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When Jair Bolsonaros culture secretary published an official video paraphrasing Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels, it wasnt just Brazilians who were stunned. The video, in which Roberto Alvim called for a rebirth of art and culture in Brazil while Adolf Hitlers favourite Wagner opera played in the background, sent shockwaves around the world.

Alvim was sacked within hours, as Brazilians asked: was this an aberration, a one-off, or even a communist trick? And what did it say about the far right presidents communications masterplan?

Analysts said the use of such extremist tactics is typical of the brinksmanship, trolling and meme tactics used by the US alt-right who are often referenced by powerful members of Bolsonaros government.

The term alt-right was popularised by white supremacist Richard Spencer and has been linked to Stephen Miller, a white nationalist and senior adviser to Donald Trump who has himself benefited from far-right support and at times nodded to it.

Pushing the limits and goading liberals are classic alt-right tactics, said Rodrigo Nunes, a political philosophy professor at Rio de Janeiros Pontifical Catholic University.

This is done in the US by people on the fringes of the public debate, and here it is done by people in the government, Nunes said. Sending messages to people in the most extreme fringes of the far right.

Alvim denied knowing he had quoted Goebbels. Brazilian media reported that he was well aware that he was echoing Hitlers propaganda minister and even joked he would be called a Nazi.

The playbook is the American alt-right, Nunes said. In that sense, Brazil is the first alt-right government in the world.

Its not hard to find other such rightwing dog-whistle messages around Bolsonaros government.

His congressman son, Eduardo, and special adviser of international affairs Felipe Martins both have Twitter profile pictures which use a sci-fi, collage aesthetic called vaporwave or fashwave associated with the alt-right.

Martins profile quotes Do Not Go Gentle Into That Good Night the Dylan Thomas poem quoted in the manifesto of far-right terrorist Brenton Tarrant, accused of killing 51 people in the Christchurch mosque attacks.

These are common tropes, said Alexandra Minna Stern, a professor in the American Culture department at the University of Michigan and author of Proud Boys and the White Ethnostate. In turn, the US alt-right is interested in Brazil because they like Jair Bolsonaro and the way he and his supporters have used social media, she said.

Another alt-right favourite is the Latin phrase deus vult (God wills it) a Crusader slogan which has often been used by figures in the alt-right as well as Alvim and foreign minister Ernesto Arajo.

The Bolsonaros also use offensive statements to distract media attention from damaging scandals. In the past month alone, the president told a reporter he looked terribly like a homosexual as explosive details about a money laundering inquiry into his senator son Flvio swirled. Last week, he said on Facebook live that Indigenous people are increasingly becoming human beings just like us.

Thats part of the spectacle, like the shock and awe going on in the US, said Stern.

Like Trump, leading Bolsonaristas are good at plausible deniability making an extreme comment, then withdrawing it or claiming it was misconstrued.

Eduardo Bolsonaro and finance minister Paulo Guedes have both said Brazil could reintroduce notoriously repressive legislation from Brazils military dictatorship if street protests like those in Chile were to erupt. Both later backed off, but the subject had entered the national conversation.

And while Alvims conservative art competition has been suspended, many Bolsonaristas still believe that Brazilian culture is decadent, infested with leftist ideals, and in need of a conservative transformation.

Its back to Nazi ideas of what is degenerate art, how young families are being corrupted, Stern said. [The idea] is out there and its entering the discourse.

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'The playbook is the American alt-right': Bolsonaristas follow familiar extremist tactics - The Guardian

The internet is a vast place. Not only are there fun memes and puppy videos to grace our feeds every morning, there is the entire dark web, too.

I dont know much about the latter I am a theater major who vehemently resents social media, instant messaging and ad-polluted shopping sites. Veering off the beaten path has never been on my radar, but playwright Javaad Alipoor is an encyclopedia of knowledge on how the internet is undermining democracy and instantaneously reshaping the world.

The central storyline in Alipoors new play, The Believers Are But Brothers, follows two Muslim men residing in different parts of England and their experience of getting recruited by ISIS. Ive found that trying to explain the complexities of their recruitment gives away the show and is far better depicted by Alipoor, so my best bet is just to implore you to go see it at the Arthur Miller Theater.

The show dumped a ton of information related to the world of the dark web on the viewer without slowing down to hold anyones hand, so its no surprise that The Believers are but Brothers was rewarded with the largest retention of people for any Q&A I have seen at my four years at the University.

While I sat in the theater, I could not shake the feeling that what Alipoor was doing was dangerous. He spoke so much truth about ISIS successful recruitment of young

Muslims in the Western world while simultaneously depicting a young, white supremacist who never leaves his computer screen. In doing so, he allowed the audience to realize how much damage comes from each side. Spoiler: both do an astounding amount of rallying for their respective causes online.

Therefore, as Alipoor dished out fact after fact in a state that swung red in the last election, I was frightened that maybe someone who did not agree with him could be inspired to protest or even incite violence.

Maybe thats part of the show. If we are constantly attached to these devices and mediums of communication that have the potential to ensue such violence and hate, what is the difference? According to this show, the alt-right is far more advanced in digital manipulation that prompts the banding together of white supremacy groups,online hate speech and controlling elections. The left is far behind in the advancement of that sort of asset, if you can call it that. During the Q&A, American culture professor Lisa Nakamura said she believes the left underestimates the value of spectacle online that the alt-right has come to master.

I dont think we are supposed to be overstimulated this much. There is a part in the show near the end where Alipoor is playing Call of Duty while the whole rest of the stage is lit up in all sorts of media for a couple of minutes. I couldnt help thinking about how monstrous it all is.

Scenes jumped between direct address to the audience, Skype, Youtube and even WhatsApp. In each medium, the audience acted as an avid participant. At the beginning, Alipoor shared memes with us that any person under 30 would recognize like Pepe the Frog or Doge. By the conclusion of the play, however, these memes were boiled down to the basic ideologies that fuel the worlds most violent groups, like white supremacists and ISIS.

Memes to terrorism is a big jump, I know. I still have a plethora of questions that I want answered, but just like going down the internet rabbit hole, finding answers leads to more questions. Alipoors play feels a bit like going down the internet rabbit hole. At times, this made it hard to follow what train of thought he was going down.

The panel afterwards was led by Alipoor, Nakamura (known for her gender videogame class) and Alexandra Stern (author of Proud Boys and the White Ethnostate: How the Alt-Right is warping the American Imagination) and School of Information professor Clifford Lampe. All four had fascinating insights into how the internet is shaping humanity.

When asked if we are just looking too closely at the internet by blaming it for the evils of the world, the panel acknowledged the sentiment, but Alipoor restated that there are worlds being destroyed because of the technology.

There is a way that we as humans, for better or for worse, are able to communicate that we havent even begun to scratch the surface of yet,Alipoor said.

Its exciting and frightening to think of what happens past the internet. We have the history of mankind at our fingertips, the ability to overthrow governments or create blackweb armies that can be just a few clicks away, so what happens next?

Now, if youll excuse me, Im going to go scroll through Facebook to shake off all this internet anxiety.

See the original post here:
UMS presents 'The Believers are but Brothers' - The Michigan Daily

This article is part ofTPM Cafe, TPMs home for opinion and news analysis.

With the impeachment of Donald J. Trump, Sen. Susan Collins of Maine is again in the national spotlight, as she looks like she just might vote to hear witnesses at the Senate trial. That impending Collins votebecame especially crucial this morning, when new allegations against Trumps involvement in the Ukraine pressure scheme surfaced in the unpublished manuscript of ex-National Security Adviser John Boltons new book. Collins indicated on Twitter the news may sway her vote, arguing the accusations strengthen the case for witnesses and have prompted a number of conversation among my colleagues. If Collins votes to allow additional documents and witnesses, shed be one of the few Republicans to do so. If it happens, its likely shell be lauded for her independence, and headlines in Maine will likely make this their focus.

National and local reporters typically frame Collins sometimes departure from the Republican fold in terms of a tension between two constituencies. The basic narrative: Collins has to keep Republicans happy, lest she face a primary challenge, but she also has to appeal to the broader electorate. A more historically grounded variant points to the decline of Republicanism in New England, at least when it comes to Congress and presidential votes. This is a shift that has gotten far less attention than party shifts in the South. The upshot is that Trump won just one electoral vote in New England, in Maines second congressional district, and Collins is now the only Republican office-holder from New England in Congress.

But what both of those perspectives on Collins leave out is something central to Maine political culture, a model against which Collins often is judged. Theres a vision of leadership Mainers have long touted and from which Collins previously benefited politically. In that vision, the best political leaders are respected nationally, civil, not politically extreme, involved in working across the aisle, committed to principle and independent.

Theres a political pantheon of Maine, made up of elected officials who fit that model. Margaret Chase Smith is among the purest exemplars. Smith was the Republican senator who stood up to Joe McCarthy in inveighing against character assassinations, while defending the right of independent thought, and proclaiming that she didnt want to see the Republican Party ride to political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny Fear, Ignorance, Bigotry and Smear. Smith is regularly cited in Maine and Collins has identified Smith as a role model.

Others in the pantheon include Republicans Bill Cohen and Olympia Snowe, as well as Democrats Ed Muskie and George Mitchell and independent Angus King.

Collins has sometimes been included in the pantheon. Her vote against the repeal of the Affordable Care Act gave her place there great credibility, as did her announcement in the summer of 2016 that she would not back Trump for the presidency.

Over time, two key pillars of Collins reputation for independence were her support for legal and safe abortion and her environmentalism. And in the past, Collins was able to tout endorsements from pro-choice and environmental groups. But now, after voting for anti-choice judges, most importantly Justice Kavanaugh, and earning just 21% in the League of Conservation Voters 2018 scorecard, those endorsements have gone to a top challenger, Democrat Sara Gideon.

Her comments and actions on impeachment pose another threat to Collins reputation as an independent. Here, Collins most pertinent Maine comparison is to Republican Bill Cohen, who served on the House Judiciary Committee during the Watergate investigation and on the Select Committee that probed the Iran-Contra affair. In both cases, Cohen stood up to presidents of his own party.

Like Margaret Chase Smith, Bill Cohens political courage and independence is still remembered in Maine.

Comparisons between Cohen and Collins were sure to be inevitable. Both have been viewed as independent and both are Republicans who have been confronted with presidential abuses. Collins was an intern for Cohen during the summer of 1974 when Cohen helped craft and pass articles of impeachment. Facing considerable political pressure from Nixon backers, Cohen made the articles more specific and thus stronger. Cohen characterized his position as on a high wire that was strung between disloyalty to party and disloyalty to principle and cited the exemplar of Maine independence Margaret Chase Smith.

But Cohens impact is not just as an historical example.

Cohen comes to the state frequently and hasnt held his tongue on Trumps wrongdoing. This fall Cohen said he believed Trump pursued a quid pro quo with Ukraine and this warranted impeachment, and warned there will be no rules that will be unbroken if Trump wins a second term. Just last week he said that Trumps actions in Ukraine were done for a corrupt purpose. Cohen also said that further evidence about Trump is going to come out and when it does senators will be called upon by their constituency: Well, why didnt you at least go forward and ask for more evidence so that you could be informed, so that we could be informed?

And it is in this broader context a backdrop of a Maine political vision of independence that Collins is often judged.

Collins waffling on witnesses is nothing new as a style and practice, as she often takes considerable time to announce her decisions. Reporters and pundits have often explained her purported indecision as her grappling with political pressures from multiple sides, and her defenders contend it shows her seriousness in assessing arguments.

But what might be seen as concern for a careful decision currently appears to many as some mix of tortured indecision, studied ignorance and political cravenness.

Under greater scrutiny now, Collins hasnt seemed as politically deft as in the past and certainly is not secure politically. When she won 69% of the vote in 2014, she had the support of 39% of Democrats and 69% of Independents, including 41% of Democratic women and 67% of Independent women. That is highly unlikely to happen in 2020. Collins Kavanaugh vote hurt her and her approval numbers have dropped considerably. The most recent Morning Consult poll found her underwater in approvals. Even as Collins would want to continue to hold a place in the Maine pantheon, the state itself has changed and that includes the Republican party. The current Vice-Chair of the Maine Republican Party promotes alt-right ideas, claiming that immigrants are the vector of disease and crime. Its successful gubernatorial candidate in 2010 and 2014 was Paul LePage, who declared himself Trump before Trump. Yet, while an independent candidate strongly supportive of Trump has emerged, LePage backs Collins and purportedly pressured a primary challenger to drop out of the race.

Intensive organizing and stakeholder pressure pushed Collins to vote against repealing Obamacare but mobilizing to try to get Collins to oppose Kavanaugh did not work. After working hard to flip the second congressional district from red to blue in 2018 and achieve a Democratic trifecta in the state with the governorship and both houses of the Maine Legislature, activists are already working on defeating Collins. They have asked her to hold town meetings but Collins has not done so for decades and there is no prospect she will do so. Instead Collins appears before invited audiences and gives media interviews.

Collinss overall campaign strategy has been to run ads saying shes independent, to criticize Democrat Sara Gideon and to try to use incumbency advantages. Collins engages in credit-claiming, touting grants and other help to Maine. Her offices carry out effective constituency service. Its a strategy thats worked for Collins in the past and it may work again. Beating a senatorial incumbent who has been as popular as Collins is tough. Its possible but will be no slam-dunk.

One new aspect of the Maine Senate race that might matter is the use of ranked-choice voting. Under this system, its not enough to gain a plurality the most votes. If no candidate wins an outright majority, the instant runoff process kicks in until one candidate has a majority. Collins may face a ballot with a Democrat, a Green party candidate, at least one independent to her left and an independent who strongly backs Trump. Those may bring Collins initial vote to under 50% and, if this happens, its quite possible that supporters of candidates to Collins left will rank the Democratic candidate after theirs and supporters of the strongly pro-Trump candidate wont rank anyone else. That pattern of ranking seems likely, given that Maine Democrats and independents like the ranked choice system much more than Republicans and ranked candidates more.

What does all this mean for what Collins will do on impeachment? One incentive she faces is that of appearing independent, given Maines political culture and its political pantheon.

However, casting a vote for witnesses after voting not to wont necessarily help Collins, for this sort of sequence is now often seen as too clever by many Mainers. In 2016 Collins said she wouldnt back Trump when it looked like he wouldnt win. She may vote for impeachment witnesses when shes not the deciding vote for passage. And, now under greater scrutiny, Collins could get the headlines saying shes independent while facing an electorate that includes Trump backers who wont like it and Democrats and independents who backed her before but are skeptical about whether that label is really deserved.

Amy Fried is the chair of University of Maines political science department and she oversees the schools Maine Policy Scholar Program.

Excerpt from:
Mainers Care About Collins' Impeachment Vote. But Her Reelection Is About More Than That - TPM

What exciting trends are happening in the matrimonial sector?Kara, by email

A thrilling new trend has emerged, and its as seismic as the New Look was in 40s fashion, or the emergence of Mediterranean cooking in 90s Britain: its called being a housewife.

Now you might think: Ummm, that doesnt sound THAT new to me. But all fashion trends are rehashes, and tradwife, as this one is dubbed, is housewife with a social media spin. Its like bringing back 90s style, but swapping that brown eyeliner for contouring makeup. Its just so much more zeitgeist, you see?

So a tradwife is a woman who doesnt work so as to look after their children, their husband, their home and then talk non-stop about how great this is on social media. Who knew being so traditional was also so modern? And so busy! Last week alone, there were interviews with tradwives in the Daily Mail, the Times and on the BBC, This Morning, Victoria Derbyshire and, for all I know, piped 24/7 across all channels. Im afraid that being both non-trad and a non-wife I am less plugged in than these women.

But I was especially taken with one trad wife. Her name is Alena Kate Pettitt, and in between showing TV crews how she lovingly irons her husbands shirt and shops for onions, Pettitt runs something called the Darling Academy, which is a newsletter and YouTube channel that celebrates British etiquette. Initially, I assumed this meant reviving all that mad Nancy Mitford U and non-U stuff, and, let me tell you, as an American wannabe snob, I am VERY down with that. But no, Pettitt is harnessing the best of what made Britain great, during that time when you could leave your front door open and know that you were safe, and you knew your strangers in the street.

Mmm, isnt it funny how whenever people evoke a specific time when Britain was great, the time they invariably evoke is their own childhood before they were aware of the pressures and anxieties of adulthood? And Ill be honest, every times Pettitt talks about her husband taking care of her, and that is pretty much her No 1 subject, she sounds more like shes talking about her father than her husband.

The tradwives have been keenly giving interviews about how they are the true feminists in choosing not to work, to which anyone with a modicum of knowledge about feminism would say: We gave women the choice thats the point! Bake banana bread until the sun comes up, if it makes you happy! Whether they are still the true feminists in suggesting that husbands must always come first if you want a happy marriage, as Pettitt has tweeted, feels more debatable. Also unacknowledged is that, as much as the tradwives think they are being renegade rebels by not working, their rebellion is based on their husband earning enough to support a whole household. Whoa there, little rebels!

But this isnt actually about fighting the system: this is about women fighting against their own insecurities about their lives. And because of these insecurities, they then insist they are the oppressed ones, the brave speakers of truth. In other words, its another pointless culture war to chuck on the teetering pile in between Spiked Online and Laurence Fox.

And its also about something else. Rather awkwardly for the British tradwives who like to suggest their movement is just about dressing in Cath Kidston and letting their husband choose where they are going on holiday in the US and elsewhere it is very much part of the alt-right movement. It is especially popular among white supremacists, who are extremely down with the message that white women should submit to their husband and focus on making as many white babies as possible. British tradwives insist this has nothing to do with them: Someone even said, this type of housewife was promoted by the Third Reich. And its like: Really?! I didnt even know that! Pettitt told the BBC, sitting underneath her union jack bunting, musing about how we dont even know the identity of our country right now.

Now look, clearly being a happy housewife does not mean you are a Nazi. But also, maybe its time to dial down a notch, tradwives, for your own sake? After all, if youre constantly posting videos to YouTube about how to press your husbands clothes, and talking to Phillip and Holly about how you love to flirt with your husband, how do you have time to do any tradwife-ing?

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Tradwives: the new trend for submissive women has a dark heart and history - The Guardian

Welcome to Cheat Sheet, our breakdown-style reviews of festival films, VR previews, and other special event releases. This review comes from the 2020 Sundance Film Festival.

When a real-life killer finds fame on a forum or a social network a trend thats become depressingly frequent in recent years there are two common conclusions. The first is that social media is some kind of new, unprecedented evil, as if the Zodiac killer never crafted an elaborate brand strategy through local newspapers, or TV news never helped turn mass shooters into celebrities. The second is that modern web platforms simply produce their own distinct kinds of nightmares, ones that twist their wholesome promises of openness and trust.

Spree, a horror-comedy directed by Eugene Kotlyarenko, captures the latter with remarkable style. It uses an experimental blend of naturalistic filmmaking and footage from phone apps, following a man who wants desperately and pathetically to be noticed even if that involves a mass murder campaign with a viral hashtag.

Sprees plot is basically a Black Mirror episode, and its aesthetic blends found-footage techniques with the screen film style of movies like Searching and Unfriended. Most action is shot diegetically through GoPro and phone cameras, including a lot of Periscope-esque vertical video overlaid with audience reactions.

Tonally, its a sometimes queasy mix of satire and slasher film, carried by an over-the-top performance from Stranger Things star Joe Keery. The plot isnt based on true events, but its tied fairly realistically into the world of tech and social media, fictionalizing some controversies and referencing an actual mass murder by an Uber driver in 2016.

A failed pseudo-Uber driver and internet content creator (Keery) decides to go viral by embarking on a livestreamed murder spree called #TheLesson. This is unbearably and intentionally cringeworthy.

Kurt (who introduces himself as KurtsWorld96) is a social media strategy guide made flesh. Hes a self-described content creator who produces hours of bad electronic music and introspective videos that nobody watches. His idea of a conversation-starter is how did you grow your following?, and his face is set permanently in a manic grin. As a driver for the ride-hailing app Spree, he obsessively asks riders to tag him on Instagram and swears that he always follows back.

#TheLesson, an elaborate scheme to kill Spree users, is Kurts final attempt to grow his audience. But a depressingly mediocre streamer who murders people... is still just a depressingly mediocre streamer. So to his horror, nobody really cares or even believes the deaths are real. As Kurt goes to greater and greater lengths to impress viewers, he becomes fixated on a successful social media star named Jessie Adams (Sasheer Zamata), who has started to have her own misgivings about being famous online.

Spree is a savage dissection of digital social climbing. Kurt is at the bottom of the ladder, obviously. But as the film expands its focus to Jessie, we see the same dynamics play out at other levels of internet stardom. Characters engage with each other by carefully identifying their relative status, then trying to film or be filmed by the biggest star in the room conveyed through some effective editing tricks, like scenes playing out across footage from several peoples phones at once.

This behavior looks a lot like old-fashioned power jockeying. But Spree emphasizes the specific pressure of social medias instant feedback loop and hyper-quantification. Comments from fans pop up at the bottom of the screen, sometimes mocking the characters and sometimes egging them on. Instead of subjectively judging somebodys influence, people rely on the merciless metrics of views and follower counts.

Spree also puts forward a bleakly amoral vision of the internet economy. Kurts politics are all monetization strategies hell call out a white supremacist on his live murder stream because platforms dont like racism, and he despises homeless people because they arent online enough. His hashtag, #TheLesson, evokes an aggrieved alt-right troll or an overzealous social justice crusade. But its actually a literal guide for getting famous, including an instructional video for a deadly craft project.

Jessie, meanwhile, is a black woman whose comedy calls out racism and misogyny. But in Spree, shes stuck playing the same game as Kurt any genuine idealism is quickly captured, repackaged, and posted online. The real-world internet culture wars still exist here, but theyre just opposing corners of one big content farm.

Keery pulls off the trick of being creepy, sad, and fun to watch even as hes descending deeper and deeper into monstrosity. And the film leans hard into dark comedy rather than outright horror, which saves it from seeming like technophobic scaremongering or a kids these days moral panic. If youre the kind of person who can laugh at slapstick murder vignettes, a lot of Spree works very well.

On the other hand, those vignettes eventually start feeling repetitive. Spree stalls out in the middle with some scenes that are fun on their own, but dont add enough to the films central joke that social media fans are shallow and think everything is a prank. Kurts victims are usually as unpleasantly self-obsessed as he is, so with the exception of Jessie, its hard to get invested in their fates. And when Spree fully commits to the idea that Kurts murders are a microcosm of... *film gesticulates wildly at social media*, it doesnt have enough time to make its case.

Spree is currently seeking distribution.

More:
Spree review: in search of an audience - The Verge