MSNBC | Some Republicans give up on the idea of an 'Ayn Rand utopia' MSNBC A core tenet of Republican ideology in recent years is the belief that no tax should go up on anyone, at any time, by any amount, for any reason. GOP officials' unflinching commitment to this idea has created all kinds of governance problems, but not ... |
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Some Republicans give up on the idea of an 'Ayn Rand utopia' - MSNBC
Republican senators have had to decide whether public appearances would be fruitful or the crowds hostile. Many lawmakers seem to have given up on town hall-style meetings and parades. Others are still braving them, knowing they may get an earful on the health care bills.
Never before, in the 15 times that Ive marched in this parade, have I had people so focused on a single issue, Senator Susan Collins of Maine, who rejected the latest version of the bill, said in an interview shortly after walking the parade route in Eastport, Me. I think its because health care is so personal.
On Tuesday, Ms. Collins and the few other Republican senators who ventured out most of them opponents of the current bill, and most in rather remote locales were largely rewarded with encouragement to keep fighting.
This may be promising for other senators who are not planning to stay in all week. Ms. Capito has public events set for the coming days. The delay in voting on the Senate bill, which Ms. Capito strongly rebuffed, has taken some of the heat off, though activists in West Virginia said signs had been readied for Tuesdays parades just in case.
Other Republicans will soon be out and about, and some already have been. Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana was met with chants of Vote no! in a Baton Rouge church on Friday as he discussed the states recovery from the 2016 floods. Senator Jerry Moran of Kansas will hold three town hall-style meetings this week in the western part of the state, and Senator Charles E. Grassley of Iowa has scheduled nine as part of his annual tour of the states 99 counties. Senator Patrick J. Toomey of Pennsylvania is holding a televised meeting on Wednesday, albeit with an invitation-only audience.
While the receptions they receive may vary, judging by those in the streets on Tuesday, the primary subject will not.
Health care! Health care! Health care! Hilary Georgia, a part-time resident of Eastport, cried as Ms. Collins passed the spectators in camp chairs unfolded before neat wooden houses.
Eastport, which is recognized as the easternmost city in the United States, draws a large and festive crowd on Independence Day, even though it is remote. So is Wrangell, Alaska, where Senator Lisa Murkowski, another key Republican in the health care debate, took part in a parade on Tuesday as well.
There was no escaping politics, however. The reception for Ms. Collins was one of gratitude and fulsome thanks for her disapproval of the Senate bill, mixed with some anxiety over whether she would stick to her position.
Im still concerned because I know it keeps getting revised, said Kristin McKinlay, 44, an independent voter who is worried that a new bill could leave her without health insurance and stopped Ms. Collins to introduce herself because she had called the senators office so many times. I hope we have her commitment.
At a late-morning parade in Ely, a small city in northern Nevada surrounded for miles by only sagebrush and juniper trees, Senator Dean Heller, who has come out against the bill, rode down Aultman Street on a horse.
Get in line behind Trump! one man shouted, while an older man offered, Thanks for protecting Medicare! Generally, however, things remained subdued in Ely perhaps in part because, as several people along the parade route said, residents were just surprised to see Mr. Heller there.
This was still more activity than anything done by Mr. Gardner of Colorado, who has not held a town hall-style meeting this year. Coloradans have noticed. In February, hundreds gathered for a mock town hall-style meeting in Denver, where they addressed questions to a cardboard cutout of the senator. Last week, wheelchair-bound constituents occupied his office for 60 hours in protest of cuts proposed in the health bill, before being dragged out by the police.
Mr. Gardners Fourth of July was devoid of public events, though on July 3, he could be seen on his front lawn in his hometown, Yuma, playing with squirt guns and smoke bombs with his children.
This was as combative as his holiday was likely to get. Even though one in four residents of Yuma County receives Medicaid assistance, and many would probably lose their health care coverage under the Senate bill, those who disagree around Yuma tend to keep quiet.
I wanted to say something so bad, let him know what I thought, said a woman on a nearby porch, who gave her name only as Edna and identified herself as a 76-year-old lifelong Republican. She said several people in her family would lose coverage if the Affordable Care Acts expansion of Medicaid were rolled back, but when she ran into Mr. Gardner with his grandmother at the Yuma Days dance at the local high school a week ago, she let it drop.
I went to school with his aunt, Edna said. I see his mom and dad daily. We are all friendly. Am I going to boo at him in front of his grandmother in her wheelchair?
There is also the question of whether talking to ones senators, much less yelling at them, will make much of a difference anyway, a pessimistic thought on a day celebrating the ideals of self-government.
I think theyve got their priorities mixed up, said Connie Christiansen, standing on the lawn of her familys house in Shell Rock, Iowa, having watched as Boy Scouts, tractors, ATVs and musicians but no United States senators passed by.
If she saw Mr. Grassley, she said, she would tell him to retire. She had simply forgotten about Iowas other senator, Joni Ernst.
Ms. Christiansen called her 25-year-old cousin, Maggie Cain, over with a question: What do you think about talking to senators?
I feel like it wouldnt really make a difference, Ms. Cain replied.
See? Ms. Christiansen said. It doesnt make a difference how young you are. You feel the same. Helpless.
An earlier version of this article incorrectly reported that Senator Rob Portman, Republican of Ohio, had no public events on July 4. Mr. Portman marched in two parades.
Campbell Robertson reported from Alderson; Dave Philipps from Yuma, Colo.; Jess Bidgood from Eastport, Me.; and Emily Cochrane from Shell Rock, Iowa. Kim Raff contributed reporting from Ely, Nev.
A version of this article appears in print on July 5, 2017, on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: With Voters Riled, G.O.P. Senators Lie Low.
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Senate Republicans Lie Low on the Fourth, or Face Single-Minded ... - New York Times
Throughout the Obama years, one of the more frequent Republicancriticisms of the Democratic presidentwas that he was engaging in class warfare against the richand punishing success.President Obama, Republicans claimed time and again, was fosteringresentment against the wealthy and cynically exploiting class divisions for political gain. Class warfare may make for good politics, but it makes for rotten economics, said Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., at one point,while responding to Obamas proposal for a minimum tax of 30 percent on millionaires (i.e., the Buffett tax).
Like the allegationsthat Obama was a foreign-born Muslim or a socialist (and occasionally evena communist), however,this chargenever had much truth to it. The wealthiest Americans continued to do exceedingly well under Obama. Indeed, President Obamawas if anything the antithesis of a class warrior, as he approached governing in a detached and technocratic manner,often setting aside moral questions about class, inequality and social structure to concentrate on more practical questions. (Would a true left-wingclass warrior have protectedWall Street CEOs from the pitchforks?)
Though Obama was far from the moralizing class warrior that Fox News depicted him to be, Republicans perceived him as such because his administrationspolicies were not always favorable towardbillionaires and corporations, and on occasion the presidentwould remark on the fact that economic inequality hadincreased. Ironically, the conservative obsession with Obamas apparent class politics often revealed more about Republicans and their own class politics than it did about Obama. While the 44th presidents administration sought to played a neutral role in terms of class interests (something that earned him plenty of criticism from progressives), modern Republicans have never failed to serve the interests of billionaires and corporate America.
This kind ofrhetoricwas part of a long tradition in which Republican politicians denounce class warfare and those who purportedlyengage in it while actively waging their own class war against the poor and working class.
This class warfarehas become all the more apparent since the GOPtook over the federal government earlier this year. Nothing has revealed the GOPs disdain for poor people and working-class familiesquite like the Republican health carebillscurrentlyin the House and Senate, which would both provide generous tax cuts to the rich while cutting health benefits for the poor, the middle class and the elderly (and also throw more than 20 million people off health insurance, according to the CBO). It is hard to exaggeratethe mass suffering that these bills would cause. As Jeff Spross recently pointed out in The Week,Not in their most fevered imaginations do left-wing tax-hikers envision inflicting this kind of suffering on the 1 percent.
In the Nation,Zoe Carpenter accuratelysummed up Trumpcarelast week: The Senate GOP isnt fixing healthcare. Its waging class war.
With thisclass waron fulldisplayone might expect a growingnumber of Americans to finallyrecognizethe GOP as the party of, by and for the rich. But its not as if this is a new effort. Republicans have been waging this class war for decades, yetjust eight months ago Donald Trump managed to win the election by running as a populist, and his victory was due in large part to the support he received fromRust Belt states, where working-class people have felt the brunt of the GOPs decades-longassault on working people. To some extent, Trump succeeded in the Rust Belt because he was seen by many people as a different kind of Republicanwho would actually help workers (his stance on free trade deals like the Trans-Pacific Partnership obviously played a role in this perception). But Trumps success was also the result of a kind of cultural class warfare thathas been in the GOP playbook for a very long time.
Over the past few decades Republicans have not only waged an economic class war against the working class but a cultural class waragainst the so-called liberal elite which includes college professors, journalists, Democratic politicians, urban professionals, Hollywood entertainers and so on. While Trumps rhetoric may be unusually belligerent, the practice of railing against cultural elites has been employed by conservatives forgenerations, as Thomas Frank explored in his 2004 book, Whats the Matter With Kansas?The true genius of the rights culture war is that it enablesclear economic elites like Trump to portray themselvesas populists,even while they enactpolicies that servebillionaires and multinationalcorporations.
Right-wing populism, Frank observes, both encourages class hostility in the cultural sense and simultaneously denies the economic basis of the grievance. Thus, Republicans can wage their class war on the working class while still claiming to be populists who are fighting for real Americans. Frank elucidates further on the right-wing conception of class:
Class, conservatives insist, is not really about money or birth or even occupation. It is primarily a matter of authenticity, that most valuable cultural commodity. The erasure of the economic is a necessary precondition for most of the basic backlash ideas.
That last point has become all the more relevant in the era of Trump. If the erasure of the economic (from class) is in fact a necessary precondition for the ideas we see embodied in the Republican Party today, then the obvious solution is to restore the primacy of the economic. Frank goes on to make an interesting analogy, describing the right-wing populist vision as nothing more than an old-fashioned leftist vision of the world with the economics drained out.
Where the muckrakers of old faulted capitalism for botching this institution and that, he writes, the backlash thinkers simply change the script to blame liberalism.
This analogy is somewhat unfair toleftists, who had a much more sophisticated worldview that was largely based on reality since capitalism reallywas at fault for many of the problems identified by the muckrakers. But it does raise an important question: Is a modern version of the old-fashioned leftist vision the best way to defeat the phony populism of the right? Obviously left-wingers like Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn believe it is, and the latters unexpected success in last months British election certainly bolsteredthe argument.
Thomas Frank who knows a thing or two about right-wing populism agrees with this sentiment. In his most recent book, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People?,Frank looks at how the Democratic Party abandoned class politics toward the latter part of the 20th century and embraced corporate-friendlycentrism, which gave right-wingers a perfect opportunity to advance their own warped formof class politics. Today we are living in the aftermath of this Democratic shift towardsneoliberalism.
If class warfare is being waged, it is not Democrats who are the aggressors, saidHenry Aaron of the Brookings Institute inan analysis of the House version of Trumpcare published in March. This is doubtless the case, and it is why the Republicans have been so successful in crushing the working class while maintaining theirpopulist veneer.If Democrats want to expose Republicans as the party of the 1 percent and start winning elections again, then perhaps it is time for them to become the aggressorsand start waging a class war of their own.
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Now more than ever, Republicans are engaged in class warfare: Isn't it time for Democrats to fight back? - Salon
Kansas City Star (blog) | David Brooks: What's the matter with Republicans? Kansas City Star (blog) Over the past two months the Trump administration and the Republicans in Congress have proposed a budget and two health care plans that would take benefits away from core Republican constituencies, especially working-class voters. And yet over this ... |
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David Brooks: What's the matter with Republicans? - Kansas City Star (blog)
Billionaire Mark Pincus, co-founder of social game developer Zynga, and one of the new WTF Democrats.
Jake Johnson at CommonDreams writesProgressives Explain Why Centrist Tech Billionaires Won't Save the Democrats:
In a move already being denounced by progressives as "tone-deaf" and "literally the stupidest f------ idea" ever, tech billionaires Mark Pincus and Reid Hoffman have launched an initiative titled Win the Future (WTF) with the goal of bringing the Democratic Party back from the political wilderness.
"The weakness of the Democratic Party is not due to an underrepresentation of venture capitalists and tech company board members." Alex Lawson, Social Security Works
Recode's Tony Romm firstreportedon the billionaires' plans and lofty objectives, which include pushing Democrats to "rewire their philosophical core" and recruiting candidates to challenge Democratic incumbents. The recruits, according to Romm, will be called "WTF Democrats."
The tech moguls have "contributed $500,000 to their still-evolving project" so far, Romm notes, and they have been "aided by Jeffrey Katzenberg, a major Democratic donor and former chairman of Disney, as well as venture capitalists Fred Wilson and Sunil Paul."
Pincus, the co-founder of Zynga, signaled that the WTF platform will be "pro-social [and] pro-planet, but also pro-business and pro-economy."
"I'm fearful the Democratic Party is already moving too far to the left," Pincus said. "I want to push the Democratic Party to be more in touch with mainstream America, and on some issues, that's more left, and on some issues it might be more right."
Progressives reacted to the projectand to the comments of its founderswith a combination of scorn and dismay, portraying the effort as just thelatest in a seriesof misguided attempts to push the Democratic Party rightward.
If the self-interested elites behind "Win the Future" want to be helpful, say critics, they should go save the Republican Party instead.
"It would be much more valuable for the world if sane, but conservative, self-protective rich people who are against bigotry and recognize that climate science is real became forces within the Republican Party and supported sane Republicans in primaries rather than water down the message of the Democratic Party and its commitment to economic equality and social justice,"Jeff Hauser, director of the Revolving Door Project at the Center for Economic and Policy Research,toldThe Huffington Post.
Hauser concluded that the last thing the Democratic Party should be promoting is a coalition of candidates who are "regressive on corporate power."
Others similarly panned the billionaires' ambitions as yet another "centrist push" that runs counter to the prevailing agenda of the grassroots, which has of late ramped up calls for the Democratic Party to push aggressively for programs likeMedicare for Alland free public college tuition. [...]
"Win the Future's technocratic bent seems to ignore the unexpected success of PresidentDonald Trumpand the competitive bid for the 2016 Democratic presidential nomination by Sen.Bernie Sanders(I-Vt.), both of whom ran populist campaigns against the reigning financial elite and the power it exerts in politics,"notedThe Huffington Post's Daniel Marans.
According to recent polls, most Americans believe that the Democratic Party isalready out of touch, and many Democratsare not optimisticabout their party's prospects. Tech billionaires, progressives argued, are the opposite of what the party needs.
"The weakness of the Democratic Party is not due to an underrepresentation of venture capitalists and tech company board members,"concludedAlex Lawson, executive director of Social Security Works.
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Neoconservatives and the Pentagon have good reason to fear the return of the Vietnam Syndrome. The label intentionally suggests a disease, a weakening of the martial will, but the syndrome was actually a healthy American reaction to false White House promises of victory, the propping up of corrupt regimes, crony contracting and cover-ups of civilian casualties during the Vietnam War that are echoed today in the news from Baghdad. ~Tom Hayden, 2004
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BLAST FROM THE PAST
At Daily Kos on this date in 2011Obama administration ends coal rip off; liberal titan Abner J. Mikva dies at 90:
The Obama administration has already established a standard 35.5 mile-per-gallon fuel-efficiency average for cars, light trucks and SUVs manufactured in 2016 and beyond. The discussion now is over how much the standard should be increased to by 2025. The administration has slated an announcement on its decision about this for September.
Eco-advocates are seeking a 62-mpg standard. The big car companies, including GM, the one that taxpayers still own one-fourth of, are aghast. It's the usual whine, which comes down to the usual claim: no-can-do, too-expensive, unsafe.
OntodaysKagro in the Morningshow,Greg DworkinandJoan McCarterguide us out of the long weekend. GOPSenators duck July 4th parades. Hold your breath: NorthKorea launches ICBM.Trump heads to G20. Declaration of Independence trashed. Theres even more collusion than you thought.
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Open thread for night owls: Progressives pan 'WTF Democrats' as just more self-interested centrists - Daily Kos