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OMAHA Nebraskas 2nd District Republican primary U.S. House race, with challenger Dan Frei running to Rep. Don Bacons right, appears to be opening left-leaning wallets, too.

National Democrats increasingly see division among some Omaha-area Republicans as boosting State Sen. Tony Vargas chances of flipping Nebraskas most competitive House district their way.

This week, a key funder for Democrats trying to wrest the House from GOP control, House Majority PAC, announced reserving $2 million in digital and TV advertising in the Omaha ad market for this fall.

That is up from about $660,000 in 2022, when House Republicans were in a stronger financial position headed into a mid-term cycle with a Democratic president in office. They spent $900,000 in 2020, the last presidential election cycle.

House Majority PAC will do whatever it takes to ensure NE-02 flips from red to blue come November, said Dora Pekec, a spokeswoman for House Majority PAC. Don Bacons anti-choice, extremist record makes it abundantly clear Bacon stands with Donald Trump and his MAGA agenda, not the people of NE-02.

Nationally, the GOP equivalent Congressional Leadership Fund has seen the Democrats pick up fundraising for a 2024 general election likely to be dominated by a presidential rematch.

The House Majority PAC and its related super PAC outraised the Congressional Leadership Fund and its super PAC by $7 million in the first quarter of 2024, $37 million to $30 million. The CLF has still raised more to date this cycle.

The shift is part of a broader national trend, with the Democratic National Committee and its aligned groups outraising the Republican National Committee and its allies.

The Republican group has not yet announced its ad reservations for the fall but said they have incredibly strong incumbents and a political environment that likely favors them.

Sources within the GOP-aligned group say the House Majority PAC often overstates how much it plans to spend, but that they are taking seriously the threat of more money being spent.

Cycle after cycle, Democrats spend millions hoping to knock out Don Bacon, yet he keeps winning because hes one of the most effective Members of Congress and is a true fighter for Nebraskans in Washington, said Courtney Parella, a spokeswoman for the leadership fund. This cycle wont be any different.

Traditional fundraising is also up for Democratic State Sen. Tony Vargas of Omaha, who reported raising $770,000 in the first quarter of 2024 and having $1.6 million in cash on hand.

That is roughly doubling what he had by this point in his 2022 race with Bacon.

Bacon has stepped up his fundraising, too. His campaign reported raising $709,000 in the first quarter.

Bacons cash on hand climbed to $1.9 million from his 2022 total at this point in the race of $1.1 million, but he may have to spend some of that money on Frei and the GOP primary. His campaign said it will have enough to defend his strong conservative record.

Freis first meaningful fundraising tallies since launching his campaign in January had him raising nearly $80,000 with about $54,000 in cash on hand, his campaign said. He was endorsed by the Nebraska Republican Party.

Most local political observers expect Bacon to survive the Frei challenge. But they say he needs to consolidate conservative support without alienating swing voters in a swing district.

And which party controls the House could hinge on the 2nd District vote. With Republicans losing another seat to a retirement next week, their advantage will shrink to 217-213, at least until special elections and regular elections can be held.

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Democrats investing more in Vargas during Bacon-Frei GOP primary fight in NE-02 Nebraska Examiner - Nebraska Examiner

President Biden stands with Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., on April 3, 2024. Four years ago, Sanders endorsed Biden, and the former rivals worked together to craft policy proposals that bridged Democratic divides. Mark Schiefelbein/AP hide caption

President Biden stands with Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., on April 3, 2024. Four years ago, Sanders endorsed Biden, and the former rivals worked together to craft policy proposals that bridged Democratic divides.

Four years ago this week, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders ended his second bid for the White House, effectively cementing Joe Biden's path to the Democratic presidential nomination.

Sanders threw his support behind Biden. And unlike past displays of party unity after a primary fight, Biden and Sanders took a unique step to collaborate on a handful of policy-focused task forces in the hope of finding common ground between the candidates' coalitions.

Over the course of several months, the task forces produced a 110-page document focused on topics like the economy and climate, and Biden went on to incorporate a number of the recommendations into his campaign platform and first-term agenda.

The partnership between Biden and Sanders helped deliver the Vermont senator's supporters, including young voters, into Biden's camp.

Four years later, Sanders still backs Biden. The two appeared together recently in a video posted on the Biden campaign's TikTok account.

But as Biden seeks a second term with low approval ratings, he faces a new struggle to win over young voters who were crucial to his first election. And as an incumbent with no high-profile primary opponent to join forces with, a similar unity moment like the 2020 task forces may not be an option.

To Sanders' chief political adviser, Faiz Shakir, part of the difference now is that Biden has to answer to his own record.

"He owns the policy direction in a way that in 2020 he didn't," Shakir said. "He was offering policy directions and saying, 'Put me into office.' Now he owns the Middle East policy, Ukraine policy, migrant policy. There's an assumption, expectation, that Joe Biden has to deliver on different policy outcomes that particularly young people would like to see."

And many young people don't like what they see. According to the latest NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, among voters under 30, 6 in 10 disapprove of Biden's job as president, the highest of any age group.

But Shakir remains hopeful that the president can rally a voter coalition similar to what he had four years ago, partially because of Biden's ability to absorb critical feedback.

"What has been a consistent thread of Joe Biden's life as a politician, he's in some sense not like Bernie Sanders, who I think has appropriately and stubbornly held certain positions and has been right about them," Shakir said. "Biden is authentic in that he's always indicated: I will move on my positions, on certain ones, if you can show me that the center or that the majority, that the movement is in a different place."

Sanders entered the 2020 primary with strong support among young voters.

"He spoke to young people and their importance on a regular basis," said Shana Gallagher, Sanders' national student organizing director, in 2020. "And that is actually very rare for candidates to do, especially in a consistent, genuine way."

Over two presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020, Sanders rose in popularity among many young voters by backing key progressive issues, including a push for universal health care and significant increases in government spending to combat climate change.

When Cristbal Alex thinks back to April 2020, he recalls the value of Sanders' endorsement.

"It was a very important one, maybe the most important ever," said Alex, who served as a senior adviser to the Biden campaign and sat on the immigration-focused policy task force.

"Bernie played a huge role in bringing young folks over," he added.

Carmel Martin was a senior policy adviser to Biden's 2020 campaign and coordinated the task forces.

"It was a way that we could send a signal to the people who were supporting Sen. Sanders," Martin said. "That what they cared about mattered to President Biden as well."

Allies of both the president and Sanders point to policies implemented throughout Biden's first term that can be linked back to the task forces including major investments in climate change prevention and infrastructure and attempts to relieve billions in student debt wins that Biden now touts on the campaign trail again.

Sanders has continued to work with Biden throughout his first term, including holding private meetings over issue messaging.

To the Biden campaign, a second term is about building on the work started four years ago. Because of that, they argue there isn't necessarily a need for another prominent coming-together moment that echoes the task forces.

"We're already part of a coalition," said Rep. Maxwell Frost, D-Fla., a Biden campaign surrogate. "So we don't have to fight our way in. We just have to continue making our voices heard. And the president is still listening to us."

Despite initially supporting and working for Sanders in the 2020 primary, Frost, who is the first Gen Z member of the U.S. House, has been pushing young voters to give Biden another chance.

"I think progressives have always had a knack for being able to communicate to voters across party lines and help inspire disaffected voters," Frost said. "And I think whether it's Bernie [Sanders] or myself or many progressives, we still have something to give in terms of helping to influence the messaging, and not just the messaging but the action that backs up the messaging in this election so people can turn out."

Pro-Palestinian demonstrators call for a cease-fire in Gaza during a protest outside the White House on April 2, 2024. Kent Nishimura/Getty Images hide caption

But while many progressives like Frost and Sanders campaign for Biden, it's unclear how many of the policy wins they tout have resonated with younger voters. Just 1 in 10 voters under 30 say Biden's policies have helped them personally, according to a recent poll by The New York Times and Siena College.

Instead, Biden is battling lower enthusiasm to vote compared with four years ago, as well as doubts over his age. And he's faced pressure from many younger voters to demand a permanent cease-fire and stop additional aid to Israel in its war in Gaza as the death toll climbs past 33,000, according to Gaza's health ministry.

Despite his past popularity among progressives, Sanders is not entirely in lockstep with the left wing of the party on the issue. In the initial months after the Hamas attack on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people, according to Israel, Sanders received pushback from progressives, including previous campaign staff, for refusing to call for a cease-fire.

The Vermont senator has acknowledged that the president's position on Israel could cost him votes, particularly from young voters and nonwhite voters.

Biden's public posture on the war has changed. He now supports a temporary cease-fire and is more critical of Israel's continued military campaign.

But he's yet to go to the extent many progressives want.

When thinking about avenues to mend some of today's divisions, alums of the Sanders 2020 campaign draw back on Biden's willingness to collaborate four years ago.

"Joe Biden is undeniably a politically astute leader," said Analilia Mejia, Sanders' 2020 political director. "Now, that doesn't mean perfection, but that means understanding where people are and understanding when there is a need to shift."

Mejia, who coordinated the task forces for the Sanders side, argued that watching Biden begin to shift his position on U.S. involvement in the Israel war is a testament to his political skill.

Shakir says Sanders is now urging Biden to lay out a second-term progressive agenda, and that Sanders has a frank pitch for Biden moving forward: Acknowledge problems and explain how they're being addressed.

"Even on the issues where there's the most division," Shakir said, referencing the war in Gaza. "You don't have to mask it. Be honest with them. And it's the reason why we have to continue in this direction because the other choice would certainly set us backwards."

The Biden campaign has six months to boost the youth vote. According to the latest NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll, a third of Gen Z and millennial voters have a good idea who they'll vote for but could still switch, and 17% have not made a decision.

And when Shakir thinks about why young voters aren't on board yet, there's a simple answer. "They're not done pushing him," he explained. "And to his credit, Joe Biden's always indicated, yeah, keep pushing me."

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4 years ago, Sanders and Biden united Democrats. Biden needs young progressives again - NPR

A Douglas County voter filed suit on Wednesday seeking to prevent the Colorado secretary of state from placing Democrat Trisha Calvarese's name on the special election ballot to fill the remainder of former Republican U.S. Rep. Ken Buck's term.

James Glasser, a Castle Rock resident, argues in the lawsuit filed in Denver District Court that Calvarese doesn't meet statutory and party bylaws requirements that congressional nominees must be registered Democrats in Colorado for at least 12 months prior to their nomination.

The state Democratic Party and Calvarese say they're confident she meets the requirements. A spokeswoman for Calvarese said the candidate plans to contest the lawsuit's claims in court.

A spokeswoman for Colorado Secretary of State Jena Griswold said in an email to Colorado Politics on Thursday afternoon that the department hasn't been served with the lawsuit and so has no comment.

The lawsuit asks the court to issue an order preventing Griswold, Colorado's top election official, from certifying Calvarese as the Democratic nominee on the ballot. Under state law, the secretary of state has until April 29 to certify the ballot.

Calvarese won the Democratic nomination in an online convention on April 4 to run in the June 25 special election, which was triggered when Buck resigned from Congress last month.

A week earlier, Republicans nominated Greg Lopez, a former Parker mayor and two-time gubernatorial candidate, to run in the special election to fill the vacant U.S. House seat.

The special election only the second in state history will take place concurrently with the state's primary election, which will pick the major parties' nominees to run in November for a full term representing the 4th Congressional District, which covers Douglas County and Colorado's Eastern Plains.

Calvarese, who grew up in Colorado, moved to Highlands Ranch from Virginia last fall to care for her ailing parents. She registered to vote in Colorado in December.

"Im in compliance with the statute," Calvarese told Colorado Politics in a text message. "Ive been registered as a Democrat since college. I'm running for the people because they want, need, and deserve someone with values like truth, election integrity, and democratic process."

Glasser's lawsuit, filed by attorney John S. Zakhem, cites a state law that says a party's nominees "must be affiliated with the party for at least twelve consecutive months prior to the date the convention begins, as shown in the statewide voter registration system."

Noting that state law allows political parties to supersede certain statutory requirements, the lawsuit also points to the party's bylaws, which says nominees must be members of the Colorado Democratic Party for at least 12 months prior to the convention.

Glasser didn't respond to a phone call seeking comment.

"Im shocked that the Democrats didnt catch this," Zakhem told Colorado Politics after the lawsuit had been filed.

Colorado Democratic Party Chair Shad Murib told Colorado Politics that the party hadn't missed anything.

CDP rules are clear that a candidate simply has to be a Democrat for at least 12 months immediately preceding the convention," Murib said in a text message.

"Ms. Calvarese says she meets this requirement. There is no residency requirement for Congress that prevents her from being the nominee.

The state Democrats' rules committee chair, Josh Trupin, said the party rules cited by Calvarese's critics don't apply to the circumstances surrounding the special election.

CDP Rule 4.9, Vacancy in Office, applies only to offices held by Democrats within the state of Colorado," Trupin said in a text message. "The procedure to nominate a candidate for a special election is statutorily separate and unique (CRS 1-12-202). The CDP does not have rules specific to vacancy in Congress as it had not occurred since 1983, but the residency requirements in 4.9 are not applicable.

Colorado Republican Party Chairman Dave Williams told Colorado Politics that he expects all candidates to meet legal requirements and urged the court to resolve the question quickly.

We certainly hope and expect all candidates, regardless of party affiliation, to meet all legal requirements for ballot access and hope this issue is resolved by the court soon so voters have certainty about the special election before June," Williams said in a text message.

Added Williams: "Regardless of the outcome, Greg Lopez will be elected to fill the remainder of Ken Bucks unexpired term.

Calvarese is among three Democrats seeking their party's nomination to the 4th CD's primary ballot at an online assembly scheduled for Thursday evening, along with John Padora and Karen Breslin.

Ike McCorkle, the party's 2020 and 2022 nominee for the seat, qualified for the primary by petition on Wednesday. After learning he'd made the ballot, he said he would skip the assembly.

Lopez, the GOP nominee for the special election, isn't running in the primary. Describing himself as a "placeholder" candidate, Lopez said he would only serve through the end of the year, letting primary voters pick Buck's successor.

As many as eight candidates could qualify for the GOP primary in the district.

Republican U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert who moved into the district earlier this year from the more competitive seat she's represented for two terms qualified by petition last month and went on to win top-line designation at the GOP's district assembly on April 5.

Republican candidates who have qualified for the primary by petition include former U.S. Senate candidate Deborah Flora and state Reps. Richard Holtorf and Mike Lynch. Four more petitioning candidates are awaiting rulings from the Secretary of State's Office on the signatures they submitted by last month's deadline.

Editor's note: This developing story will be updated.

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Lawsuit seeks to prevent Democrat Trisha Calvarese from appearing on Colorado's 4th CD special election ballot - coloradopolitics.com

In the run-up to the 2020 election, more voters across the country identified as Democrats than Republicans. But four years into Joseph R. Biden Jr.s presidency, that gap has shrunk, and the United States now sits almost evenly divided between Democrats and Republicans.

Republicans have made significant gains among voters without a college degree, rural voters and white evangelical voters, according to a new report from the Pew Research Center. At the same time, Democrats have held onto key constituencies, such as Black voters and younger voters, and have gained ground with college-educated voters.

The report offers a window into how partisan identification that is, the party that voters tell pollsters they identify with or lean toward has shifted over the past three decades. The report groups independents, who tend to behave like partisans even if they eschew the label, with the party they lean toward.

The Democratic and Republican parties have always been very different demographically, but now they are more different than ever, said Carroll Doherty, the director of political research at Pew.

The implications of the trend, which has also shown up in party registration data among newly registered voters, remains uncertain, as a voters party affiliation does not always predict who he or she will select in an election. But partisan affiliation patterns do offer clues to help understand how the shifting coalitions over the last quarter century have shaped recent political outcomes. During the Trump administration, the Democratic Partys coalition grew, helping to bring about huge victories in the 2018 midterm elections and a victory for President Biden in 2020.

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More Voters Shift to Republican Party, Closing Gap With Democrats - The New York Times

In a meeting with her staff last week, Vice President Kamala Harris offered a prediction: Former President Donald J. Trump would not support a national abortion ban. Instead, she said, he would take a position that would muddy the waters on an issue that she believed could be deeply damaging for his campaign.

We need to make him own this, she told her aides.

Days later, as rumors circulated that a court ruling was coming on Arizonas abortion ban, Ms. Harris instructed that an event in Tucson about student loans should instead focus on abortion rights, according to three Democratic officials familiar with the matter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the internal deliberations.

On Tuesday, Arizonas top court upheld an 1864 law that bans nearly all abortions. And on Friday, before more than 100 abortion rights activists and supporters, Ms. Harris plans to deliver a simple message: Blame Donald Trump.

From campaigns for state legislatures to the race for the White House, Democrats have unified around a central message of protecting what remains of abortion access in the United States, along with the availability of long-established reproductive health measures like contraception and fertility treatments.

The Democratic effort underscores how the 2022 Supreme Court decision ending federal abortion rights remade American politics. Four years ago, Joseph R. Biden Jr. rarely mentioned abortion rights in his general-election campaign, fearing the issue could alienate moderate voters and would not sufficiently energize his base. Now, after the fall of Roe v. Wade, abortion rights are a centerpiece of his re-election bid, the first time that an American presidential campaign has focused so intensely on womens reproductive health.

After largely abandoning an effort to brand economic progress under the banner of Bidenomics, the presidents team has found a simpler, easier-to-understand slogan to use wherever states are restricting abortion.

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Democrats Hammer a Simple Attack on Abortion: Donald Trump Did This - The New York Times