Archive for July, 2017

Progressives panic as millennials flee: ‘You damn right, I don’t have any loyalty to Democrats’ – Washington Times

ANALYSIS/OPINION:

Progressives are in a bit of a panic lately, looking at the results of a recent focus group study that shows their core base of millennials are abandoning the leftist ideology in droves, jumping out of the Democratic Partys ship to take their votes gasp! elsewhere.

Why? Apparently, millennials, and particularly millennials of color of which is 44 percent of that demographic are sick and tired of being taken for granted.

The chickens coming home to roost. Suddenly, blacks arent content to simply and automatically pull the poll levers for Democratic Party candidates, or progressives. Now, theyre demanding actual representation. Theyre decrying the feeling of being taken for granted, according to results from a focus group conducted by the Civic Engagement Fund in Florida and Wisconsin.

Heres the line that really slaps, though.

Youre damn right, I dont have any loyalty to Democrats, one participant in the Florida focus group said, in The Hill. If Republicans want to get real about shit thats happening in my community, I would vote for every one of them. Then maybe Democrats would take us serious too.

Whats astonishing about the statement is that Democrats, progressives and pretty much anyone running for political office with a left-leaning vision and platform could bank on the support of blacks and other minorities. The overall attitude was: Well, who else would they vote for a Republican?

This research shows yes. Maybe.

And consider this: The Brookings Institution reported millennials to be the largest group of voters by 2020 and in 2015, more than 44 percent of millennials were people of color, the Hill said.

Can you say President Donald Trump wins a second term?

We are not going to get back to national majorities again without these voters, said Cornell Belcher, the guy who conducted the focus groups for the Civic Engagement Fund.

Interesting. The gravy train for the Democrats appears to be coming to a halt. Todays minorities arent automatically voting left. And Republicans now have a sizable opening and its one that should start with a reminder of the history of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, and which party fought the hardest, with votes, for their passage. Hint: It wasnt the Dems.

Read the original here:
Progressives panic as millennials flee: 'You damn right, I don't have any loyalty to Democrats' - Washington Times

The Venezuelan Dilemma: Progressives and the "Plague on Both Your Houses" Position – Venezuelanalysis.com

In recent weeks, a number of Venezuelan specialists on the left side of the political spectrum have published and posted pieces that place them in an anti-Chavista, ni-ni position that consists of a plague on both your houses with regard to Maduro and the Venezuelan opposition. Certainly,at this moment the Chavistas are playing hard ball; the options available to them are limited.

I consider myself a critical Chavista. Its not an easy position to be in, particularly because the last thing I would want to do is to act in any way that would favor the right (that is the Venezuelan opposition and its allies abroad). On the other hand, I have always opposed (even in my writing) the position of some people on the left who feel that U.S. leftists should not publicly express criticisms of socialist governments. Criticism (including public criticism) is necessary as it is part of the process of assimilating lessons.

The recent articles that harshly attack the Maduro government have been published in Jacobin magazine by Gabriel Hetland and another by Mike Gonzalez as well as Hetlands piece posted by NACLA: Report on the Americas in which he uses the expression que se vayan todos. More recently NACLA posted an interview with Alejandro Velasco that was originally published in the magazine Nueva Sociedad.

I know a number of people in Venezuela and academia in the U.S. and elsewhere who I used to see eye to eye on with regard to Chavez and I now find them expressing total rejection of and even animosity toward the government. The only thing that binds us now is our common support for the need to defend Venezuelan sovereignty, and sometimes not even that.

WHAT ARE THE ARGUMENTS OF THE NI-NI POSITION THAT I AGREE WITH AND WHAT ARE THE ONES I DISAGREE WITH:

AGREE:

1. CORRUPTION IS AN EXTREMELY SERIOUIS PROBLEM IN VENEZUELA, which the government has not done nearly enough to combat, though some timid measures have been taken (eg. over the last 6 months in the oil industry).

2. THE GOVERNMENT HAS VIOLATED CERTAIN DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES the decision to strip Henrique Capriles of the right to participate in elections on grounds of corruption; and the delay of the gubernatorial elections; but not the decision not to hold the recall in 2016 (since the opposition didnt have their act together on that one).

3. THE NEGATIVE ROLE OF THE STATE APPARATUS AND THE CHAVISTA ELITE - Velasco begins his interview with these words. I agree that the state bureaucracy and Chavista elite have stifled internal Chavista democracy and in doing so have discouraged mobilization. Nevertheless, I also recognize that this bloc (the Chavista bureaucrats) buttresses the Chavista hold on power as it has a mobilization and organizational capacity that would be lost should Maduro unleash a revolution within the revolution. Hastily turning power over to the rank and file would have disastrous immediate consequences. Thus, for instance, Chavezs decision to implement the Plan Guayana Socialista in which the workers chose the presidents (known as worker presidents) of state companies in the Guayana region was a failure because the labor movement in those firms, almost 100 percent Chavista, went at each others throats.

4. THE CHAVISTA MOVEMENT HAS LOST A LARGE NUMBER OF ITS ACTIVE SUPPORTERS. In addition to the factors named by the ni-nis (corruption, government bungling, etc.) there is the factor of desgaste (wearing down process over time) which is inevitable and doesnt in itself reflect negatively on the Chavista leadership. Eighteen years is a long time.

DISAGREE:

1. THE MADURO GOVERNMENT IS AUTHORITARIAN OR HEADING IN AN AUTHORITARIAN DIRECTION, which at this point is my most important disagreement with the ni-nis. Those who make this statement never acknowledge the importance of context. They recognize, though in some cases they play down (not so in the case of Hetlands Jacobin piece), the violent activity unleashed by the opposition, but dont relate the states police actions to the challenges it is facing. Just to provide one example. A totally anti-government hostile communications media encourages the audacity and extremism of the opposition for two reasons. First the police and National Guard are held back from responding firmly and without hesitation and thus they lose their dissuasive capacity. And second, the protesters themselves feel empowered. Both factors play on each other. In the U.S. or any other country, the corporate media (and some of the alternative media) would be completely sympathetic to the actions of security forces, even their excesses, in a situation of urban paralysis and urban violence over such an extended period of time (its been three and a half months). Furthermore, to use the term authoritarian when the local media is so supportive of the opposition, is simply misleading. It is true that the national TV channels (specifically Televen, Venevision, and Globovsion) are less hostile to the government than in 2002-2003 but they (perhaps with the exception of Venevision) are still more pro than anti-opposition. But almost all of the important written media both nationally and locally are vocally anti-government. And in the case of the international media, the bias has no limits.

Finally, there are valid criticisms of the Chavista-chosen methodology for the Constituent Assembly election to be held on July 30, but that doesnt make Venezuela authoritarian. In 18 years of Chavista rule, there has never been plausible evidence of electoral fraud. Compare that with the dubious legitimacy of last months elections in the state of Mexico City, hardly unique for that nation.

The real elephant in the room is the gubernatorial election of December of this year, which the Maduro government is committed to holding. Those contests, to be held in just five months from now, will measure popular support. And they will put to the test the democratic commitment of both the government and the opposition. In my opinion the radical fringe of the opposition would prefer to reach power through force in order to crush the Chavista movement and impose neoliberal policies shock-treatment style rather than reach power through electoral means, in which case their options would be more limited.

2. THE GOVERNMENT IS NOT SINCERE ABOUT DIALGOUE, according to Velasco there is no evidence one way of the other on this one.

3. THE CHAVISTA RANK AND FILE HAS LITTLE REASON TO ACTIVELY SUPPORT THE MADURO GOVERNMENT and for that reason two million of them abstained in December 2015. Although obviously disillusionment is widespread, there are many important reasons for progressives and popular sectors to support the Maduro government: nationalistic foreign policy, rejection of neoliberal type agreements with international financial institutions, social programs that involve community participation; zero-sum-game policies that favor the popular sectors (example: the Bus Rapid Transit BRT that in Barcelona-Puerto La Cruz reserves one of two lanes on the main drag connecting the two cities to accordion-typebusesat the expense of automobile traffic); and finally Maduro (in spite of all of his shortcomings as an administrator and failure to take necessary bold decisions) has proven to be a fighter and to convince his base that hes not going to go down without a struggle to the end. He has also attempted to mobilize his base; the failure to attempt to do so by Lula and Dilma Rousseff is a major reason why the impeachment against the latter went through.

4. VENEZUELAS ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES ARE NOT ABOUT LOW OIL PRICES BUT ABOUT GOVERNMENT INEPTNESS. In fact, there are three causes of the economic crisis and they all have approximately the same weight: low oil prices, the economic war (with Julio Borgess public campaign against multinational investments in Venezuela, the existence of an economic war is clearer to see than in the past), and erroneous government policies. With regard to the latter (and here I probably diverge somewhat from Mark Weisbrot), I believe that decisions on economic policies were necessary and urgent, but that there were no easy and obvious choices and any one that was made would have come with a price, both politically and economically.

5. GOVERNMENT INTRANSIGENCE IS DUE TO THE FACT THAT THE CHAVISTA LEADERS DONT WANT TO LOSE THEIR PRIVILEGES. This statement is misleading, even while there is undoubtedly an element of truth in it. But the statement assumes that Chavista leaders are all cynics and without any sense of idealism. Where is the scientific evidence to support this claim?

6. ATTORNEY GENERAL LUISA ORTEGA DIAZ REPRESENTS A NUETRAL POSITION WHICH THE MADURO GOVERNMENT IS UNWILLING TO TOLERATE. In fact, regardless of her motives, she has assumed an explicitly pro-opposition position. In such a critical situation in which the opposition openly proposes anarchy as a means to unseat Maduro, it makes sense that the Chavistas are attempting to remove her from office.

In short,I believe in the conclusive need to support the Venezuelan government in spite of the numerous criticisms that I have (some more profound than others). With that, I am not arguing for non-discussion of the errors. Everything to the contrary, the Venezuelan experience needs to be analyzed from a critical perspective, especially because of the plausibility of the criticisms formulated by critical progressives and the thorniness of many of the issues that have been raised. But there is a long tradition of purism on the left that runs counter to the position of critical support that I advocate.

First published by teleSUR English, adapted and expanded for Venezuelanalysis.

Here is the original post:
The Venezuelan Dilemma: Progressives and the "Plague on Both Your Houses" Position - Venezuelanalysis.com

Under siege by liberals: the town where everyone owns a gun – The Guardian

Theres an empty stretch of field off highway 141 in Colorado that used to be the perfect American town. Small houses with white picket fences boasted big flower gardens. Kids played kick the can in the streets, rode their bikes, splashed in swimming pools. On Sundays, they might have watched an Elvis movie on TV. The rent was cheap, the fathers all worked, the mothers stayed at home.

Uravan was placid, friendly and, in most of the ways people usually measure it, safe. For many years, a former resident recalled, there was no law enforcement in the mining company town. Nobody needed it. The kids were good kids, because if they werent, the company bosses would kick their whole families out.

The town, named after the minerals extracted and processed there, had secretly supplied uranium to the Manhattan Project during the war. Afterward, the cold war uranium boom made the town prosper.

Things changed in 1986 when Uravan was declared a Superfund site contaminated by hazardous waste. The mine closed, residents moved out. The entire town the trees, the houses, the post office, the Coke glasses from the drug store was shredded and buried in a concrete-lined hole. The only thing left behind was the towns metal flagpole, which was moved to the abandoned baseball field.

When they bury your whole town, they bury your history. Theres a little bit of shame to that, said Jane Thompson, who grew up in Uravan. Her parents were the second to last family to move out.

Thompson drove me through Uravan early one Sunday morning, pointing to the dip in the ground where the gas station had been, the block of houses where she had grown up. There was nothing left except scrub, battered earth and fences with signs warning, Caution Radioactive Materials.

Thomas and her family now live just down the road in Nucla, a shrinking rural town still dependent on the mining industry.

Nucla became nationally famous when it passed an ordinance requiring every household to own a gun five years ago a move that is still wildly popular among residents. But past Nuclas one minute of fame, locals worry about their beloved home becoming a ghost town.

In September, in the wake of a lawsuit from an environmental group, Nuclas major employer, the local coal-fired power plant, announced that it would be shutting down in 2022. The coal mine that supplied the plant would be shutting down as well. In total, about 80 jobs were at risk a huge number in a town whose population boasted, according to the 2010 census, only 711 people.

For locals, this decision was a death knell brought on by liberals who live in big cities. Nucla residents bristle at the warnings about the risk of exposure to radiation, and roll their eyes at A-listers like Darryl Hannah, the Hollywood actress known for Splash and Kill Bill, who joined the activism against the local uranium industry.

Liberals fighting against the mining industry are good at telling them no, residents say, but dont present them with any alternatives not ones that come with real salaries. Richard Craig, a former Nucla town board member, recalled a comment by a member of an environmental group saying during one of the contentious hearings: Well, I dont see why they dont want to go live in the city.

Its almost like I hate using this word, its being used so often its almost like a conspiracy: We need to move everybody out of rural areas and go live in the cities and suburbs, Craig said.

Nucla made national headlines in 2013. That year, in the wake of the Sandy Hook mass shooting that left 20 first-graders dead, Colorado passed new gun control laws, banning the sale of new ammunition magazines with more than 15 rounds and requiring that private citizens perform criminal background checks before selling guns to each other. The laws were hailed by gun control advocates nationwide as a sign of progress despite the gun debate stalemate in Washington.

Nucla moved in precisely the opposite direction: it passed an ordinance mandating that every head of household had to own a gun.

Kennesaw, Georgia, had passed a similar ordinance in 1982. After Craig heard about it, he proposed the idea in a town board meeting. It was kind of a joke to start with, he said, sunk deep into the blue plush chair in his cluttered living room. But the reaction from other town board members was immediately positive. Nucla locals, who had been fighting with liberals for years over uranium and coal, loved the idea.

They said, That sounds cool, he says. I went, Uh-oh.

Craig received congratulatory phone calls from gun rights groups across the country, and the town took the national media attention in stride. Locals still talk fondly of the controversy over the towns prairie dog shooting contest in 1990, which attracted dozens of animal rights activists and made the pages of People magazine. (During the shoot, the Los Angeles Times reported, picketers chanted What are you gonna shoot when the prairie dogs are gone? and a local woman called out: Protesters!)

Craig himself saw the ordinance as responding to yet another irrational liberal attack on rural jobs. After Colorado passed its law on magazine limits, Magpul, a company that manufactures firearms accessories, left the state of Colorado in protest for Wyoming, where it reportedly expanded its workforce and secured a lucrative contract to provide ammunition magazines to the US marine corps.

But he was dismissive of Barack Obamas controversial analysis during his 2008 campaign that small-town residents get bitter and cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who arent like them as a way to channel their frustration. The jobs have been gone now for 25 years and nothings replaced them, Obama had said. And each successive administration has said that somehow these communities are going to regenerate and they have not.

Craig maintains that Nuclas love of guns is not rooted in bitterness. Even before the new rule was approved, most people in Nucla were already gun owners. The ordinance itself contains broad exceptions, not only for felons and those with a mental illness, but also for people who cannot afford a gun or simply wish to be conscientious objectors. This makes it more or less unenforceable.

Still, Nuclas commitment to gun ownership is no joke. Theres a tiny pink sign decorated with pistols at the local sheriffs department it reads: We dont call 911. The town has no bars, no liquor stores, no movie theaters or malls, but it does have its own public gun range, free for use by all.

The few local Democrats are no exception, including Craig himself and the local pharmacist, who was a prize-winning competitive shooter in college. Nuclas historian, Marie Templeton, keeps a beloved gun her husband gave her as an anniversary gift.

Im sure that the people who live in cities have no conception of what a gun means to a person in a small town like this. What do you use a gun for? Well, you kill rattlesnakes, for one thing! she said. She got up from her kitchen table to fetch a stack of photographs of mountain lions and bears that had been spotted in her neighbors yard.

The ordinance didnt even faze Shirley Miller, an Englishwoman who moved from Essex to be with her American husband. She said her adjustment was easy for the most part. Coming from a small village to the east of London, Great Wakering, she finds small-town England and small-town America mostly alike, except for Nuclas blazing, dusty summers and, of course, its bounteous guns.

That aside, Nuclas culture is not so different from small English villages, Miller said: the lack of diversity; the mix of open-mindedness and old prejudice among the residents. There have been small adjustments. She imports her Tesco and Yorkshire tea by mail, along with the occasional package of sultanas and Marmite, and each year she lets a friends sheep graze in the empty pasture by her house, adding a nice pastoral touch to the property. She refuses to say a word against the gun ordinance.

People who live in cities have no conception of what a gun means in a side town like this

Although I come from a culture where there are no guns, and its different here, I dont see the problem here in Nucla, she said diplomatically. If I were living in the city [these gun laws] would worry me. Here it doesnt, she said before adding wryly: There is no crossfire here.

Even the towns emergency medical technician the major healthcare provider in the area during the night, when the local clinic is closed said he carried a gun, as did the ambulance driver. The EMT, Jeff Stephens, said the ambulance had been held up twice.

Last November, officials said, a heavily armed man with a history of anger at law enforcement opened fire on a sheriffs deputy while he was driving in a remote area not far from Nucla. The officer returned fire, killing the man. A local prosecutor found the officers actions justified.

But that shooting was an anomaly for the area. Prior to that, the last violent shooting was in 1986 or so, Stephens said, when a man tried to break up a fight between a man and his wife outside a bar in Naturita, the town next door, and was shot to death.

Stephens said he does see occasional firearm accidents. There were two in recent memory: one a man shooting himself in the leg, another a young man shooting his partner in the knee. Both shootings involved alcohol, he said.

Word travels quickly in a town of a few hundred people. I had given Craig, the architect of the gun ordinance, a call in advance of my trip to Nucla, and shortly after I arrived in town he tried to reach me on my cellphone. I didnt immediately pick up, so Craig called the front desk of the hotel one town over, and a hotel employee dashed downstairs as I was starting to eat lunch. She handed me a fluorescent post-it note: it had Craigs name and home number on it.

By my third day in town, a woman stopped me outside of Nuclas one restaurant, the Fifth Avenue Grill, to recommend someone for an interview. Had we met the day before? I wondered, confused. We had not. But she had heard all about me already.

Later that day, a stranger in the burger joint one town over, a 1950s-style diner run by Seventh Day Adventists, broke into my note-taking to warn me that I had better be writing a nice story. I pulled up a chair to his familys table. His son was just hoping the jobs would hang on long enough for his daughter to graduate from high school.

Many of the residents were no strangers to the boom-bust cycle of the mining industry. Its always been boom and bust, they told me, for the past hundred years. Sharon Johannsen, Jane Thompsons sister, had been forced to leave town during a mining slump. Her family had only been able to return many years later, but her husband was now working at the coal mine that was slated to be closed.

Many end up moving away for good, but the ones who stay or return are fiercely committed to the landscape and the isolation, the need for self-reliance. The nearest Walmart is more than two hours away. On the mile marker partway down the winding 100-mile road that leads to the closest hospital, locals have tied a pink ribbon to commemorate the place where a healthy little girl had recently been born.

Grand Junction, that nearest larger town, has a population of just over 60,000. Several Nucla residents told me, with disgust, that they could not imagine living in a town that big, and some said they tried to visit as little as possible. Multiple men confided woefully that Nucla had a hard time attracting managers for certain jobs because their wives could not bear to live so far away from a shopping centre.

Today, western Colorado is perceived as a conservative region. At a Blues in the Park night in Naturita, a stranger visiting the town, red-faced and somewhat inebriated, cornered me and began ranting about freeloading immigrants and American values.

This country wasnt built by socialists! he told me.

Actually, I said politely, this area, right here, this was built by socialists.

In 1893, a financial crisis devastated thousands of companies and caused the unemployment rate to spike above 10% for several years. Workers lost their homes and families went hungry. According to one history of the town, a group of Denver families who had become homeless and who were united in their wish to escape tyrannical landlords provided the impetus. In 1894, a group of 10 idealists in Denver formed the Colorado Co-Operative Company, with the goal of moving into the wilderness to create a new community a place where equality and service rather than greed and competition should be the basis.

The utopians spent nearly10 years digging an 18-mile irrigation canal through the arid landscape to bring water from the San Miguel river to the dry hill where they planned to build their colony. Money was tight, food scarce and the workers labored for shares in the eventual water rights in the canal they were digging by hand. To outsiders, the whole plan seemed like madness: how could anyone build a major irrigation canal without any capital?

To expand their group of workers and supporters, the cooperative society established a newspaper, the Altrurian, to share news about their progress nationwide. It covered the day-to-day debates, including updates on the type of cabbages and lettuces that had been planted to feed the workers, as well as features on vegetarianism, marriage and violent labor strikes in other states.

The paper advertised in-person cooperative club meetings across the country, including in Brooklyn, and was not too proud to beg for subscription pennies. If you have received one cents worth of information from this weeks Altrurian, and are not already a subscriber, can you not afford to be a subscriber? it prompted.

When the ditch was finished, the utopians named their town Nucla after the word nucleus, a strange premonition of the towns nuclear future. Socialism broke down only a few years later. In 1914, Nucla voted down its single tax system, in which the cooperative company owned all the land in town and paid one tax on it to the government, in favor of private ownership.

Today, Thompson argues, its the labels on the towns politics that have changed, more than the values themselves. The old-school cooperative mindset really maybe has more to do with conservatism than we think: independent, not needing the government, not needing a landlord, not needing a boss or a big corporation.

The ditch is still owned and managed collectively by the Colorado Co-operative Company, which the utopians founded in 1894. It has about 170 shareholders, and in the summer, group meetings have to be held late in the evening to make it easier for local ranchers to attend after work.

Monte and his son Dean Naslund have a strong connection to the ditch: five generations of their family have worked rebuilding and maintaining it over the years.

I drove out with Dean late one morning, after the days first real work had been done. The ditch was unlined, just a channel dug in the dirt, 16-20ft wide at the top, carefully designed to flow downhill all the way from the San Miguel river to Nucla.

Naslund stopped periodically to use a pitchfork to clear branches out of ditch gratings. The back of the pickup was filled with tools, mixed with old chunks of red-and-black rock fossilized dinosaur bone, Naslund said. Golf balls sit near the front seat. He finds them floating down the ditch from Telluride, I suspect.

Golf balls arent the only trace of the liberal resort town that end up downstream in Nuclas water.

Theres been a few people who say they found some other things from Telluride, Naslund said, and paused. Sexual endeavor things, he added, delicately.

Telluride, just an hour away, is Nuclas polar opposite. The town, which hosts a film festival, is cosmopolitan and populated by the elite, a favored site for second or even third homes. Oprah Winfrey reportedly bought 60 acres of land there in 2014 and spent $14m on one of the towns most lavish mansions (it has a wine cellar designed to look like a historic mine).

To make ends meet, Nucla residents clean Tellurides rental condos and help construct its elaborate mansions, with their enormous chandeliers and granite toilet seats and computerized bidets. One Nucla resident recalled walking into a bathroom in Telluride and feeling startled as the toilet opened by itself.

The class tensions between the two towns are exacerbated by stereotypes. Telluride people think the small towners exposure to radiation means they cant think properly, said Kyle Webb, a 28-year-old who had moved from Denver to Nucla, in part because of its gun ordinance.

Meanwhile, the avowed environmentalists are building giant mansions with heated driveways to melt the snow. Telluride is so wasteful and its kind of hypocritical, said Aimee Tooker, Thompsons niece and the the president of the West End Economic Development Corporation, which was founded to help build new economic models in the area.

Its the saddest thing. You know, we turn off our lights. And as long as we have a place to plug in our phone and our TV, were happy. Those people that are up there they have rain sensors in their windows and sun sensors in their shades so that the shades will close automatically.

Theyre the most wasteful people, yet they tell us that, you know, we cant have our uranium, we cant have this and that down here.

Theyre the most wasteful people, yet they tell us that we cant have our uranium, we cant have this and that down here

The two communities especially clashed during the push to reopen a uranium mill near Telluride, a raging fight that started around 2009.

Hilary Cooper, a Telluride resident who was then the head of the Sheep Mountain Alliance, a Telluride environmental group, was one of the leaders who geared up to fight the uranium mill.

I kind of jumped into those communities thinking, oh, we can talk some sense into these people: all the medical research and how bad this stuff was for them and how bad it was for the environment, Cooper said. She knew the environmental arguments might not be as powerful, even if she stuck to the simple talking points of clean air and clean water. I could not have been more wrong in my approach, she said.

Her activism sparked outrage, and she said she received threats on her life.

The children and grandchildren of Uravan miners had seen some of them die of lung cancer, but they never missed an opportunity to explain that they had been smokers too. The direct links they saw between exposure to uranium and cancer did not persuade them that uranium mining was a bad industry, especially with what the saw as more recent advances in safety.

Thompsons grandfather, who used to smoke and mine at the same time, had died of lung cancer. The local history museum has a photo of him smoking insouciantly while wheeling a cart of ore out of the mine.

If you had told my grandpa that he was going to die when he was 70 a horrible, painful death, he would have continued to mine, Thompson said. Thats how he supported his family and he was able to keep his family farm.

As an alternative to uranium, Telluride residents repeatedly suggested that Nucla and Naturita capitalize on the organic local food movement and return to their farming roots to provide Telluride and surrounding areas with produce, Cooper said.

This suggestion was met with eye-rolling and frustration. Ill be the first person in line to pick your tomatoes for $45,000 to $75,000 a year, one local reportedly said in 2009, contrasting agricultural wages with mining income. Years later, Thompson still scoffs at the mention of organic produce. Her grandmother grew her own food and canned it, and never used pesticides. This is our way of life, she said.

After several years of angry public hearings, lawsuits and debates, the uranium project has been put on hold for economic reasons. In Nucla, where the spot price of uranium is printed on the front page of the newspaper, locals say it needs to reach $50 for the mill to be financially viable. The price listed on the paper in late June was $19.85.

Telluride says a lot of dumb things, said Paul Major, the president of the Telluride Foundation, a community philanthropy. You know, its easier to sit in Telluride and yodel about going green, and a community like Nucla is going, What are you talking about? Were just trying to put food on our table and a roof over our heads.

It was not easy for people working in information industries, or in tourism and real estate, to understand what it was like to be dependent on extraction industries, he said.

If you had told my grandpa he was going to die a horrible,painful death at 70, he would have continued to mine

Thompson said that during a tour of Urvan for Telluride schoolchildren, their teacher asked her: So how do you kind of live with yourself, knowing that the town where you grew up in is where the bomb came from that killed all those people in Japan? Thompson said: And I just looked at him, like, are you just stupid or are you just rude? What kind of question is that?

My grandfather was a farmer, he was a kind and gentle man that wouldnt hurt a fly ... He had no idea what he was doing. None of them knew what they were doing.

I had a hard time with that man even asking me that question.

Cooper, who was recently elected as a county commissioner in a neighboring county, representing Telluride, said she has learned the limits of the towns helpful suggestions.

Telluride is very well meaning in a patriarchal kind of way. Weve got all kinds of ideas about what would be good for the West End. Unless it comes from within the West End, our ideas are not going to fly there, she said.

She thought some of the criticisms of the resort town have merit. I, too, am frustrated with Tellurides energy use and with the 19-bedroom second homes that are still consuming energy when nobody is in the house year round. That said, dont let that stop a good idea from happening. Dont use that as an excuse not to move forward with something that would help your community.

Lacey Steele, a Nucla native, has been commuting to work in Telluride since she was 15 and now works at a Starbucks there. At 21, shes starting a family and getting ready to have a baby. Everybody there looks down on it young marriage and young families, she said. Shes one of the only people at work whos preparing to have children at all.

She sees an imbalance of power even in the way the residents of the two towns think of each other. I dont believe that a lot of people in Telluride know what goes on around here. A lot of them dont even know where we are. And some of the work its millionaire tourist economy offers has real drawbacks: its seasonal, which means Steele is laid off twice a year in the spring and fall and then re-hired.

Laura Denney, a Nucla resident who does private housekeeping in Telluride, said there is an amazing difference in lifestyles between the two towns. At the same time, she said, the families she worked for were really down-to-earth people who she saw give back to the broader community. She pushed back against the negative views of Telluride residents in Nucla.

A lot of people still have that feeling: Theyre just a bunch of hippies up there, just a bunch of rich people. You know what? It was the hippies that made Telluride rich ... If it wasnt for the people in Telluride, a lot of us here in Nucla, Naturita and Norwood wouldnt have jobs.

Residents of Nucla do have this really strong attachment to their culture and their history, Cooper said. Over the years, shes come to believe that attachment is mixed with shame. The history of Nucla is not taught in schools, its not shared ... Theres a conflict of being both ashamed and being proud of it and I think in some ways that is what has really kept that community from discovering whats next for them if its not uranium.

Jeremy Nichols, the climate energy program director at WildEarth Guardians, the not-for-profit whose lawsuit led to the closure of Nuclas power plant, is unabashed about his goals. We want to shut down all coal-fired power plants. We want to keep all coal in the ground. We have a moral imperative to confront the climate crisis, and we cant afford to say, Its OK for this power plant to run and not the others.

The scheduled shutdown is an uncomfortable situation for sure for them, he said. But the timeline, and the deadline, also have benefits, he argued. They provide certainty about something that was already going to happen, and cut through the rhetoric that might suggest, inaccurately, that coal is great and its going to go on forever and if anybody says otherwise, theyre lying.

The town has to take responsibility for planning its own future, and for the lack of planning in the past. Its a beautiful landscape, but its stuck in an old economy, and the old economy is going belly-up, and Nucla hasnt planned for that, he said.

One autumn 16 years ago, Monte Naslund, whose family has worked on the irrigation ditch for decades, was at cow camp, where cattle graze in the summer in the mountains near Nucla. It was always quiet up there, but on that day he noticed something different. The rumble of airplanes overhead, a constant background buzz even on a mountaintop, had stopped. He was listening to a depth of silence he had not heard since he was a boy.

Only much later, when he came down off the mountain, would Naslund learn why it was so silent. Terrorists had flown airplanes into both the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and civilian flights had been grounded nationwide. More than 2,000 miles from the stunned New Yorkers who had watched the towers fall, Naslund had been able to hear the nation coming to a halt.

Around Nucla these days, theres a sense that many of the residents are listening intensely that the seismic shift they are experiencing, as urban and rural priorities clash across the world, is audible to them.

Some in town are optimistic that they will find a way forward: expand the Nucla airport for commercial flights, turn the old elementary school building into a hemp manufacturing center, finally mobilize tourism to Nuclas canyons, rivers and bike trails.

Others are doubtful that hemp will make much difference, and question whether Nuclas natural landscape beautiful, but without the show-stopping monuments of Moab or Zion could ever become a true tourist destination. The town lies off the highway; it is not on the way to anywhere. Miller, who runs an Airbnb in her house, said the guests she gets stay for just one night, stopping over on their way somewhere else.

Thompson, who is also the president of the local historical society, is doing what she can to celebrate the towns more positive history. There is a Uravan reunion picnic every year to bring together old residents of the town. In 2012, the event had attracted an estimated 1,000 people. They served yellow cake in tribute to yellowcake (milled uranium oxide). In the fall, shes planning to host an all-terrain-vehicle tour of the entire length of the socialist ditch.

But progress on building a larger museum is slow and after years of effort, Thompson said that Nucla and Naturita still feel like an afterthought to the broader world, their culture and history less of a priority. We really are a lower class people. I dont know how to say that in a nice way, she said.

For Cooper, the Telluride commissioner, Nucla was founded with a pioneering spirit, and its residents still have it.

If they could tap into that and take advantage of it, she said, I think the skys the limit.

This article was co-published with Topic, a new storytelling studio. Sign up for our newsletter here

See the original post here:
Under siege by liberals: the town where everyone owns a gun - The Guardian

Liberals freak out over Bill Belichick wearing a pro-military shirt – Washington Examiner

An iconic paragon of Dad Fashion, New England Patriots head coach Bill Belichick is inspiring complaints from the Left for sporting a supposedly controversial t-shirt while on vacation in Nantucket this week.

A play on the popular "Life is good" brand, the shirt reads "Life is great" and shows a soldier and his military dog chasing down an armed man in a turban.

The shirts have a special significance, as Tom Shattuck of the Boston Herald described:

The shirts are sold on a site called http://www.tridentk9.org, run by Jim Amann, now a deputy sheriff in Los Angeles. Amann is a former Navy SEAL who was deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan with his military dog Rocky. Amman's company, Trident K9 LLC, provides police and military K9 equipment and training, as well as the light-hearted shirt Belichick was sporting yesterday. As Amann describes it, the shirt "tells a cartoon story of a deployment in Afghanistan where SEAL operators are chasing bad guys." The website suggests wearing the shirt to "celebrate the end of Osama Bin Laden."

So let's cut off the whining just as swiftly as Belichick might cut off a pair of sleeves.

In an article titled "Bill Belichick's Off-Season Look Is Basically Breitbart in Margaritaville," Esquire writer Luke O'Neil called the shirt "political" and asked, "Watching a dog maul a brown-skinned, presumably Muslim man, is supposed to be ... delightful?" Vice writer Sean Newell implied the shirt was "offensive."

"It reminds me of that video of a police dog mauling a Black man," media personality Tariq Nasheed tweeted.

But life is, in fact, "great" when our country's brave military ends the lives of terrorists, particularly the one depicted on this t-shirt. More people should take a page out of Belichick's playbook and celebrate the men and women who serve this country by putting their lives on the line every day to fight our enemies.

Emily Jashinsky is a commentary writer for the Washington Examiner.

Follow this link:
Liberals freak out over Bill Belichick wearing a pro-military shirt - Washington Examiner

REFILE- China’s liberals quietly fight efforts to erase Liu Xiaobo legacy – Reuters

(Corrects typo in name Xiaobo in first paragraph)

* Even hospital visitors seem unaware of Liu

* Official media in Chinese don't mention him

* China activism repressed since Xi took power

* Micro-bloggers evade censorship with Liu posts

By Christian Shepherd

SHENYANG, China, July 13 (Reuters) - As the hospital treating Liu Xiaobo says his organs and breathing have begun to fail from cancer, few in China outside a small circle of dissidents know about the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and his lifetime pursuit of liberal democratic reform.

Even other patients at the First Hospital of China Medical University in the northeastern city of Shenyang, where Liu is being treated, seem not to know they are sharing the facilities with a world famous dissident.

When Reuters visited the floor where friends say Liu is being treated, visitors for other patients on the same ward seemed confused and asked why there were new procedures when security questioned them and checked their IDs.

Nothing has appeared in Chinese-language official media since Liu was diagnosed with cancer in late May. Searches for "Liu Xiaobo" on Chinese social media show no results.

China's foreign ministry answers questions from international media at its daily briefing with the standard line: China is a country ruled by law and the case is an internal affair; other countries should not meddle. Even that line is missing from the official transcripts of the briefings on the ministry's website.

The Global Times, a nationalist tabloid published by the official paper of the ruling Communist Party, is the only publication that regularly writes articles about Liu, in English, and usually to rebuff international criticism.

The paper has cast Liu as an outsider marginalized from society whose cause has failed inside China.

It was overseas dissidents" who are the most active in "hyping the issue and are trying to boost their image by deifying Liu, the Global Times said in a Monday editorial. Western mainstream society is much less enthusiastic than before in interfering with China's sovereign affairs, it said.

Liu was the co-author of a pro-democracy manifesto called Charter 08, which attracted more than 10,000 signatures online before the authorities deleted the document from internet pages and chatrooms. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010, a year after he was sentenced to 11 years in prison for inciting subversion.

Charter '08, issued in 2008, reflected an apparent shift in China at the time towards becoming more open to liberal ideals, said Beijing-based historian and political commentator Zhang Lifan. That changed when Xi Jinping came to power in 2013.

"Since (Liu) was sentenced, peaceful transformation as a route for change has essentially been blocked off by the party. Since the new administration came into office, the party is moving in the opposite direction," he said.

Hu Jia, a well-known Beijing-based dissident and friend of Liu's, says few people in China know anything about him or his work.

"The reality is that if you are on the streets of Beijing and you stop a hundred people, to have one know who Liu Xiaobo is would be a great result," he said.

"Chinese society, due to internet censorship and being cut off from the rest of the world, essentially does not get to hear our (dissident) voices. Protesting voices on Weibo are almost not existent these days," Hu said.

But Xi has helped the dissident movement by locking up a peaceful protester and letting him die in detention. "The last state to do that was Nazi Germany," Hu says.

Carl von Ossietzky, a pacifist who died in 1938 in Nazi Germany's Berlin, was the last Nobel Peace Prize winner to live out his dying days under state surveillance.

While China's censorship makes it difficult to assess Liu's support, he is a "hero" for many liberals in China, even if few will speak out for him, a Chinese editor at an online publication said, declining to be named.

"I am really not sure if it's accurate to claim he is unknown to the public, (or if) people are just too scared to show their knowledge (of Liu)," the editor said.

Despite the restrictions, internet posters have written in support of Liu and his cause, using variations on his name to avoid the censors.

"When it comes to freedom, comes to constitutional government, we have talked too much, now we need to act," read one comment on the micro-blogging platform Weibo. "Situations like Liu Xiaobo's are still a worry, but we nevertheless need people to act, bravely face the risk of death and act."

The post echoed something Liu wrote in April 1989 when he returned from studying in the United States to take part in the pro-democracy movement in Tiananmen Square: intellectuals often "just talk", they "do not do".

"He's leaving, but we cannot see, cannot speak, cannot act" said the headline of an article shared as an image on the popular messaging platform, WeChat, a method that can slow down the censors. In the article, three people born in the 1980s were interviewed about Liu.

"I will see him as a very important symbol, (but) people like him fail to get attention from common folk, and given his plight as an unknown prisoner of conscience, there is little to say," one person identified as L said in the article.

Albert Ho, who heads the Hong Kong Alliance organising protests in Liu's support, said China's efforts to erase Liu from people's memory will fail.

"Don't underestimate the power of the internet ... And don't underestimate the people. I have seen many episodes where suddenly the hero gets degraded into the devil and the devil becomes the hero," he said, referring to previous shifts in China's political system.

"People are not living in an open society in China so you never know," he said. (Additional reporting by Venus Wu in HONG KONG and Beijing news room; Editing by Bill Tarrant)

See more here:
REFILE- China's liberals quietly fight efforts to erase Liu Xiaobo legacy - Reuters