo and McCormick also urge the justices to clarify the Anderson-Burdick doctrine. They argue that lower courts are deeply confused about how to determine whether an election law is a classic restriction on speech, or merely a regulation of election procedures subject to the doctrines sliding-scale of First Amendment scrutiny.

Emily v. Welters22-1005Issue: Whether the Minnesota Supreme Court departed from this courts decisions inCity of Tahlequah v. Bond,Rivas-Villegas v. Cortesluna, and many other qualified immunity cases by defining the relevant law at a high level of generality and holding that less particularity is required to clearly establish what the constitution requires when engaging in routine conduct.

Prime Insurance Company v. Wright22-1006Issue: Whether a trip of an empty truck between two locations in the same state qualifies as transportation of property between a place in a State and a place in another State for purposes of49 U.S.C. 31139(b)(1).

Moeser v. Wisconsin22-1018Issue: Whether a sheriff (1) who indisputably did not make an oral or written oath or affirmation to anyone and (2) who falsely signed a pre-printed affidavit stating that he had been first duly sworn on oath, (3) which was in turn notarized by a fellow law enforcement officer who also falsely asserted in the jurat that the affidavit had been sworn to, nevertheless supported [the warrant application] by Oath or affirmation for purposes of the Fourth Amendment because the [original] officer was impressed with th[e] obligation to tell the truth.

CoreCivic, Inc. v. Owino22-1019Issues: (1) Whether courts of appeals reviewing class-certification decisions underFederal Rule of Civil Procedure 23must, as a matter of law, give district court decisions granting class certification noticeably more deference than rulings denying class certification; and (2) whether Rule 23(a)s commonality requirement is satisfied through the assertion of a purportedly class-wide policy without significant proof that such policy is uniformly applied class-wide.

Mazo v. Way22-1033Issue: Whether a state that permits political candidates to engage in core political speech on the ballot may restrict that speech on the basis of content and viewpoint without satisfying strict scrutiny.

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Former candidates say New Jerseys slogan statutes violate the ... - SCOTUSblog