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West Indies v Afghanistan, 1st ODI, St Lucia June 8, 2017

Match Facts

June 9, 2017 Start time 1430 local (1830 GMT)

Jason Holder, who did not feature in the T20I series, returns to the West Indies side as their ODI captain AFP

Big Picture

In tennis, we sometimes see players struggling for form on the ATP World Tour - pro tennis' highest level - drop down one tier to the ATP Challenger Tour. While the level of competition is not as high, they are likely to win more matches, and winning - no matter who it's against - breeds confidence. So while it's no secret that West Indies would much rather be in England playing the Champions Trophy, there's little doubt that sweeping Afghanistan in the T20I series would have boosted morale, and eased a small amount of the pain of losing all three series against Pakistan recently.

With the ODIs coming up, the hosts have the perfect opportunity to highlight the gulf - in quality and experience - between the two sides even further, and finally enjoy a tour they can unequivocally call a success.

Afghanistan might be wishing this tour was the other way around, with the ODIs - the format they are less likely to make an impact in - held before the T20Is. That way, they could have acclimatised to the conditions during the ODIs, while saving their best for the T20Is, with a real chance of causing a few upsets. As it stands, they made their mistakes in the T20Is, and even though they got better with each progressing game, they now find themselves having to take on their hosts in a longer format, which is unlikely to play to their advantage.

Form guide

West Indies LLWLL (last five completed matches, most recent first) Afghanistan WWLLW

In the spotlight

Interest will invariably centre around Roston Chase, who was called up to the ODI side for the first time after a phenomenally prolific Test series against Pakistan. He averaged over 100 en route to scoring 403 runs - the highest aggregate for a West Indies batsmen in a three-match series. But that is no guarantee of ODI success. Chase appears to be a more classical batsman, who has prioritised first-class cricket over T20 glamour, playing just 16 domestic limited-overs matches. This series will be a test of his flexibility, and will show whether he can be a man West Indies can turn to regardless of the format. With a Test strike rate of 43.61, he'll have to do something different in the shorter format.

On paper, Gulbadin Naib's primary role is that of a medium-fast bowler, but he has performed that job for precisely two overs across 3 T20Is in the Caribbean. With the bat, a facet of his game that has assumed greater importance of late, he has disappointed, scoring 31 runs in three outings. While he is a more regular ODI bowler, Naib will be under pressure to deliver and bolster his all-round credentials. With the competition for places so intense, there will invariably be another player eyeing his place.

Team news

West Indies have named a somewhat thin 13-man squad for the ODI series, with Chadwick Walton, who struggled in the ODIs against Pakistan, left out. Jason Holder, who was rested for the T20Is, returns as ODI captain. T20I captain Carlos Brathwaite was omitted from the ODI side.

West Indies (probable): Evin Lewis, Kieran Powell, Shai Hope (wk), Jonathan Carter, Roston Chase, Jason Mohammad, Rovman Powell, Jason Holder (capt), Devendra Bishoo, Alzarri Joseph, Shannon Gabriel

There are fewer squad changes for Afghanistan between the T20I and ODI formats, but they might not be sure of the best side to play, having shuffled their side around during the T20Is.

Afghanistan (probable): Gulbadin Naib, Noor Ali Zadran, Asghar Stanikzai (capt), Samiullah Shenwari, Mohammad Nabi, Shafiqullah (wk), Afzar Zazai, Rashid Khan, Amir Hamza, Shapoor Zadran, Dawlat Zadran.

Pitch and conditions

This is the first match being held at this ground since it was renamed the Darren Sammy National Cricket Stadium after the former captain. Established in 2002, the stadium has traditionally seen spinners extract more, although high totals at this ground were in evidence long before the T20 revolution. The weather should be ideal for cricket, with bright skies and little cloud cover.

Stats and trivia

Danyal Rasool is a sub-editor at ESPNcricinfo. @Danny61000

ESPN Sports Media Ltd.

Read more:
WI look to stay on track for tour whitewash - ESPNcricinfo.com

A letter drafted by a senior Islamic State militant and obtained by The Associated Press points to a growing power struggle within the group's Afghan affiliate, pitting notoriously fierce Uzbek fighters against Pakistanis seen as too close to that country's powerful intelligence service.

The rumblings of discontent come as the IS affiliate, which refers to itself as the Khorasan Province, is at war with both the U.S.-backed government and the more well-established Taliban, with which it differs on tactics, leadership and ideology.

The IS affiliate emerged in 2014 and refers to itself as the Khorasan Province, an ancient term for an area that includes parts of Afghanistan, Iran and Central Asian states. It has pledged allegiance to the IS group in Iraq and Syria but consists mainly of disgruntled former Taliban and other insurgents from South and Central Asia.

The letter, obtained by a jihadi fighter with ties to the IS affiliate and then provided to AP, was signed by Moawiya Uzbekistani, the apparent nom de guerre of an Uzbek militant, who claims to have become the leader of the IS affiliate after the death of Abdul Hasib, who was killed in a joint U.S.-Afghan operation in April.

Uzbekistani rejects reports that another fighter, who he identifies as Sheikh Aslam Farouqi, has been chosen to lead the group and suggests Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence is behind the rumors.

"Even if this information is true, then it's the ISI of Pakistan behind this function and we don't accept it, because we all fight for Allah and his religion," the letter says, warning against "infidels, intelligence services and the deceitful" acting from "behind the scenes."

Militants belonging to allied groups said Central Asian fighters as well as Afghans want the leadership of the group taken out of Pakistani hands, even though the founder of IS in Afghanistan, Hafiz Saeed Khan, was a Pakistani tribesman. Khan was killed in a U.S. drone strike in July 2016.

The rift seemed to widen with a recent IS meeting in Pakistan's Orakzai tribal belt, from where Khan originates, according to two people familiar with the meeting, which was said to have been attended by 40 senior IS commanders.

The council appointed Saif-ul Islam, a close Pakistani ally of Saeed, as the new leader. With the many names used by insurgents it wasn't immediately clear if Aslam Farouqi and Saif-ul Islam were the same person. Sheikh Abdul Qadir Khorasani, an Afghan from the eastern Kunar province, was appointed deputy, they said. The militants all spoke on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to brief reporters.

There has been no official IS confirmation of a new leader and in Washington intelligence officials refused to comment.

More than 16 years after the U.S. invaded Afghanistan to end Taliban rule and flush out al-Qaida, the mountainous regions along the Afghan-Pakistani border are still home to an array of extremist groups. Pakistan's spy service is said to have connections to some, including the Afghan Taliban, even as it battles other groups that threaten its own citizens.

On Wednesday, Russia warned of the threat IS posed to Afghanistan's neighbors.

Speaking at a security meeting in Kazakhstan, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said Moscow will send its newest weapons to its military bases in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to boost "combat readiness," fearing a "spill-over of terrorist activities from Afghanistan to Central Asia."

"The rise of IS fighters in Afghanistan is of a particular concern," Shoigu was quoted as saying by Russian news agencies. "The group's strategy to establish an Islamic caliphate poses a threat not only to Afghanistan but also to the neighboring countries."

The growing assertiveness of the Uzbek militants within the IS affiliate is particularly worrying.

Uzbek fighters were so vicious in Pakistan's South Waziristan province that they drove the area's fractious tribesmen to unite to push them out in 2015. They then based themselves in North Waziristan before being driven across the border by a Pakistani military offensive. They have since clashed with the Taliban in different parts of Afghanistan and claimed responsibility for brazen and deadly attacks in Kabul, including a daytime assault and siege of an Afghan military hospital that killed 50 people earlier this year.

Arkady Dubnov, a Moscow-based expert on Central Asian militants, says the Uzbeks' reputation for brutality is likely rooted in the fact that they are "aliens" in much of Afghanistan and Pakistan, which are dominated by other ethnic groups.

That may also explain their tensions with the Afghan Taliban. While both IS and the Taliban are determined to overthrow the Afghan government and impose a harsh version of Islamic law, the former views itself as part of a global movement, while the latter confines its operations to Afghanistan.

Dubnov also noted that the son of Tahir Yuldashev, the powerful Uzbek leader of the outlawed Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, who was killed in a U.S. missile strike in Pakistan in 2009, is leading efforts to help expand IS influence in Afghanistan.

Central Asian fighters are now a key pillar of support for the IS affiliate, according to Anatol Lieven, a regional expert at Georgetown University's Qatar campus.

"They have been encouraged to move to IS because of the longstanding Taliban declaration that they are not an international jihadi force," he said.

"The estimates of the number of Uzbeks, Tajiks, Turkmen and other fighters from the former U.S.S.R. living in Afghanistan that I heard ranged from 6,000 to 25,000," said Lieven adding many have intermarried with Afghans of a similar ethnic background.

Associated Press writers Nataliya Vasilyeva in Moscow and Deb Riechmann in Washington contributed to this report.

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Power struggle seen within surging IS in Afghanistan - ABC News

While launching the 500-day countdown to the 2018 Invictus Games in Sydney, Prince Harry said he felt "guilty" when he was evacuated out of Afghanistan in 2008 after an Australian magazine violated a news blackout and revealed his location in the country.

"I could no longer stay with my soldiers as it would have put them at greater risk," said Harry, 32. "It was a decision over which I had no control, but the guilt of having to leave my guys behind was something I felt hard to swallow as anyone who has served would understand."

Harry served two tours of duty in Afghanistan during his time in the British Army.

He said in his Sydney speech he resolved on the flight home from Afghanistan to create an event that would ultimately change his life and create a lasting impact on other veterans and wounded service members and their families.

"In these challenging times, we can all benefit from positive and inspiring stories from which to draw strength," Harry said. "The Invictus Games shows us that it is possible to overcome adversity and that the impossible is possible, if you have the will."

Harry, who was a captain in the British Army, founded the Invictus Games in 2014 to raise awareness for wounded service members.

The Paralympic-style sporting event, which will this fall be held in Toronto, is an annual opportunity for injured military personnel to compete internationally against other soldiers, including some they fought with side by side on the battlefield.

Harry's overseas trip began on a somber note after the terror attack in London Saturday that left eight people dead and dozens injured. Harry opened his remarks in Sydney by discussing the attack.

Can I start by also sending my thoughts to those affected by Saturday's attack in London Bridge, Harry said. Australians form an important and vibrant part of the fabric of life in London and we are reminded of that in good times and bad. Our hearts go out to the victims, their friends and families.

Harry also noted the role wounded warriors played in helping the survivors of the blast at an Ariana Grande concert in Manchester, England, last month that left 22 people dead.

This spirit, championed by the games, extends far beyond the competition; when a bomb left a number of people with life-changing injuries in Manchester last month, wounded veterans, including Invictus team members, immediately offered themselves up to provide advice and support to the victims through their recovery process," he said. The commitment to serve is ingrained in every member of the Armed Forces and is the embodiment of the Invictus spirit.

Harry began his goodwill tour over the weekend with a stop in Singapore, where he participated in a charity polo match to raise funds for his charity Sentebale.

The charity was formed to honor his late mother, Princess Diana, a pioneer in the fight against AIDs. Harry and his brother, Prince William, have been involved in various activities this spring to commemorate the 20th anniversary of their mother's death in Paris in August 1997.

Harry has made it a point throughout the royal tour to honor the fallen.

Let peace and harmony prevail in communities all over the world, Harry said.

In Singapore, Harry joined young Muslim youth who were breaking their Ramadan fast in a bid to show communities of all faiths coming together as one in light of the tragedy.

He also visited a children's home which helps recovering addicts and the homeless.

Read more:
Prince Harry says he felt 'guilty' leaving Afghanistan after being exposed by press - ABC News

The Guardian

The Taliban Still Control Large Parts of Afghanistan and ISIS Has Established a Foothold New York Times The United States spent almost $700 billion in the first 13 years of the war in Afghanistan. Still, Afghan forces lack the manpower, equipment and training needed to take back large areas of territory from Taliban control, says Caitlin Forrest, a ... Afghanistan holds peace conference amid violence and protestsThe Guardian Why More Troops Won't Help AfghanistanThe New Yorker The Latest: Bombing in western Afghanistan kills 7Sacramento Bee Aljazeera.com -Chicago Tribune -Reuters all 383 news articles »

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The Taliban Still Control Large Parts of Afghanistan and ISIS Has Established a Foothold - New York Times

MARK KARLIN, EDITOR OF BUZZFLASH AT TRUTHOUT

US soldiers patrolling in Afghanistan. (Photo: DVIDSHUB)

We are nearing the 16th year of the Afghan War, which began on October 7, 2001, with the US military invasion of the country. The assault was jingoistically dubbed Operation Enduring Freedom. Today, the longest war in US history still has no end in sight.

Alarmingly, according to the New York Times, Defense Secretary James Mattis and National Security Adviser H. R. McMaster are urging President Trump to initiate a new surge of troops. This would add thousands more soldiers to the 8,400 who are still currently serving there, should Trump approve the plan.

In a commentary in Consortium News, James W. Carden writes:

In his 2014 bookRestraint: A New Foundation for US Strategy, [Barry] Posen correctly observes that U.S. objectives in Afghanistan are "probably unachievable." After all, "despite much US and NATO instruction" Afghanistans "military, and police remain poorly trained, inadequately armed, sometimes corrupt, and only intermittently motivated."

What to do? Send in more troops, as per Mattis and McMaster? No: the wisest course of action would be for the U.S. to moderate its goals, which, according to Posen, "means ratcheting down the US counterinsurgency, nation-building project in Afghanistan at the earliest possible time."

As the latest iteration of the counterinsurgency debate kicks off this week, the time to consider serious alternatives to Americas current (and failed) strategy in Afghanistan is now.

In a May 6 column in Politico, journalist Douglas Wissing -- who was embedded in Afghanistan three times -- observes:

Afghanistan today remains the largest U.S. military foreign engagement. From the peak of about 100,000 boots on the ground during the Obama-era surge, there are still almost 10,000 U.S. troops in Afghanistan, plus up to 26,000 highly paid contractors for the Department of Defense and other agencies. Each soldier costs about a million dollars a year. Economists estimate the Afghan war has already cost U.S. taxpayers around a trillion dollars. For the 2017 fiscal year, U.S. military and State Department operations in Afghanistan are costing about $50 billionalmost a billion dollars a week. (As a reference, the initial budget request for operations against ISIS in Syria was only $5 billion.)

Of course, that's the financial cost. The cost in lives and casualties is grim. The Watson Institute of International and Public Affairs at Brown University estimates:

About 104,000 people have been killed in the Afghanistan war since 2001. More than 31,000 of those killed have been civilians. An additional 41,000 civilians have been injured since 2001.

These are conservative estimates. There are likely to be countless unrecovered bodies, and record-keeping is difficult in a largely rural country. Recent grisly deaths -- including those resulting from the US dropping the most powerful non-nuclear bomb on a suspected ISIS site, as well as a terrorist attack in downtown Kabul -- indicate that the nightmare of death in Afghanistan will not end anytime soon. The whole nation remains an arid and dusty killing field, pitting the Taliban and allied forces against each other in an interminable war in which civilians and combatants are often indistinguishable.

In addition, as of this month, there have been more than 2,200 US military deaths and 20,000 service men and women wounded in action, according to US Department of Defense figures. What does one tell a family who loses a child in Afghanistan? What are these soldiers dying "for"? Can anyone in the White House or Pentagon articulate the current US mission in Afghanistan? Is one of their motivations for still being there a Vietnam War-era notion that the most powerful military force in the world can't afford the "shame" of losing a war?

The New York times article ends with this foreboding warning:

Still, Mr. Trumps heavy reliance on military commanders risks a repeat of what some critics viewed as a weakness of the Obama administrations troop debate...: its overemphasis on a military solution.

"This whole decision is being seen too narrowly, through a military prism," said Daniel F. Feldman, who served as special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan under Mr. Obama. "It has to be seen in a more integrated way. It requires a more aggressive diplomatic component."

The original US invasion of Afghanistan was supposedly meant to punish the Taliban rulers for harboring al-Qaeda prior to 9/11, and to precipitate regime change. What is the goal now that the war is entering its second decade?

Douglas Wissing cogently writes in his Politico commentary:

There is a truism that generals always fight the last war, but in the case of the unending Afghanistan war, the last one is still this one. It appears the generals want to re-escalate with the same failed 21st-century way of war, which governmental and corporate beneficiaries have perverse incentives to continue. Military, intelligence and development corporations need contracts. And elected officials need campaign contributions from those corporations lobbyists.

Wissing raises the notion that we should look to the military-industrial complex itself for an explanation of the continuing US occupation of Afghanistan. If Trump decides on a new surge to back the Kabul government, just remember that the Pentagon-corporate revolving door will be a large factor in the decision.

Read the rest here:
After Nearly 16 Years in Afghanistan, One More "Surge" Won't End the Bloodshed - Truth-Out