Archive for the ‘Democracy’ Category

EIU 2023 democracy report: regression in an age of conflict – Democracy Without Borders

The 2023 edition of the Economist Intelligence Units (EIU) Democracy Index reports continued overall democratic stagnation and regression in a period characterized by growing geopolitical confrontation and the apparent powerlessness of democracies to stop violent conflict and war.

According to the 2023 Democracy Index 7.8% of the worlds population in 24 countries live in a full democracy, 37.6% in 50 countries in a flawed democracy, 15.2% in 34 countries in a hybrid regime, and 39.4% in 59 countries in an authoritarian regime. The global average score in 2023 fell from 5.29 to 5.23 compared to 2022, marking the lowest score since the index was started in 2006, and confirming a general trend of regression and stagnation in recent years according to the Economists researchers.

Greece was one of only four countries globally which registered an upgrade of classification, stepping up from flawed to full democracy after continuous efforts by Greek authorities to facilitate diaspora voting. With Chile on the other hand dropping down to flawed democracy, the total number of countries classified as full democracies remained the same. Papua New Guinea and Paraguay moved up from hybrid regimes to flawed democracies and Angola from authoritarian to hybrid regime.

From a regional perspective, western Europe, containing 15 of the 24 full democracies worldwide, was the only region to improve its average score, up from 8.36 in 2022 to 8.37 in 2023, thus overtaking North America (US and Canada, dropping from 8.37 to 8.27) as the highest ranked region. The worst performing regions were the Middle East and North Africa (down to 3.23 from 3.34) and Sub-Saharan Africa (down to 4.04 from 4.14), with Mauritius (8.14) standing out as the only full democracy. Latin America and the Caribbean experienced the eighth successive year of democratic decline, with an average score of 5.68 in 2023 compared to 5.79 in 2022.

Particularly noteworthy were deteriorations in the subregion of Central America, experiencing the biggest regression of all subregions, driven by declines in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras. A notable exception in this subregion is Costa Rica, which remains at a high 8.29 since 2022, and other than Uruguay the only country in Latin America to be classified as a full democracy. The region of Asia and Australasia, containing five full democracies (Australia, Japan, New Zeeland, South Korea & Taiwan), went down from 5.46 to 5.41 while the region of Eastern Europe and Central Asia went down to 5.37 from 5.39.

A special essay included in the report provides a discussion on the evolution of war and peace in the post-World War II era, the relationship between peace and democracy, and geopolitical drivers of global conflict.

While post-Cold War conflicts have decreased compared to 1946-1991, recent years show a rise in conflicts, with 2022 seeing the highest combatant deaths since the 1980s, the report says. This suggests an era of increasing danger. The report argues that there is evidence that supports the democratic peace theory, which claims democracies are less prone to war, leading to the conclusion that the promotion of democracy could help bring about a more peaceful world.

While the democracy-peace link is evident, oversimplification may ignore other conflict drivers beyond democracys absence. Not only can lack of democracy heighten conflict risk, but rising conflicts might also weaken democracies. These conflicts, driven by geopolitical dynamics, signal a destabilizing global order and the looming threat of major power clashes. The report poitns out that the contours of a future major war are already visible.

The report argues that a reluctance on the part of the United States and Western powers to help reform the international system contributes to polarization and conflict. For too long, necessary changes to international institutions have been neglected, the essay points out. The international political system needs to be reorganised, the essay notes, and the most powerful states need to relinquish their near-monopoly over decision-making. This could be done while the values of democracy and freedom are upheld and without appeasing autocrats or violators of international law.

EIUs Democracy Index has been published annually since 2006. It makes an assessment of the state of democracy in 165 independent states and two territories, only microstates are excluded. Each country receives a score on a scale from 0-10 based on a range of indicators within five categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties; the functioning of government, political participation; and political culture. Based on the average score the measured countries end up in one of four categories: full democracies (with a score of 8+ to 10); flawed democracies (6+ to 8); hybrid regimes (4+ to 6); and authoritarian regimes (0 to 4). The level of democracy in organizations of transnational governance, such as the European Union or the United Nations, is not covered.

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Donald Trump Will End NATO and Make the World Unsafe for Democracy – Newsweek

Donald Trump Will End NATO and Make the World Unsafe for Democracy  Newsweek

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Donald Trump Will End NATO and Make the World Unsafe for Democracy - Newsweek

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Mike Gallaghers departure is a bad sign for democracy – Nevada Current

U.S. Rep. Mike Gallagher was a rising star in the Wisconsin Republican Party before Feb. 10, when he suddenly announced his plans to retire.

Heavily recruited to challenge Democratic U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin, he was seen by top Republican strategists as their best shot to block Baldwin for a third term, according toPolitico.

In a closely divided purple state, Gallagher looked like the rare Republican who could break out beyond the hardcore base and match Baldwins strength garnering bipartisan support to win statewide elections. Young, friendly, a Marine Corps veteran with a forthright style and a reputation for seeking bipartisan consensus as the chair of a committee investigating China, Gallagher was widely perceived as the face of the Wisconsin Republican Partys future.

But that was before last weeks failed vote to impeach Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas a political stunt Gallagher refused to join. He enraged his pro-Trump colleagues with his sensible rejection of their effort to pin the entire broken U.S. immigration system on Mayorkas. He knew Mayorkas had been working on the bipartisan border security deal with Republicans before they reversed course and shot the whole thing down at the behest of former President Donald Trump, who wants to use border security as a wedge issue in the 2024 election. In aWall Street Journalopinion piece, he explained why he didnt believe in pursuing impeachment efforts aimed at maladministration. While repeating his partys hawkish talking points on immigration, he pointed out that none of their complaints against Mayorkas rose to the level of high crimes and misdemeanors.

Gallaghers refusal to go along sank the impeachment effort, which lost by a single vote. Immediately, MAGA political consultant Alex Bruesewitz announced he was launching aprimary challengeagainst Gallagher.

Gallagher denies there is any relationship between the challenge from the right and his decision to leave Congress. But all of the Republican candidates whoimmediately expressed interestin running for his seat are Trump loyalists.

Gallagher is no progressive. He supported the U.S. Supreme Court decision ending federally protected abortion rights, saying the power to make abortion law should have always rested with elected officials, and he hasavoided stating his positionon a national abortion ban. He was astaunch opponentof President Joe Bidens efforts to help Americans struggling with student loan debt.

His district in northeast Wisconsin, whileheavily Republican, is also home to increasingly Democratic Green Bay and Democrats had been considering mounting a serious challenge there for the first time in years, specifically focusing on the abortion issue, with OB-GYN Dr. Kristin Lyerly considering a run against Gallagher. When Gallagher stepped down, state Democrats put out a statement saying they look forward to competing in the 8th and bringing some stability and competence back to the House.

Well see how that goes and whether the national Democratic Party decides to invest money in even more winnable House seats including the 3rd Congressional District in Wisconsin, which it failed to do last time around.

But the upshot of Gallaghers departure is that Wisconsin is losing a voice of sanity within the increasingly Trump-captured Republican Party.

Thats bad news. Gallaghers rejection of the Jan. 6 insurrection, which he memorably referred to as banana republic crap, was an important moment of truth and courage in a time of dangerous political cowardice.

Although he ultimately voted against impeaching Trump (and wasaccusedby former Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Illinois), a member of the select committee that investigated Jan. 6, of acting out of fear that a vote to impeach would ruin his chances of being reelected) Gallagher called out his colleagues who were spreading the Big Lie.

In a forcefulvideohe posted while locked in his office during the Capitol attack, Gallagher addressed the Republican members of Congress who objected to certifying the 2020 presidential election.

The objectors, over the last two days, have told me there is no problem having a debate: We know were not going to succeed. So were just going to object. Were going to have a debate, Gallagher said in the video, adding that other Republicans claimed, There will be no cost to this effort.

This is the cost of this effort! he declared, as protesters stormed the halls outside his office, clashing with Capitol Police, while Vice President Mike Pence was hustled to safety. This is the cost of countenancing an effort by Congress to overturn the election and telling thousands of people that there is a legitimate shot of overturning the election today, even though you know that is not true, Gallagher said.

He called on Trump to stop the insurrection. Call it off, he said. This is bigger than you. It is bigger than any member of Congress. It is about the United States of America, which is more important than any politician.

We are going to miss having a Republican member of Congress who still believes that.

This column was originally published in the Wisconsin Examiner.

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Russia’s democracy movement will survive the death of Navalny – Atlantic Council

Anti-corruption campaigner Alexei Navalny, who according to Russian authorities died in prison on Friday at the age of forty-seven, was by far the most popular and effective opposition leader to challenge Russian President Vladimir Putin during his almost quarter century in power. Navalnys death at the hands of the state represents an immense setback to Russias democracy movement, but that movement has always been much bigger than just one man and will go on without him. The strategies and messages that Navalny developed for fighting the Putin regime have spread to a diverse group of Russian pro-democracy actors. That movement has proved itself resilient and able to adapt to more than a decade of increasingly harsh repression, and it will adapt to this devastating development as well. Martyrdom is an extremely powerful political narrative, and this cruel tragedy will likely cause many other Russians to devote still more effort to the struggle for freedom.

The circumstances of Navalnys death remain unclear, but whatever details may be revealed, there can be no question that responsibility lies squarely with the regime that unjustly imprisoned him and with Putin personally. The Russian states intention to murder Navalny slowly was apparent as it held him prisoner for the last three years: It tortured him and denied him adequate medical care, even as his health deteriorated from the brutal conditions of his incarceration and from the side effects of his exposure to a deadly nerve agent during a 2020 assassination attempt by Russian security services.

Navalnys rise to public prominence was a result of his insight that the Putin regimes pervasive and massive corruption posed a major political liability. His skill as a corruption investigator enabled him to expose the eye-catching, gaudy excesses on which Russias political elites frittered away the enormous wealth they stole from the Russian people. His skill as a political communicatorthe clear charisma that shone through the clever, entertaining videos he producedbrought the results of his investigations to mass audiences in Russia and around the world. As his political career developed, his critiques of the Putin regime broadened to include its widespread human rights abuses and its brutal military interventions in Ukraine and Syria.

Navalny emerged as an important political leader during Russias Bolotnaya protests of 2011-2012, as Russians took to the street over Putins return to a third term as president. This year, on the cusp of a fifth Putin term, Russias rapid descent into repression and militarism could make Navalnys vision for a democratic and peaceful Russia seem further than ever from realization. Yet Navalnys activism since 2011 has also contributed to the development of a broader democratic movement capable of continuing without him.

While Navalnys personal popularity at times drew criticism of a personalistic style of politics, in truth his political strategy always centered on movement-building. In 2013, his highly competitive campaign for Moscow mayor attracted thousands of volunteers and launched the political careers of several other oppositionists who have gone on to become important figures in their own right. In 2018, his shadow campaign for president (which he continued even after being denied access to the ballot) built a nationwide network of dozens of local offices spanning Russias huge territory that continued after the election to serve as incubators of local political and civic activism. The Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK)the nongovernmental organization Navalny founded to carry out corruption investigations and raise public awareness of how Putins elite have looted Russia for decadeshas continued to produce high-impact investigations during his imprisonment. Despite a 2021 extremist designation that forced FBK into exile as several staff were jailed, the organization remains one of the most important in Russian civil society. FBKs Navalny Live YouTube channel is one of Russias most popular, reaching millions of Russians each month. Beyond those with direct connections to Navalny are thousands more (overwhelmingly young) Russian activists who were inspired by Navalnys work to make their own efforts to build the better future for their country. He built a movement that was bigger than himself.

This is the legacy Navalny leaves for Russian society. His vision, his political skills, and his personal courage helped sustain Russias democratic movement through a period of sharply intensifying repression. Perhaps his most important political insight was his recognition of how his own moral leadershipthe sacrifices of his health and freedom he was willing to make on behalf of his causecould cut through the cynicism that so often dominates Russian political life. His martyrdom magnifies that moral leadership immeasurably.

In an interview shown in the 2022 Oscar-winning documentary about his work, Navalny is asked what message he would want to send in the event that he is killed. His message, he responds, is a simple one: You are not allowed to give up. If they [decide to kill me], it means that we are incredibly strong. We need to use this power . . . All that is needed for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing.This simple but powerful sentiment that has guided Navalnys life has become an even more powerful message in his deathone capable of inspiring Russians to even greater efforts to build a better future.

Dylan Myles-Primakoff is a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Councils Eurasia Center and a senior manager for Eurasia Programs at the National Endowment for Democracy.

Image: Supporters of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny attend a rally in Moscow, Russia October 7, 2017. REUTERS/Sergei Karpukhin

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Community Voices: Getting rid of democracy will only make things worse – The Bakersfield Californian

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