Mediaboss Marketing

Established in May of 2020, just two short months after the pandemic hit, social media entrepreneurs Aishah Mohamed and Shye Lee started Elite Tier Academy. They perhaps chose the most opportune moment in history to start a business venture in social media marketing, as many people have been laid off, are working from home, or have lost their jobs completely. Sowhy not do what youve always dreamed of and become your own boss?

There are so many questions about where to begin, especially with the internet world being such a vast, endless, and oftentimes confusing place. Elite Tier Academy teaches aspiring entrepreneurs, influencers, and brands how to elevate their businesses and generate income quickly. Their program lays things out in a simple, transparent way and covers everything from generating income on TikTok to starting your own business ebook.

Elite Tier Academy is women owned and operated. They strive to show their students that there are more creative ways to generate income online than simply going the route of the social media influencer. Mohamed previously had a 9-5 job and Lee worked in nightlife, and after taking a leap into the world of entrepreneurship, were able to generate six figure incomes in less than a year. They differentiate themselves from other agencies in the sense that their practice is straight to the point and offers a slew of affordable classes aside from their high-ticket mentorship program.

Aishah and Shye aspire to be the mentors they wish they had. It is sometimes difficult to tell whether an executive is actually devoted to teaching their employees useful skills, or if theyre simply in it to capitalize off of them. Elite Tier takes an honest, trustworthy approach, educating young women all around the world, specifically catering to young women of color.

People are attracted to my brand because I keep it all raw and real. I have a tough-love approach to things and wont sugar coat anything to seem like life is absolutely perfect, says Lee.

Personal branding is something every freelancer and business owner needs to master. Elite Tier teaches interesting and innovative ways to create a distinct voice for a business or brand, which is the most important thing in being a successful enterprise. They encourage their students to take risks, to carve a niche for themselves even where one might not exist yet. Elite Tier Academy encourages their clients to take charge of their lives and businesses, and in turn build an empire.

Here are their Instagram profiles: @aishah.mo @shye.lee

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Two Female Entrepreneurs Carve Their Niche Into The World Of Social Media Marketing - London Daily Post

Who We Are:

ANINE BING Corporation is a fast-growing fashion & commerce startup revolutionizing the way products are developed, produced, marketed, sold, and delivered to customers. The brand reaches customers across social platforms, eCommerce, branded brick-and-mortar stores, and major department stores. ANINE BING has a global presence, with 12 stores in 6 countries around the world.

ANINE BING has 70+ employees across Sales, Production, Design, Graphics, and Customer Service located in Downtown Los Angeles. Key investors include Index Ventures founder Danny Rimer (Facebook, Dropbox, Net-A-Porter, Nasty Gal), Greycroft Partners founder Dana Settle (Maker Studios, Thrive Market, AwesomenessTV), and Felix Capital founder Frederic Court (Goop, Farfetch, Vitrue, Dailymotion).

What We are Looking For:

This position requires a highly collaborative Art Director who has demonstrated results in an organization driven by creative leaders. You will need to be creative and think outside of the box by contributing to the overall inventive energy of our company. This is a role for a passionate and self-motivated visual artist to partner with a high functioning creative department to build a next-generation fashion brand. This role reports to the Creative Director and Director of Creative Services.

Responsibilities Include:

Qualifications:

Perks & Benefits

TO SUCCEED AT ANINE BING, YOU MUST:

See the original post here:
Art Director job with ANINE BING | 147452 - The Business of Fashion

SIOUX CITY -- Iowans and Nebraskans on Monday can begin casting early ballots in advance of the Nov. 3 general election.

What's long been called absentee voting and now often is termed early voting is a practice that has become increasingly common, and will be especially prevalent this year, as election officials across the nation make changes to carry out voting amid the novel coronavirus pandemic.

In Woodbury County, Auditor Pat Gill said he anticipates the majority of votes, perhaps up to 24,000, will be cast by mail in this election.

In Nebraska, back in late August, Secretary of State Bob Evnen announced his office would mail an early ballot application to every registered voter whose county did not already do so. The effect will be every registered voter in Nebraska will receive an early ballot request application in the mail, Evnen said, and those were sent out Sept. 28.

For voters who have concerns about voting at the polls in November, an early ballot request for a mail-in ballot is a good option, Evnen said.

Woodbury County could have 30 polling places for November election

The Nebraska deadline to request an early ballot to be mailed is Oct. 23, and any such ballot must be received to county clerk offices by Nov. 3.

Additionally, lots of early voting is also expected in South Dakota, where it began on Sept. 18.

Union County Auditor Jackie Sieverding is urging that method, saying in a statement on the county website that about 40 percent of South Dakota voters cast absentee ballots.

In Iowa, Secretary of State Paul Pate, the state's election official, four weeks ago said, "I easily could see 80 percent of the people casting their ballot in the fall election will use absentee."

That would match the absentee vote in the June primary that shattered turnout records. More than 531,000 Iowans voted in the primary, with about 110,000 of them voting in person. Pate said typically about 40 percent of Iowa voters cast absentee ballots.

Parties bemoan campaign yard sign 'sabotage' in Sioux City

As for what is on ballots, the obvious big contest is the important battle for the U.S. presidency. In national polls Donald Trump, the Republican president, is trailing Joe Biden, the Democratic former vice president, a month out from the election.

Beyond the typical county and legislative contests, 2020 is the infrequent even-numbered year in which not only are congressional positions on the ballot, but there are contests in all three Siouxland states for U.S. Senate seats.

U.S. SENATE

The three Republican incumbent U.S. senators seeking re-election are also all first-termers seeking six more years. The list includes Joni Ernst in Iowa, Ben Sasse in Nebraska and Mike Rounds in South Dakota. The Democratic opponents include Theresa Greenfield in Iowa, Dan Ahlers in South Dakota and it is more complicated in Nebraska.

WATCH NOW: Ernst, Greenfield trade criticism in heated Senate debate

Omaha professor Preston Love Jr. is the Democrats' preferred choice as a write-in candidate, after fellow Democrat Chris Janicek won the primary and remains on the ballot. Love has to compete as a write-in candidate because Janicek is pledging to stay in the race as the official nominee despite pressure from party leaders to drop out after he sent lewd texts about a campaign staffer. Also opposing Sasse is Gene Sladek, of the Libertarian Party.

U.S. HOUSE

Covering U.S. House seats, in the Iowa 4th District, incumbent Steve King was ousted in the Republican primary by state Sen. Randy Feenstra of Hull, who now faces Democratic nominee J.D. Scholten. In 2018, Scholten, of Sioux City, lost to King by just 3 percentage points.

In South Dakota's sole House seat, incumbent Republican Dusty Johnson is seeking a second term. Johnson is opposed by Randy Luallin, of the Libertarian Party. No Democratic candidate received enough signatures to get on the ballot.

In Nebraska's 1st District, longtime Republican incumbent Rep. Jeff Fortenberry is opposed by Kate Bolz, a Democrat, and Dennis Grace, a Libertarian. In the Third District, Republican incumbent Adrian Smith's opponents are Mark Elworth, a Democrat, and Dustin Hobbs, a Libertarian.

6 weeks to election, Scholten, Feenstra aiming for finish line in Iowa's 4th District

Event to register Black voters to be held in Sioux City, with actor Williams as guest

Trump team bus tour in Sioux City warns Democrats want 'chaos'

Presidential candidates absent in Iowa during 2020 campaign

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One month to election day, early voting measures underway in Siouxland - Southernminn.com

Christina Hagan, the Republican challenging nine-term incumbent Tim Ryan, said the Democrat has failed basic representation.

Ryan, D-Howland, said Hagan of Marlboro Township, is out of step with the district. Shes completely out of touch.

The two are facing each other in the race for the 13th Congressional District seat.

Also, Michael Fricke of Kent is on the ballot as a Libertarian but said he expects to get 5 percent to 7 percent of the vote and doesnt plan to raise even $5,000 for his campaign.

Ryan touts his nearly 18 years of experience as a member of Congress and his position on the House Appropriations Committee as putting the district and particularly the Mahoning Valley in a place where it can grow after the closure of Lordstown General Motors.

Between Lordstown Motors Corps all-electric Endurance being built at the former GM plant and Ultium Cells LLC a joint venture between GM and LG Chem under construction nearby as well as a TJX HomeGoods distribution center, weve got a hell of a shot to build an ecosystem and create thousands of jobs, Ryan said.

Were finally diversifying into areas of the economy that are growing, he said. There are a lot of job opportunities out there in our area.

The five-county 13th District includes most of Mahoning and Trumbull counties. The job pays $174,000 annually.

To change representation now, Ryan said, would be the wrong decision.

Ive got a long substantive record, he said. She doesnt live in the district.

Hagan lives about a mile outside the 13th District. She ran and lost in the 2018 Republican primary for the 16th District seat. She doesnt live in that district either.

But Hagan said: Its a gimmick at best to say Im foreign to this district.

If she wins the election, Hagan said she would move into the district and is already starting to look for homes near Alliance.

Hagan said voters are ready for a fresh change. Congressman Tim Ryan has failed basic representation. He was elected as a pro-life, pro-gun candidate, and hes abandoned those positions.

She also said Ryan being on the Appropriations Committee hasnt helped our district. Whether hes in a position of power or not, hes not succeeded.

Ryan said hes brought back more than $4.6 billion in federal funds for the district, largely because of his seat on Appropriations.

Hagan served in the Ohio House from March 2011 to December 2018.

If elected to Congress, Hagan said her priorities would be to revive the regions economy, create a bipartisan infrastructure bill and tackle regulatory reform.

Not enough has been done to bring back manufacturing jobs to our region or train unemployed workers with new skills, Hagan said. These are easy common sense solutions that we can achieve to fix the problem.

Hagan wants to work with President Donald Trump, who supports her candidacy, to make his tax cuts permanent. Ryan says the tax cuts primarily benefited the wealthy.

Hagan also wants to sponsor a bipartisan infrastructure bill to improve roads, rail and internet access. One option to pay for the costs would be to reallocate funds the nation is spending in Afghanistan.

Trump had talked of a major infrastructure bill during his first presidential campaign and the early part of his administration but hasnt introduced a proposal.

Ryan also supports an infrastructure bill and spoke with Trumps team at the 2017 inauguration about putting one together but never heard from anyone again.

Trump had an opportunity because he won traditional Democratic areas, but he missed with infrastructure, Ryan said.

The Ohio Freedom Fund, a Washington, D.C.-based outside special interest group that helped Hagan in the Republican primary, also is working to get her elected in the general election.

The fund spent $97,500 to support Hagan in the primary and is expected to spend at least that much in the general election.

Its a dark money group that has a relationship with her, Ryan said.

Hagan said the fund wants to see new leadership in the district. They see this as a potential pickup seat.

During her failed bid in 2018 for the 16th District seat, the Conservative Leadership Alliance, a dark money group with ties to FirstEnergy, spent more than $100,000 against her.

I have general concerns about dark money, Hagan said. Transparency should be part of it. But I have no control over (the Ohio Freedom Fund). I have no contract with them.

This is Frickes first time running for elected office.

A Libertarian, Fricke acknowledges that hes going to raise little money and wont do well in the election.

Im a realist, he said. Im probably not going to be elected. Libertarians take 5, 6, 7 percent of the vote. Eventually, major party candidates are going to want that 5, 6, 7 percent, and theyll pay attention to us for that. People arent going to vote for me to win but to make a change.

Fricke is campaigning on bringing back troops home and ending the nations involvement in wars in the Middle East, balancing the federal budget and supporting personal freedoms. That includes no restrictions on same-sex marriages and no government censorship or regulation of social media and technology. He also wants to decriminalize marijuana and strongly supports a persons right to bear arms.

Tim Ryan

AGE: 47

POLITICAL PARTY: Democrat

OCCUPATION: Congressman

PREVIOUS ELECTED EXPERIENCE: Nine-term congressman, former Ohio state senator

GOALS: Focus on making the Mahoning Valley an electronic vehicle and battery hub, job growth and improved health and wellness

NOTABLE QUOTE: The plan is to diversify and thats what were doing.

Christina Hagan

AGE: 31

POLITICAL PARTY: Republican

OCCUPATION: Fund development manager for ICU Mobile

PREVIOUS ELECTED EXPERIENCE: State representative from March 2011 to December 2018

GOALS: Revive the economy in Northeast Ohio, support an infrastructure bill and regulatory reform

NOTABLE QUOTE: I would provide a unique voice in Congress.

Michael Fricke

AGE: 46

POLITICAL PARTY: Libertarian

OCCUPATION: Senior scientist at Olon Ricerca Bioscience

PREVIOUS ELECTED EXPERIENCE: None

GOALS: Bring home the military, balance the budget and supporting personal freedoms

NOTABLE QUOTE: I want to give people options.

Oct 4, 2020

Christina Hagan, the Republican challenging nine-term incumbent Tim Ryan, said the Democrat has failed basic representation.

Ryan, D-Howland, said Hagan of Marlboro Township, is out of step with the district. Shes completely out of touch.

The two are facing each other in the race for the 13th Congressional District seat.

Also, Michael Fricke of Kent is on the ballot as a Libertarian but said he expects to get 5 percent to 7 percent of the vote and doesnt plan to raise even $5,000 for his campaign.

Ryan touts his nearly 18 years of experience as a member of Congress and his position on the House Appropriations Committee as putting the district and particularly the Mahoning Valley in a place where it can grow after the closure of Lordstown General Motors.

Between Lordstown Motors Corps all-electric Endurance being built at the former GM plant and Ultium Cells LLC a joint venture between GM and LG Chem under construction nearby as well as a TJX HomeGoods distribution center, weve got a hell of a shot to build an ecosystem and create thousands of jobs, Ryan said.

Were finally diversifying into areas of the economy that are growing, he said. There are a lot of job opportunities out there in our area.

The five-county 13th District includes most of Mahoning and Trumbull counties. The job pays $174,000 annually.

To change representation now, Ryan said, would be the wrong decision.

Ive got a long substantive record, he said. She doesnt live in the district.

Hagan lives about a mile outside the 13th District. She ran and lost in the 2018 Republican primary for the 16th District seat. She doesnt live in that district either.

But Hagan said: Its a gimmick at best to say Im foreign to this district.

If she wins the election, Hagan said she would move into the district and is already starting to look for homes near Alliance.

Hagan said voters are ready for a fresh change. Congressman Tim Ryan has failed basic representation. He was elected as a pro-life, pro-gun candidate, and hes abandoned those positions.

She also said Ryan being on the Appropriations Committee hasnt helped our district. Whether hes in a position of power or not, hes not succeeded.

Ryan said hes brought back more than $4.6 billion in federal funds for the district, largely because of his seat on Appropriations.

Hagan served in the Ohio House from March 2011 to December 2018.

If elected to Congress, Hagan said her priorities would be to revive the regions economy, create a bipartisan infrastructure bill and tackle regulatory reform.

Not enough has been done to bring back manufacturing jobs to our region or train unemployed workers with new skills, Hagan said. These are easy common sense solutions that we can achieve to fix the problem.

Hagan wants to work with President Donald Trump, who supports her candidacy, to make his tax cuts permanent. Ryan says the tax cuts primarily benefited the wealthy.

Hagan also wants to sponsor a bipartisan infrastructure bill to improve roads, rail and internet access. One option to pay for the costs would be to reallocate funds the nation is spending in Afghanistan.

Trump had talked of a major infrastructure bill during his first presidential campaign and the early part of his administration but hasnt introduced a proposal.

Ryan also supports an infrastructure bill and spoke with Trumps team at the 2017 inauguration about putting one together but never heard from anyone again.

Trump had an opportunity because he won traditional Democratic areas, but he missed with infrastructure, Ryan said.

The Ohio Freedom Fund, a Washington, D.C.-based outside special interest group that helped Hagan in the Republican primary, also is working to get her elected in the general election.

The fund spent $97,500 to support Hagan in the primary and is expected to spend at least that much in the general election.

Its a dark money group that has a relationship with her, Ryan said.

Hagan said the fund wants to see new leadership in the district. They see this as a potential pickup seat.

During her failed bid in 2018 for the 16th District seat, the Conservative Leadership Alliance, a dark money group with ties to FirstEnergy, spent more than $100,000 against her.

I have general concerns about dark money, Hagan said. Transparency should be part of it. But I have no control over (the Ohio Freedom Fund). I have no contract with them.

This is Frickes first time running for elected office.

A Libertarian, Fricke acknowledges that hes going to raise little money and wont do well in the election.

Im a realist, he said. Im probably not going to be elected. Libertarians take 5, 6, 7 percent of the vote. Eventually, major party candidates are going to want that 5, 6, 7 percent, and theyll pay attention to us for that. People arent going to vote for me to win but to make a change.

Fricke is campaigning on bringing back troops home and ending the nations involvement in wars in the Middle East, balancing the federal budget and supporting personal freedoms. That includes no restrictions on same-sex marriages and no government censorship or regulation of social media and technology. He also wants to decriminalize marijuana and strongly supports a persons right to bear arms.

dskolnick@tribtoday.com

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Opponents accuse each other of being out of touch - Youngstown Vindicator

Only nine months ago, the United States and Iran nearly went to war. Even with simultaneous public health and economic crises dominating todays agenda, that sobering fact should make Iran an early priority for a new U.S. administration in 2021.

In order to relieve tensions, the next U.S. administration will need to engage Iran in renewed diplomacy. But successful diplomacy with Iran will not come easily. The United States will have to navigate its own and Iranian domestic politics. Israel and some of the Gulf states will greet such engagement with anxiety or outright opposition. Moreover, a legacy of deep distrust divides Washington and Tehran. Nonetheless, the U.S. political transition could present an opportunity, as Iran may either test the possibilities with a President Joe Biden or relent and negotiate with a reelected President Donald Trump rather than face four more years of harsh sanctions.

The United States should start by negotiating a de-escalatory agreement that contains Irans nuclear program and lowers regional tensions. But it should then work both to negotiate a follow-on to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal and to tackle more fundamental regional disagreements. By putting diplomacy in the lead, the United States can address its discord with Iran and calibrate a smart and clear-eyed policy for the Middle East.

The context in which a new administration will assume power in 2021 will be quite different from the one in which the administration of President Barack Obama negotiated the Iran nuclear deal. But the next U.S. administration can take valuable lessons from the Obama administrations experience in negotiating that agreement, as well as from the agreements collapse upon the Trump administrations withdrawal from it.

The deal demonstrated that the United States and Iran can, in fact, reach an arms control agreement, and its particulars furnish a blueprint for future diplomacy, making technical negotiations much easier for both sides. But the trajectory of the 2015 agreement also shows that any accord that does not address Irans destabilizing policies in the Middle East is likely to fail, because Israel, the Gulf states, nearly all Republicans, and some Democrats will oppose it.

Recognizing this reality does not entail making a nuclear agreement contingent on Irans surrendering all of its interests in the Middle East, as it effectively would have to do to meet the 12 demands U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo set forth as a condition for sanctions relief in 2018. Pursuing a grand bargain that comprehensively addresses all nuclear and regional concerns in a singular deal or demands capitulation is a recipe for failure. But doing nothing to address regional concerns is also not sustainable. A more successful diplomatic approach would address both nuclear and non-nuclear concerns from the start, methodically pursuing them separately but in parallel and seeking incremental progress in a number of areas instead of one all-encompassing agreement.

The Trump administrations course with Iran has manifested the extent of U.S. economic power. Washington is far better off working with allies, but it also has the capability unilaterally to relieve and expand significant economic pressure. This demonstrated power gives the United States great leverage, as well as the flexibility to make concessions, knowing they are reversible.

Hard-liners are expected to win Irans June 2021 presidential election, but Hassan Rouhani, the pragmatic president whose team negotiated the 2015 nuclear deal, will remain in office for the first six months of 2021. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is Irans ultimate decision-maker; even so, the Rouhani administrations continued presence may offer a narrow window of opportunity for an early de-escalation, given its experience negotiating the original deal and the relationships it has with American negotiators. If the Iranian regime is looking to reengage Washington, Rouhanis team might be best positioned to deliver on that intent. And if Khamenei is on the fence, Rouhanis team may be able to convince him to reengage.

Neither Biden nor Trump will conclude a historic agreement during the short time Rouhani remains in office, but to fail to cement any progress would be to lose a possible opportunity. The United States should spend those six months forging an initial arrangement that de-escalates regional tensions and arrests Irans nuclear progress. It should consult extensively with its partners in doing so.

To set the conditions for such an arrangement, Washington will need to undertake modest, unilateral confidence measures right away. At a minimum, it should abolish the travel ban from Iran and ensureeven expandexceptions to U.S. sanctions that allow Iran to address the humanitarian needs arising from the COVID-19 crisis.

The United States and Iran should attempt then to reset the cycle of escalation with an informal calm for calm agreement. Iran would put a stop to the proxy attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East, as well as mine and missile attacks on oil tankers and critical infrastructure. The United States would cease the bellicose rhetoric and do what is in its power to restrain provocations such as some of the mysterious explosions inside Iran in recent months.

The U.S. government must then decide how to pursue the nuclear component of this early arrangement. A Biden administration may try to get the United States and Iran to reenter the 2015 agreement. Such an approach may be the simplest to negotiate. It would also most meaningfully roll back Irans nuclear program, and it could help the United States repair transatlantic relations. However, returning to the deal could permanently alienate the agreements opponents, which include Israel, Saudi Arabia, and congressional Republicans. That fallout could in turn complicate future diplomacy with Iran. Irans internal politics may also foreclose the possibility of a simple reentry so close to elections, as hard-liners would not want Rouhanis faction to have such a victory.

A new U.S. administrationin this case more likely Trumps than Bidens could instead pursue a different short-term agreement: one that would lack the scope of the original nuclear deal but that would require Iran to freeze its nuclear program or partially roll it back in exchange for limited sanctions relief. This arrangement would be similar to the deal French President Emmanuel Macron tried to forge in 2019 between Iran and the United States, or to the 2013 Joint Plan of Action, which preceded the final agreement. Opponents to the 2015 agreement may find this option more acceptable, because it would leave more sanctions in place at the start. And because the deal would be straightforward, with relatively few steps to implementation, it might help Iran and the United States avoid getting bogged down in detailed negotiations. On the other hand, it would not roll back Irans nuclear program as far, and it would require opening an entirely new negotiation, which would likely necessitate a 30-day congressional review period.

Whether the United States returns to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal or negotiates a more limited alternative will depend ultimately on the Iranian position. And either a Biden or a Trump administration should be open to testing all possibilities.

An initial de-escalation deal would forestall any crisis from unfolding before the Iranian election. In so doing, it would buy time for the United States to develop a comprehensive strategy in consultation with its partners and Congress. The parties could then begin engaging on parallel tracks: one focused on further de-escalating regional tensions and the other on hammering out a follow-on nuclear arrangement. The tracks will be separate, but not entirely independent.

Iran, the United States, other regional actors, and members of the P5+1 need a framework in which to engage one another, and the United States should offer its support for and participation in a facilitated, active, multilateral dialogue on issues of import to the region. For regional partners, American efforts to participate in such a dialogue would signal an important U.S. commitment. For Iran, the inclusion of multiple international players would signal that the United States is not simply out to impose its views.

The overall objective should be to sustain a process that might produce durable solutions. But initial goals should be modest and can start with practical, narrow dealmaking. A highly structured forum with lengthy agendas and formal interventions is less likely to succeed than a more flexible one with multilateral meetings and smaller contact groups. The key is for the United States, in concert with the P5+1, to invest serious diplomacy in such a dialogue.

The dialogue would lay the foundation for constructive engagement even while contributing to the Middle Easts long-term stability. Through it, the regions states could seek an agreement to not interfere in one anothers internal affairs. At the same time, they could adopt cooperative measures to address COVID-19, other health issues, natural disasters, and climate change. The dialogue could pursue naval de-escalation in the Gulf through multilateral mechanisms. And it could address arms control by limiting conventional offensive arms, including missiles, curtailing nuclear enrichment for civilian purposes, and devising common inspection regimes. Some difficult issues are unlikely to yield early progress, but they should be part of the program nonetheless. These include ending the civil wars in Syria and Yemen and reducing tensions between the United States and Iran in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Simultaneously, the United States and the P5+1 should engage Iran in follow-on negotiations regarding its nuclear program. The first priority in this regard should be for Iran to extend the expiring sunset provisions in the 2015 nuclear deal, in exchange for greater sanctions relief from the United States. Such relief could include allowing for U-turn transactions, in which Iranian funds held in foreign banks can pass through the U.S. financial system, or relaxing some limited aspects of the direct U.S. embargo.

If negotiations on regional issues make progress, the United States should show flexibility on sanctions relief. Likewise, a stalemate in regional diplomacy should affect the nuclear discussions. But neither track should be allowed to hold the other hostage. Some discussions, such as those regarding Irans missile program or regional agreements on civilian nuclear use, may overlap them both.

For this strategy to work, the United States will have to convince Israel, the Gulf states (especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates), and the U.S. Congress to play constructive roles. The United States should assure its partners in the Middle East that while Irans nuclear program remains a priority, Washington will put greater emphasis on the regional issues than it did in the past. It should signal from the start that it is aiming not naively to transform Iran or the region but to construct practical deals, supported by U.S. diplomacy, that de-escalate tensions.

Congress may pose the greatest difficulty to a Biden administration that seeks to reengage. A Trump administration can rely on Republicans to fall into line if it reengages with Iran and on Democrats to welcome de-escalation. Biden, however, would need to persuade Congress that his administrations approach will address concerns about nuclear deal sunsets, ballistic missiles, and regional issues and to emphasize that it can and will reimpose sanctions if necessary. A Biden administration could consider creative ways to maximize Republican buy-in: say, by developing a bipartisan gang of members who are leaders on national security, from whom the administration would solicit views on Iran and who might even observe some of the negotiations. If bipartisan support for engaging Iran proves elusive, Biden will have to take steps to harden any agreement against reversal.

Putting U.S. policy toward Iran on a firmer footing is an extraordinarily complex task that will require delicately aligning numerous players. The U.S. political transition in 2021 could offer either a President Biden or a President Trump a critical opportunity to do just thatbut each would have to break with the past. Biden would need to move Democrats away from a nuclear-only strategy and put greater focus on the region. Trump would have to revise his pressure-only approach and engage in serious negotiations. Both would have to put diplomacy in the lead.

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On Iran, the Next Administration Must Break With the Past - Foreign Affairs Magazine