The fact that outgoing Attorney General Eric Holder has        prosecuted more people under the Espionage Act than all    previous attorneys general combined is an inescapable legacy of    his time in office. All of those cases were brought against    government workers or contractors accused of leaking classified    information to the media, which led Trevor Timm, co-founder of    the Freedom of the Press Foundation, to     call Holder the worst Attorney General for the press in a    generation.  
    Recently, Holder has seemed intent on escaping that title.    Several weeks after announcing his plans to step down, he said    during an interview at the Washington Ideas Forum that his    biggest mistake in office was naming Fox News reporter James    Rosen as a co-conspirator to commit espionage in one of the    leak investigations.  
    And in the latter half of his time in office, Holder     has expressed support for a media shield law and rewritten    the Department of Justices guidelines to tighten rules for    subpoenaing reporters during criminal investigations.  
    But the Obama administration has undoubtedly tilted the legal    landscape against leakers and national security reporters. If    Holder wants to change that, he will have to unpave a long road    of specific policies laid down by the DOJ during his tenure,    not simply express remorse and draw up broad new guidelines.  
    In 2010, Thomas Drake, Shamai Leibowitz, Chelsea Manning,    Stephen Kim, and Jeffrey Sterling were all charged under the    Espionage Act. Taken as a block, those prosecutions set the    precedent that the government could use a law     written in 1917 with double agents in mind as a weapon in    the fight against modern leakers of national security    information.  
    With the Espionage Act, Holder chose a tool that could    potentially be very dangerous to journalists, because it is    vague enough to criminalize all kinds of information    dissemination. Writing specifically about Mannings disclosures    to Wikileaks, Benjamin Wittes, editor in chief of the Lawfare    blog,     notes that by its terms, it criminalizes not merely the    disclosure of national defense information by organizations    such as Wikileaks, but also the reporting on that information    by countless news organizations.  
    That was not a problem in several of the early cases. Leibowitz    quickly pled guilty and was sentenced to 20 months in prison.    The charges against Drake fell apart in 2011, and he pled    guilty to a misdemeanor. In 2012, John Kiriakou, a CIA officer,        was charged under the Espionage Act but convicted under a    different law and sentenced to 30 months in prison. The    investigations into Sterling, Kim, and Manning, however, have    dragged on much longer and carry implications for press    freedoms beyond their membership in the group of Espionage Act    cases.  
    The investigation of CIA officer Jeffrey Sterling is based on a    chapter in a 2006 book by New York Times reporter James    Risen, in which he writes about American attempts to undermine    Irans nuclear program. Risen was first    subpoenaed to testify against his source for the chapter,    suspected to be Sterling, under the Bush administration, but he    fought the order until it expired in 2009.  
    In 2010, however, Holders DOJ renewed the subpoena against    Risen. Soon after, the government anticipated and began arguing    against Risens attempt to quash the subpoena on the grounds of    his reporters privilege. In an    argument filed in May 2011, the DOJ wrote, there exists    neither a First Amendment nor a common law reporters privilege    that shields a reporter from his obligation to testify, even if    the reporters testimony reveals confidential sources and    information.  
    The government was still making that argument in the spring of    2013, when Holders pattern of involving journalists in leak    investigations took center stage in the national media.  
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Eric Holders lasting damage to press freedom