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Igers replacement as Disney CEO, the more conservative but less diplomatic Bob Chapek, stayed silent on the bill which provoked a mutiny at Disneys more avant-garde subsidiary Pixar. There was a staff walkout, and an irate statement claiming that nearly every moment of overtly gay affection [in Pixar films had been] cut at Disneys behest.

Chapek promptly swung hard the other way, pledging $5million towards LGBTQ rights organisations, and announcing Disneys goal to repeal the contentious law. In a ping-pong game of cultural outrage, DeSantis responded by revoking Disneys control of a district the company has run almost autonomously for half a century, declaring that in Florida, our policies [have] got to be based on the best interest of Florida citizens, not on the musing of woke corporations.

That district which has been called a Vatican with mouse ears was incorporated in May 1966 to facilitate one of the strangest examples of Walt Disneys grandiose ambitions. Walt wanted to create an ideal community called Progress City, showcasing new concepts for urban living, so begged the right to effectively secede from Florida state law on planning, building codes and so on. After his death in December 1966, corporate enthusiasm for Progress City waned, and, in 1971, the site became Walt Disney World.

Today, it lies in a special tax area which covers 100 square kilometers in Orange and Osceola counties, and includes two small cities where Disney runs the fire brigade, ambulances and emergency medical services, drainage, electricity utilities, roads and so on. It pays for all this with its own municipal bonds, which come with tax advantages.

The effect of repealing the legislation is unclear. There is no obvious winner. Disney will lose huge tax benefits in Florida, but DeSantis has also taken massive donations from the corporation, which will dry up. Meanwhile, Orange Countys mayor has warned that the cost of taking over Disneys emergency services would be catastrophic.

The reason DeSantis is pushing this is because he wants to run for president in 2024 and hes out-Trumping Trump in using government power as an instrument in the culture war, one studio insider tells me. (Its a mark of the debates toxicity that Hollywood sources will only speak anonymously.) Theres not much Disney can do. They cant shift a park thats the size of San Francisco, so theyre stuck.

Looking down from Disney Heaven, Walt would be appalled by the woke corporation that bears his name. He was fervently pro-Republican and rabidly anti-Communist, testifying enthusiastically before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) and tipping off the FBI about alleged communist animators.

For the 21st-century firm, he is an increasingly embarrassing memory: a member of the anti-Semitic Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals, he took Hitlers cinematic protge, Leni Riefenstahl, on a tour of his studios just one month after Kristallnacht.

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Nazis at the gates: inside 'woke' Disney's culture wars - The Telegraph

Former North Carolina Gov. Pat McCrorysaidSunday that policymakers trying to tighten gun laws must remember that fear of crime is a prominent cultural issue and that Republicans are scared of looking weak and losing primaries.

Mr. McCrory, a Republican, lost a recent U.S. Senate primary by 34 percentage points to Rep. Ted Budd, who enjoyed former President Donald Trumps endorsement.

Mr. McCrory said that,as mayor of Charlotte,he reduced the murder rate by 50% due to some tough law enforcement and some mentoring and other programs.

Even so, I lost a primary two weeks ago to a congressman who had a gun in his front trousers in a commercial, he told NBCs Meet the Press. And that was a more powerful message to the constituency voting in that primary. He was tougher. I was weaker, and yet my record of accomplishment and fighting crime is unsurpassed.

Mr. McCrory offered the example as Congress debates stricter gun laws in the wake of the shooting that killed 19 children and two adults at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas.

Mr. McCrory was at the forefront of the culture wars in 2016, when he failed to win another term as governor amid pushback over a bathroom law that ordered transgender people to use the public restroom for their sex at birth. Today, Mr. Trump and others are casting him as a timid RINO Republican in name only.

SEE ALSO: Texas state senator disgusted by police response in Uvalde shooting

In that vein, Mr. McCrory said fellow Republicans are being pushed to the right on gun laws, partly as a backlash to liberal policies that result in courts releasing dangerous people.

Weve got people who dont trust right now the criminal justice system, he said. Were letting criminals go you see the DAs in L.A., the DAs in some of these cities where theyre letting criminals go crime after crime after crime, and people are going, You know, Im gonna take this into my own hands. Im gonna protect my family. Im gonna protect my home.

Originally posted here:
Former NC Gov. Pat McCrory: GOP lawmakers are pushed to right on guns due to symbolism, culture - Washington Times

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As the gunman approached her family in the corner of the restaurant, Suzanna Hupp wanted nothing more than a gun in her hand.

But Texas law in 1991 didnt allow that, leaving her defenseless. Her father was fatally shot when he ran at the gunman, unarmed. Her mother died holding him on the floor of that Lubys restaurant in Killeen. Twenty-one other diners and the gunman also died that day.

The Lubys shooting, as it became known, shocked the nation and galvanized Hupp, who escaped through a window. She spent the next 30 years, including 10 in the state Legislature, fighting to give others the option she did not have.

Unlike other mass shooting survivors who advocate for gun restrictions the parents of Sandy Hook Elementary students or the teenagers who watched their classmates die at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Hupps goal has been eliminating gun regulations.

For all the conversation about common sense and compromise, these are the two fundamental choices: The answer to preventing future tragedy is either fewer guns or more.

At their core, these philosophies do not form a Venn diagram. They are ideologically distinct and incompatible worldviews.

While there will be discussions in the coming weeks about incremental steps and public support for tightening gun regulations, the political reality is that three decades of Republican dominance in the state have erased the middle ground. In Texas, the chosen response to mass shootings is a gun and a prayer.

The states elected officials, influenced by an ultra-conservative religious movement and profit-driven gun companies, have chosen the path of least regulation, elevating firearm ownership into a referendum on faith and freedom.

Addressing the state Wednesday after a gunman massacred 19 students and two teachers, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick made it clear how the state should respond to mass shootings.

In these other shootings Sutherland Springs, El Paso, Odessa, Santa Fe its God that brings a community together. Its God that heals a community, Patrick said. If we dont turn back as a nation to understanding what we were founded upon and what we were taught by our parents and what we believe in, then these situations will only get worse.

Texas is on a path that may not reflect public opinion but absolutely reflects the larger political forces sweeping the state. And its not just Texas: Republican state legislatures, data shows, are 115% more likely to pass legislation loosening gun laws in response to mass shootings.

Texas remains among the more heavily armed states in the country more than a third of Texas households have a gun, and while the rate of household gun ownership has declined nationally since the 1980s, it has not declined as quickly or consistently in Texas.

More than 1.7 million Texans have an active state firearm license, and Texas has more federally registered guns than any other state. Nationally, data shows two-thirds of gun owners own more than one gun, and nearly a third own five or more guns.

If the states are laboratories of democracy, where we figure out what policies work, you might think over time wed converge on a set of policies, said Chris Poliquin, who researches gun laws at the University of California, Los Angeles. But you dont actually see that on gun policy.

When the pickup truck crashed through the plate glass window of the Lubys in Killeen, halfway between Austin and Waco, Suzanna Hupp assumed it was an accident.

When the driver pulled out a gun, she assumed it was a robbery.

It wasnt until he started shooting picking off patrons, one by one that she realized what was happening.

It took me a good 45 seconds, which is an eternity during something like that, she said. Now, it would be the first thing your mind goes to, but back then, we hadnt had anything like that before.

It was 1991, long before the era of active shooter drills and school lockdowns. It would be another eight years until the shooting at Columbine High School and three decades before a man walked into an elementary school in Uvalde and massacred 19 students and two teachers.

It was also an era of much tighter gun laws in Texas. Hupps handgun was in the glove compartment of her car. She had not brought it inside for fear of losing her chiropractors license if caught violating the states prohibition on carrying a concealed weapon.

I realized we were just sitting ducks, she said. That is just the most sickening feeling in the world to just wait for it to be your turn.

Hupp emerged from that shooting with a new mission, and the gun rights movement had a new crusader.

I testified in, I dont know, 25 different states, some of them a couple of times, she said. And they all have concealed carry now.

Her argument has been simple but effective: Stricter gun laws would not have stopped the gunman who killed her parents. A gun would have. She believes the key to preventing more gun deaths is more guns mental health treatment and better risk assessment, too, but most importantly, more guns in more places.

Heres the truth of the matter that no one can argue with, she said. If Id had my gun that day, even if I had screwed it up somehow, it would have changed the odds, wouldnt it?

When Hupp first got involved in the gun rights movement, many states banned concealed carry and the United States was on the verge of passing a federal assault weapons ban.

But a change had been building for some time. Since the 1960s, the country had been in the process of shifting from what Wake Forest University researcher David Yamane calls gun culture 1.0 guns for sport or recreation to 2.0 guns for self-defense.

A lot of people in developed, suburbanized parts of the country who maybe previously thought they didnt need a gun anymore, because theyre not on the frontier, start to develop the notion that they might have to defend themselves, Yamane said. That link has become much more prominent these days.

Hupps story capitalized on a previously unimaginable idea that a man might come into the restaurant where youre eating and just start shooting. This free-floating fear has morphed in recent years depending on the moment gun sales spiked during the original COVID lockdowns and amid the 2020 racial justice protests, and they tend to rise after mass shootings like the one in Uvalde.

In the 90s and 2000s, people really do start to see guns increasingly as a viable option to face down crime, uncertainty and unrest, Yamane said. Theres an element of defensive gun ownership that looks at the gun as a tool of last resort for when the worst possible thing is happening.

At the same time, the National Rifle Association began bringing more of its lobbying firepower to state legislatures, fomenting the idea that the world was full of things that needed defending against.

The NRA built this identity around gun ownership and then it portrayed that identity as being threatened, said Matthew Lacombe, the author of Firepower: How the NRA Turned Gun Owners into a Political Force. So the minority of Americans who oppose gun control are historically more politically active than the majority that support.

In Texas, like other red states, the NRA slid sideways into the newfound alliance between evangelical Christians and the Republican Party, aligning gun rights with the religious right.

Gun ownership became a symbolic weapon in fighting the culture wars.

I am not really here to talk about the Second Amendment or the NRA, but the gun issue clearly brings into focus the war thats going on, said then-NRA President Charlton Heston in a 1997 speech. Mainstream America is depending on you to draw your sword and fight for them.

And Texas did fight. In 1994, George W. Bush beat Ann Richards for the governorship after she vetoed a concealed carry law. In the decades since, Texas passed open carry, allowed guns on college campuses and in churches, prohibited cities from passing stricter gun laws and deemed the state a Second Amendment sanctuary.

Hupp left the Legislature in 2007. In the years since, shes watched ideas she said her colleagues once dismissed as nuts pass into law like permitless carry and allowing teachers to carry guns.

As the Texas Legislature has steadily embarked on a conservative crusade, gun rights hasnt just been on the list of priorities. In many ways, its the linchpin of the whole thing.

In 2018, after a gunman killed 17 students at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, NRA executive vice president Wayne LaPierre spoke to a conservative convention.

There is no greater personal, individual freedom than the right to keep and bear arms, the right to protect yourself and the right to survive, LaPierre said. It is not bestowed by man, but granted by God to all Americans as our American birthright.

The idea that God has granted Americans a fundamental right to bear arms is not a new one, but its become an article of faith.

True believers derive the inherent right to self-defense by drawing a line from the Declaration of Independence that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness to the Second Amendment as the legal representation of Gods will.

This is the cross that some gun owners have chosen to bear that their defense of gun rights is not just about firearms, but about ensuring the continued manifestation of Gods will on Earth.

Andrew Whitehead, author of Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States, said equating gun rights with the will of the sacred essentially erases any hope of finding a middle ground.

If we do anything about gun control, we are turning our backs on Gods desire and plan for this country and the Founding Fathers and all of those things, Whitehead said. Its so strongly ingrained and has become so central to that identity, so to float the idea of gun control is almost to attack, in their view, their Christian identity.

Christian nationalism is an effort to more closely intertwine evangelical Christian morality and American civic identity. Its associated with a slate of other conservative political agenda items, all framed around bringing America and its citizens hearts back to God.

Modern Christian nationalism tightly defines a true American and a true Christian in largely white, evangelical, conservative terms, emphasizing capitalism, traditional gender roles and parents rights.

Not all evangelical Christians subscribe to Christian nationalist ideas. But some of those ideas have taken hold in the Texas Legislature in recent years.

In 2019, after the second mass shooting in Texas in a month, state Rep. Matt Schaefer, R-Tyler, tweeted that he was NOT going to use the evil acts of a handful of people to diminish the God-given rights of my fellow Texans. Period.

Schaefers tweet thread went on to say he opposed gun reform measures, including universal background checks, bans on assault weapons and mandatory gun buybacks. Instead, he said he would support praying for the victims, for protection and for hoping God would transform the hearts of people with evil intent.

He also endorsed the idea of giving every law-abiding single mom the right to carry a handgun to protect her and her kids without permission from the state, and the same for all other law-abiding Texans of age.

Schaefer did not respond to request for comment.

By citing Texans God-given rights, Schaefer and his fellow state legislators transform a gun into a symbol of morality, piety and identity.

The ability to craft and create that narrative gets politicians who might not even be that interested in Christian nationalism in touch with people who are activated by that rhetoric, said Whitehead. And that can be very powerful.

Its not just gun control. Support for Christian nationalist ideas is a predictor for support for a slew of other political agenda items, Whitehead said, including the most high-profile right now: ending abortion.

Gun rights and abortion access occupy the same philosophical space in the Texas Legislature, where the conversation is centered more on morality and theology than facts and science. Government has a responsibility to defend life in the womb, the argument goes, and individuals a right to defend themselves.

There is more of an entrenchment with the gun issue than almost any other issue, said state Rep. Donna Howard, D-Austin. Theres little room for any kind of discussion, any kind of debate, any willingness to look at compromises even with abortion, there was more room to negotiate a few things.

After 10 people were killed in a school shooting in Santa Fe, Texas, in 2018, Gov. Greg Abbott suggested considering a red flag law. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick then nixed it.

After 23 people were killed at a Walmart in El Paso and seven people were killed in Midland-Odessa in 2019, Patrick discussed expanding background checks. Instead, the Legislature passed permitless carry.

But after the mass shooting in Uvalde, neither Patrick nor Abbott indicated any interest in reforming the states gun laws. On Fox News, Attorney General Ken Paxton said its unreasonable to think we can stop bad people from doing bad things.

We can potentially arm and prepare and train teachers and other administrators to respond quickly, he said. That, in my opinion, is the best answer.

While Democrats expressed their outrage some more immediately than others none of this came as any surprise to people who study gun issues.

Poliquins research shows that Republican-dominated states tend to pass legislation in the wake of mass shootings that make guns more readily accessible. Democrat-led states dont see a statistically significant increase in gun laws of any kind after these events, in part, Poliquin hypothesized, because they already have strong gun control laws.

Republicans in Texas are acting on their partys ideology on guns, which emphasizes more guns in more places as a deterrent to acts of violence. And even if that doesnt reflect public opinion, they have no reason to anticipate backlash in the voting booth.

Even conversations about compromise are enough to rile up the faithful, and in a polarized and gerrymandered state like Texas, the political fringes are where a politician's career can be made or lost.

The more the gun control advocates try to put in place what they euphemistically call common-sense gun laws those of us that believe in the Second Amendment and everything it was set in place to protect tend to hold much tighter, Hupp said. We recognize what their ultimate goal is, which is to completely disarm citizens.

Howard, one of a minority of Democrats in the state Legislature, said Texas approach to gun policy reminds her of the bumper stickers she would see in the 1960s: America: Love it or leave it.

It feels like her fellow legislators are telling her and any Texans who want gun control if you don't like it, you can just leave, she said.

Thats not something I have felt until recent years, she said. This is my home, and the fact that what I believe and people like me believe, and the way we would like to have society structured, is just totally discounted, it feels like we don't matter.

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A gun and a prayer: How the far right took control of Texas' response to mass shootings - The Texas Tribune

Worse is the unprecedented scrutiny now directed at teachers by parents, political groups, even legislators. Virtually all the people ostentatiously monitoring teachers are people who have no training in education and no experience in a public-school classroom. The unspoken belief underlying such ideological policing is that teachers cant be trusted, that teachers dont deserve to be regarded as the skilled professionals they are. In many ways, todays culture war treats teachers and, increasingly, school librarians as the enemy.

Consider the veteran educator in East Tennessee, fired for teaching his students about white privilege in a class called Contemporary Issues, a course he had taught for nearly a decade without a word of complaint from parents. Consider the assistant principal in Mississippi, fired for reading I Need a New Butt! a funny childrens book, to second graders. Consider the country music star who testified before the Tennessee General Assembly that educators today are predators, akin to a guy in a white van pulling up at the edge of school when school lets out. Consider the candidate in the Georgia governors race who said in a debate, Were going to get rid of kindergarten teachers men with beards and lipstick and high heels teaching our children. Were going to get back to being moral in Georgia.

These stories from the red states make a recent bit of satire from The Onion Teacher Fired for Breaking States Critical Race Theory Laws After Telling Students Shes Black hard to distinguish from real life.

Maybe youre thinking this is all hyperbole, a few isolated incidents in a country with more than three million teachers in public schools. Its not. PEN America, a nonpartisan advocacy organization that promotes and defends free speech, has documented the introduction of 185 educational gag orders most related to race, gender, racism and American history designed to control what may or may not be discussed in a classroom. Combined with the more than 1,500 book bans issued in the past 10 months alone, these bills represent an orchestrated attempt to silence marginalized voices and restrict students freedom to learn, according to a statement released last week by PEN.

Not all of these gag order bills have been signed into law, but they have had an unsettling effect on the teaching profession nonetheless. They put teachers on notice: Big Brother is watching you.

And all of this comes on top of the burnout exacerbated by the Covid pandemic, the epicenter of yet another culture war. The pandemic has led to mass teacher absences, contentious mask debates and chaotic plans for how to teach remotely. No wonder a poll by the National Education Association found in January that 55 percent of teachers in public schools are ready to leave the profession altogether.

Many wont, of course. They need the paycheck. They need the health insurance. They may hate the cultural context they now find themselves teaching in, but they love their work. The Achilles heel of schoolteachers, one all too easily exploited by politicians, is that they love their students.

Original post:
Opinion | In the Culture Wars, Teachers Are Under Attack - The New York Times

One day last June, Patti Smith opened her laptop, typed a brief message to the thousands of readers of her Substack newsletter, and hit Send. I would be grateful for any suggestions of songs you think I might try, she wrote. Have a good week-end!

Smith began using the rapidly expanding, increasingly influential, and sometimes controversial email publishing platform in March 2021. Coronavirus had put touring on hold, and Smith was working on The Melting, a sort of diary about life in the COVID era, when someone at Substack reached out. Smith was intrigued. Rather than pursuing a printed work that wouldnt see the light of day for another year or two, she decided to publish The Melting on Substack in real time. She signed one of the companys pro dealsthe Substack equivalent of a book advanceand on March 31 sent out her first newsletter, offering readers a journal of my private pandemic, as well as weekly ruminations, shards of poetry, music, and musings on whatever subject finds its way from thought to pen.

Thirty-eight Substack emails later, Smith scrolled through the comments on her request for cover songs. One reader suggested Paupers Dough by the Scottish musician King Creosote, n Kenny Anderson. Smith found the track on YouTube, instantly falling in love with its slow, plaintive melody and lyrics that she described in a subsequent post as a poem to the people, the salt of the earth. She listened to it on repeat, memorizing the words and singing them as if they were her own. As luck would have it, Smith was due to perform in Andersons home country for the opening night of the COP 26 Climate Change Conference in Glasgow. Four months after discovering Anderson through her Substack, Smith stood onstage with him in the darkness of Glasgows Theatre Royal. I just started crying, she told me. We sang the song together and it was very moving. That was a real Substack moment.

Smith shared this story with me to convey her wholehearted embrace of Substack, which turns five this summer, half a decade after debuting with a promise to accelerate the advent of what we are convinced will be a new golden age for publishing. Since its founding, in tandem with an industry-wide pivot toward digital subscriptions, Substack has aggressively pursued that goal, making it both a darling of the media world and a breakout star of Silicon Valley. More recently, the company has found itself on the front lines of the culture wars. Its laissez-faire approach to content moderation, which sometimes gives voice to objectionable figures booted from other platforms, has made Substack a lightning rod in the debate over regulating free speech. But even amid bursts of negative media coverage, Substack has maintained a large and loyal user base, and there are no signs of an exodus.

Were not here to build A SMALL BOUTIQUE BUSINESS and just hope for the best, and hope that Google doesnt crush us one day.

Smith, for her part, sees her eponymous newsletter as a sort of petri dish for what the medium can be. In addition to her serialized memoir and other miscellaneous writings, Smith uses Substack for audio messages, poetry readings, and photography. She opens her laptop at night and records impromptu videos, inviting fans into her white-walled bedroom. In February, for Smiths paying subscribers$6 a month/$50 a year for unlimited accessshe hosted a livestreamed performance from Electric Lady Studios, belting out classics like Ghost Dance and Redondo Beach.

In its early days, Substack primarily catered to a certain set of internet-savvy writers and journalists, lured by the promise of monetizing a direct relationship with their readers. But as it morphs from a niche publishing concern into a heavyweight start-up mentioned in the same breath as Twitter and Facebook, its user base is proliferating accordingly. I really like my Instagram, but it has specific boundaries, and this was something new, said Smith. It makes me feel like, in the movies, where you see the reporter that goes to the phone booth and calls in her article. I feel a bit like that.

A year and a half ago, in a column published in the pages of this magazine, I suggested that Substack feels like a player that might just be on the cusp of the big leagues. Since then, Substack has raised an additional $65 million in venture capital, bringing its total funding to $82.4 millionled by mega-firm Andreessen Horowitzand its valuation to a reported $650 million. Its head count is about 90, up from 10 at the start of the pandemic. In November the company, headquartered in San Franciscos Financial District, offered a tiny glimpse into its otherwise opaque revenues, saying it had surpassed a million paid subscriptions to Substack publications, the top 10 of which, out of hundreds of thousands, collectively bring in more than $20 million a year. (Substack typically skims off 10 percent of a newsletters revenue, but individual deals vary; some writers take a lump sum in exchange for relinquishing 85 percent of their subscription dollars.) In addition to Smith, several other literary lions have joined Substack (Salman Rushdie, George Saunders, Roxanne Gay, Chuck Palahniuk, Joyce Carol Oates), which has also begun to attract celebrities of varying stripes (Padma Lakshmi, Nick Offerman, Dan Rather, Edward Snowden, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar). In February, President Joe Biden bypassed the long queue of print reporters clamoring for a sit-down and offered one instead to Heather Cox Richardson, the breakout history professor who became Substacks most-read writer last year. Substack also appears to have influenced strategy at major legacy news brands, like The Atlantic and The New York Times, which have been building out their own newsletter portfolios and, in some cases, vying for talent with Substack. Theyre not in Mark Zuckerberg territory just yet, but that appears to be the goal: Someone whos friendly with cofounder Hamish McKenzie told me he once said that Substack would be the next Facebook.

When I asked McKenzie about that, he didnt recall making the remark, but neither did he shy away from laying out the companys ambitions. Were not here to build a small boutique business and just hope for the best, and hope that Google doesnt crush us one day, or Amazon doesnt crush us one day, he said. What we are trying to do is build a true alternative to the attention economy.

McKenzie, a 40-year-old New Zealander who lives in San Francisco with his wife and two kids, is Substacks de facto ambassador to the media. Slim and clean-cut, McKenzie grew up in a rural wine and farming region, where his father worked as an atmospheric scientist and his mother a high school language and culture teacher. At the University of Otago in New Zealands southeast, McKenzie got into journalism, which brought him to Canadas University of Western Ontario for graduate school. In 2006, he moved to Hong Kong and freelanced before helping create Hong Kongs edition of Time Out. Two years later, he joined the American woman who would become his wife, Stephanie Wang, in the United States, eventually landing a reporting gig at PandoDaily, the now defunct technology news website. He seemed very, like, I wanna shake things up, remembers Paul Carr, Pandos former editorial director. You could tell he had big ideas.

At Pando, McKenzies coverage of Tesla and SpaceX caught the attention of an editor who approached him about doing an Elon Musk book. Without a direct line to the elusive billionaire, McKenzie went to the personal website of Musks dietitian mother, found an email address for her, and reached out, seeking advice on the best way to approach her son. To my horror, McKenzie recalls, she just forwarded that email straight to Elonbusted!and then Elon had his P.R. person call me right away. Musk, as it happened, was familiar with McKenzies work and agreed to a call, except he wasnt keen on participating in a book. Have you ever thought about going corporate? he asked McKenzie, who met with Musk about a job at Tesla. McKenzie tried to talk Musk into doing a book anyway but got nowhere. He became a writer for Teslas communications team instead, sticking it out for more than a year before heeding the siren call of his Musk project, Insane Mode, which he left the company to write in 2015. Musk still didnt participate, but McKenzie shared the manuscript prior to publication. It wasnt smooth sailing, McKenzie told me.

While working on Insane Mode, McKenzie took a part-time job doing comms for the messaging app Kik, where he became friends with Chris Best, the companys CTO. Best, a 34-year-old computer wonk who grew up outside Vancouver, had cofounded Kik in 2009 as he was finishing the systems design engineering program at the University of Waterloo in Ontario. In early 2017, Best left Kik and decided to take a year off. I started writing, he told me. One of the things that had been swirling in my head was, like, Hey, I think our media ecosystem has gotten insane! And I wrote basically an essay or a blog post or something. Best shared the piece with McKenzie and asked for feedback. He was bemoaning the state of the world and how it led to this growing divide in society, and how the things that were being rewarded were cheap outrage and flame wars, McKenzie recalls. I was like, Yeah, this is right, and everyone who works in media knows that these are the problems. But what no one knows is how to do something about it. Whats a better way? Whats a solution?

Their solution turned out to be Substack. We were both readers of Stratechery, Ben Thompsons influential, largely paid newsletter about the business of tech and media, says McKenzie, and were like, Yes, the model does work really well. Were both happy subscribers, paying subscribers to Stratechery. Why dont more people try it? It was simple enough to be appealing and convincing to me that it was worth a shot.

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Substacks Founders Dive Headfirst Into the Culture Wars - Vanity Fair