Archive for the ‘Afghanistan’ Category

Special Representative for Afghanistan West’s April 11 – 18 Travel to … – Department of State

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In Doha, Special Representative for Afghanistan (SRA) Thomas West will meet with Qatari colleagues, Afghan civil society leaders, and partner missions. In the UAE, SRA West will meet withEmiraticounterparts, Afghan business and thought leaders. In Istanbul, he will hold consultations with Afghan political leaders, journalists, humanitarian professionals and human rights activists.

SRA West is conducting outreach in the region to secure input as the international community seeks solutions to Afghanistans compounding challenges, made worse by the Talibans recent decisions to limit womens participation in humanitarian operations and ban them from their vital work for the UN.

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Special Representative for Afghanistan West's April 11 - 18 Travel to ... - Department of State

After Action Review on Afghanistan – United States Department of … – Department of State

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In December of 2021, I asked Ambassador Dan Smith to lead an After Action Review of the Department of States execution of its duties related to ending the U.S. military mission in Afghanistan. The After Action Review covers the period from January 2020 to the end of August 2021 and the completion of the U.S. military withdrawal. I directed this review because I believe we have an obligation to our workforce, our institution, our partners in Congress, and the American people to learn from the lessons of this chapter in U.S. foreign policy.

The After Action Review, which we are now making available to relevant Congressional committees, produced a series of findings on how the Department planned for and carried out its missions during this period. It also provided detailed recommendations that we are already taking steps to implement. These include strengthening the Departments overall contingency planning, crisis preparedness, and response capabilities.

The State Departments greatest asset is its people, including an extraordinary group of dedicated and talented professionals who worked tirelessly on the ground in Kabul, in Washington, and at other sites domestically and abroad to evacuate and assist as many people as possible during that period. Their efforts, and the efforts of all from our Department who served in Afghanistan over two decades as well our Afghan partners who served alongside them, deserve our highest praise and gratitude, and we continue to honor them through our work going forward.

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What Happened to the Taliban’s Pledge to Fight Terrorism? – Foreign Policy

The bodies are piling up in Afghanistan as the Taliban claim to be wiping the country clean of a resurgent Islamic State in a campaign that should be music to the ears of the U.S. military, counterterrorism, and intelligence communities, which regard the Islamic State as a major threat to homeland and global security. But many security experts believe the Talibans rampage is just cover for eradicating enemies, including U.S.-trained former military members, while al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and other terrorist groups grow stronger in the absence of any meaningful counterterrorism response from the United States.

The United States slunk out of Afghanistan in late August 2021, after 20 years spent fighting the Taliban, which had harbored the al Qaeda terrorists who blew up the twin towers in New York, took a chunk out of the Pentagon, and knocked U.S. foreign policy askew for a generation. When former U.S. President Donald Trump handed Afghanistan to the Taliban in the 2020 Doha, Qatar, peace deal, an explicit condition was that the resurgent Taliban would sever their ties with al Qaeda. An implicit understanding was that Washington would be able to maintain an over-the-horizon counterterrorism capability in the country. The Biden administration, which carried out the final, ignominious withdrawal from Kabul in 2021, has claimed that despite having no boots on the ground, it would still have plenty of eyes in the sky, as it were.

And there have been a few successes. A U.S. drone scissored through Ayman al-Zawahiri, then al Qaedas frontman, as he stood on the balcony of a Kabul villa last year. The head of U.S. Central Command, Army Gen. Michael Kurilla, has hinted at other, similar operations, but no details have been made public.

But U.S. and Afghan security and diplomatic sources say the United States relies on intelligence provided by the Talibanmost of whose leadership is sanctioned by the United Nations for terrorismabout terrorist activities in Afghanistan. Poachers can be turned into gamekeepers; inmates, though, make poor wardens. Taliban information is likely self-serving, if not false, those sources said.

Thomas West, the U.S. special representative for Afghanistan, said last year that even in the wake of the hit on Zawahiri, we are prepared to engage pragmatically with the Taliban regarding terrorism concerns, and he referred to the local branch of the Islamic State, known as IS-Khorasan Province, or IS-K, as a common enemy. Speaking at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, he said the United States is extremely concerned about terrorist groups that still have an active presence in Afghanistan.

A new report on global terrorism concluded that, for the fourth consecutive year, Afghanistan is the country most impactedand thats even though Taliban atrocities are no longer included in the count, since the former terrorists are now the nominal government. Next door in Pakistan, where the Taliban spinoff is reemerging, deaths caused by terrorism more than doubled from the previous year, rising to 643, said the Sydney-based Institute for Economics and Peace.

The Taliban count anti-terrorism scalps by pretending to fight IS-K. Whats odd is that a lot of the terrorism attacks in Afghanistan since the Taliban takeover look a whole lot like those that used to be chalked up to the Haqqani network, an offshoot of the Taliban thats close to al Qaeda and headed by the current de facto interior minister, Sirajuddin Haqqani. Those include the suicide bombing outside the Kabul airport in August 2021, that killed 13 U.S. military personnel and many Afghans during the chaotic evacuation.

That attack, and other mass-casualty events, such as the attack in September on a Hazara education center, have been claimed by IS-K. To keep its theoretical monopoly on violence, the Taliban leadership has had to make a show of eradicating its local Islamic State franchise. It has also made U.S. military and intelligence officials worry about just what threat IS-K might pose to the homeland.

Kurilla, the head of Centcom, name-checked IS-K when he appeared before the Senate Armed Services Committee on March 16. He reckoned that the group could attain the capacity to attack targets in Europe and Asia within six months, but he conceded that it would have greater difficulty attacking the United States. The U.S. intelligence communitys 2023 Annual Threat Assessment said IS-K almost certainly retains the intent to conduct operations in the West and will continue efforts to attack outside Afghanistan.

The first problem, some former Afghan hands say, is that Washington has swallowed the Islamic State lure hook, line, and sinker. Annie Pforzheimer, a former deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul, called it an alarming miscalculation by West, the U.S. special representative, that the United States and Afghanistan shared a common enemy in IS-K. There should be no illusions that the Taliban is doing anything to weed out the presence of terrorist groups on Afghan soil, which is why they are under U.N. sanction, she wrote recently.

The second problem is that al Qaeda is still a thing, and the Taliban still work with the group, despite Trumps failed peace plan.

The Taliban have been enmeshed with al Qaeda for decades. They harbored Osama bin Laden as he planned and carried out the 9/11 attacks, prompting the U.S.-led invasion that ended their first regime and started the vicious 20-year war. After victory in August 2021, the Taliban again welcomed their old friends with state sponsorship necessary for achieving their long-term ambition of toppling modern governments and establishing a caliphate. Zawahiris presence in the Afghan capital was evidence of the comfortable ties between the two groups, but also of U.S. intelligence capabilities in Afghanistan at the time. That might have been more a blip than a feature.

By concentrating on the short-term aims and capabilities of IS-K, some analysts believe, the United States and its allies are missing the long-term threat posed by al Qaeda.

To me, al Qaeda is the greater threat than the Islamic State. Its because of its patience. The Islamic State is more of an immediate threat. It likes to conduct attacks for its propaganda and recruiting. But I dont think it has a real caliphate-building plan. And al Qaeda does. Al Qaeda is patient. Patient and thoughtful enemies are what scares me, terrorism analyst Bill Roggio said last year.

Its hard to say exactly what the counterterrorism relationship between Washington and Kabul is these days. CIA officials and Taliban agents, whove met at least twice in the Qatari capital, Doha, in the past six months, probably discuss counterterrorism issues, said another former Afghan security official, though release of Americans in Taliban prisons obviously tops the agenda. A different Afghan official suggested its a one-way street. The United States will jump on any information that is related to national security, but sharing intelligence with the Taliban? Thats a big no. Another, who held a sub-cabinet post in the pre-Taliban government, doubted any sort of covenant.

There is no formal covert or overt arrangement on counterterrorism between the Taliban and the U.S., they said.

The burr in the saddle that bites deep is Zawahiri. Forged in the Egyptian jihad, he took over the helm of al Qaeda after Navy Seals dispatched bin Laden one night in the spring of 2011. Still, though, he shouldnt have been in Kabul, of all places.

The Zawahiri strike looms large in the minds of counterterrorism strategists, even those who felt some kind of cooperation was absolutely essential; they feel burned by the Taliban bringing Zawahiri to Kabul, said Asfandyar Mir, an expert on South Asia security issues at the United States Institute of Peace. A lot of people feel that we had a pact with the Talibanwe made it clear that there is one thing you cannot do, and thats to bring the leadership of al Qaeda, or any of the groups that we are concerned about, to Afghanistan. Now that trust deficit runs deep.

The trust deficit has a blood price. The Taliban are using the cover of counterterrorism to mask systematic killings of former security service personnel. Former soldiers, commandos, and police are regularly killedshot, beheaded, dismembered, or set on fire, and their families killed with themand their deaths reported by human rights organizations and the armed opposition National Resistance Front (NRF).

The Taliban are, in fact, battling with IS-K. But not on the battlefield. They are fighting on the recruiting ground. The Islamic State is making inroads among disaffected Taliban foot soldiers, who are footsore and underpaid. That doesnt mean that the Taliban are suddenly MI6.

The Talibans rank and file will never fight against ISIS, said NRF spokesman Ali Maisam Nazary. He said the Taliban and IS-K are two sides of the same coin.

The Talibans leadership know that any attempt to go against any jihadist organization will cause their own disintegration and demise. The international community needs allies who arent recognized terrorists to help with counterterrorism, Nazary said.

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What Happened to the Taliban's Pledge to Fight Terrorism? - Foreign Policy

Is the UK turning its back on Afghanistan and Pakistan? – Bond

The past few years have brought significant challenges for people living in Afghanistan and Pakistan, driven by complex economic crises and the continued impact of climate change.

Humanitarian conditions in Afghanistan are deteriorating at pace, with a projected two-thirds of the population over 28 million people expected to need humanitarian assistance in the coming year. The dire situation for women and girls in Afghanistan is particularly concerning, with their rights increasingly curtailed.

In Pakistan, the economic downturn and rising inflation have left many families unable to afford basic healthcare. This has been compounded by a series of devastating natural disasters, such as last years floods, which affected millions of people, destroyed thousands of homes and damaged an already struggling economy.

It is against this backdrop that the UK government has announced its aid budget to these two countries for the next financial year, which confirms a reduction of over 53% from last year, more than any other region. A reduction of this level could have serious consequences for people living in these countries who rely on humanitarian support but also raises questions about the credibility of the UKs stated commitments. For instance, how do the promises made by the UK during COP26 stack up if funding to Pakistan is reduced? Similarly, how can expressed words of solidarity for Afghan women be meaningful, if vital programmes that support women and girls risk closure as a result of UK cuts?

For Afghans in particular, these cuts will only compound an overwhelming sense of abandonment. It is also concerning for NGOs, both international and Afghan organisations, who are working tirelessly to provide lifesaving assistance in the country, despite significant operational challenges.

The recent ban on the employment of Afghan women from NGOs has been particularly challenging. There are concerns that any further reduction in UK aid could impact the ability of aid organisations and local partners to implement programmes and deliver essential services to those who need them most. We must ensure that the response from donors, including the UK, helps rather than hurts Afghans.

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This reduction has also come just days after the UK aid watchdog, the Independent Commission for Aid Impact (ICAI), criticised the use of approximately one-third of the UKs aid budget on the first-year costs of asylum seekers and refugees in the UK.

This marks a failure in the UKs moral and legal responsibility to support both people seeking safety in the UK and those facing conflict, climate change and inequality around the world. It also raises concerns about the value for money and the lack of transparency in aid spending.

We hope, first and foremost, that the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) will reconsider its funding decisions for Afghanistan and Pakistan, with careful consideration about the human consequences that such a significant reduction in aid could have.

Despite the significant challenges in Afghanistan, we have been encouraged by the continued commitment of FCDO staff to understand the complexity of the situation and try to find solutions to support the Afghan people.

However, given the funding gap, the FCDO should clearly outline how it intends to meet its commitments. For instance, the FCDO has committed to supporting women and girls in Afghanistan as a focus country in the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security. Policy commitments need to be followed up with meaningful funding.

Also in Afghanistans context, rather than kneejerk reactions to Taliban policies, donors should be thinking strategically about its engagement with Afghanistan to focus on promoting economic stability, for example, supporting the recovery of the countrys private sector.

The recent aid cut to Afghanistan and Pakistan by the UK government is a cause for serious concern. Whilst the full impact of the cuts remains to be seen, we fear that it could be devastating for people living in these countries who are struggling so much. This is not the time for the UK to turn its back.

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Is the UK turning its back on Afghanistan and Pakistan? - Bond

Cortez Masto Visits Family She Helped Bring to Las Vegas After … – Catherine Cortez Masto

April 12, 2023

Las Vegas, Nev. Last week, U.S. Senator Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.) visited with Mohammad Benny Shirzad, an Afghan interpreter for U.S. troops, and his family, who she helped bring to Las Vegas from Afghanistan following the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the country. After learning about the danger from the Taliban the family was facing in Afghanistan, Cortez Masto successfully helped cut through red tape to expedite the processing of their visa applications.

I pushed hard to cut through red tape and ensure that this family could be reunited, and Im thrilled to see them together again in Las Vegas, said Senator Cortez Masto. Afghan allies like Mr. Shirzad and his family put their lives on the line to help U.S. troops, and Ill always stand up for them.

During the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, Benny served as an interpreter for U.S. troops and refugees, and he then helped with evacuation flights from the country. Benny was selected for the Diversity Visa and was able to relocate to Las Vegas with help of retired U.S. Air Force Lt. Col. Scott Hoffman but without his wife and parents who were stuck in Afghanistan. Facing increased harassment from the Taliban, Mr. Shirzads wife and parents fled to Pakistan. Senator Cortez Masto and her office repeatedly pushed immigration officials to review the familys visa and humanitarian parole applications, and thanks to her help the family was reunited in Las Vegas last month.

Senator Cortez Masto has been diligently working with the State Department and the Department of Homeland Security on a large number of cases regarding the evacuation of Afghanistan and has pushed bipartisan legislation to strengthen the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) program to help protect the Afghan civilians who risked their lives to support the U.S. mission.

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Cortez Masto Visits Family She Helped Bring to Las Vegas After ... - Catherine Cortez Masto