Archive for July, 2017

Is Democracy An Endangered Species In Canada? – Huffington Post Canada

In all developed countries today there is some form of indirect democracy and a democratic process for electing the representatives who actually govern. However, is it really democracy?

The word "democracy" according to Merriam-Webster means: "government by the people; especially rule of the majority... a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections."

In Canada, the Constitution Act 1982 ("Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms") in Section 3 states the Democratic Rights of Citizens: "Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of members of the House of Commons or of a legislative assembly and to be qualified for membership therein."

So far so good. There is a strong history of democracy in Canada and its provinces, and there is a transparent democratic process for elections; where democracy in Canada breaks down is in the execution.

Based on the results of the federal election in October 2015, the winning Liberals were elected by just 26 per cent of the eligible voters. That means that 74 per cent of Canadian voters either voted for another party or didn't vote at all. In fact, about 9 million (or about 34 per cent) of Canadians did not vote and exercise their democratic right. And this was the highest voter turnout in 20 years!

In Ontario, the story is even worse. In the 2014 election, the Liberals won a majority of the seats to form the government in which less than 19 per cent of eligible voters actually voted for them (and only 51 per cent of eligible voters actually voted). That means a staggering 82 per cent of Ontarians either voted for another party or didn't vote at all!

This is clearly not democracy as defined by Merriam-Webster, and there is lots of blame to go around.

First and foremost, many of the citizens of Ontario are to blame for not bothering to inform themselves of political issues, and then once informed, exercising their democratic right to vote. But some of the blame falls elsewhere.

The education system does not adequately prepare students for a life of civic engagement and their responsibilities of citizenship. In fact, in 2016 the Liberal government was thinking about scrapping civics as a secondary school subject all together. Fortunately, that idea was killed, but the current civics course is woefully inadequate at preparing our future citizens.

And, finally, some of the blame goes directly to governments and politicians who actually like the current cozy system. Low voter turnout coupled with first-past-the-post electoral systems is a significant advantage to incumbents and to those who are able to mobilize a small minority of voters to actually show up on election day.

So, while we have democracy in theory and a democratic process, we do not have democracy in practice. In fact, we are a long way from it. One can argue that the current Ontario government, while it has the legal authority to govern, is a long way from having the moral authority to do so. It is approving and implementing significant changes that affect all Ontarians including our current social structure and it is doing so with over 80 per cent of Ontarians either opposed or indifferent.

In today's age of choice, widespread access to information and more direct control over our lives, why have we allowed government to remain as the sole intermediary on important social questions? In many aspects of our lives, we have been steadily eliminating intermediaries and taking more control ourselves, so why not government?

Now, it would be impractical to have no government to regulate society, but is it not reasonable to require government to seek more direct and binding input on major questions of social policy. How can we as citizens allow these important questions to be left in the hands of a government that has less than 20 per cent support?

Switzerland has long maintained a system of semi-direct democracy. Representatives are elected to the country's parliament, but major policy questions are often referred to the people directly and voted on by way of a referendum. In order for a policy question referred to a referendum to become law, it must be supported by at least a two thirds majority of votes cast.

With the significant changes in the world and in our lives, democracy must change to keep pace. Democracy is fragile and must be protected at all costs, and each one of us must do our part if it is to survive and prosper. In 2018, in Ontario, you will all have a chance to do just that.

Also on HuffPost:

Trudeau Government's Broken Promises (So Far)

Originally posted here:
Is Democracy An Endangered Species In Canada? - Huffington Post Canada

Poland Turns Away From Democracy, Thanks to the US – New York Times

The White House set the terms: Mr. Trump was to be met by cheering crowds, giving the world the impression of a strong American leader adored by foreign masses and their leaders. Conveniently, because the Three Seas Initiative summit meeting was taking place in Warsaw, Mr. Trump could meet with leaders from 11 other countries in the region in one fell swoop.

The visit worked for Mr. Kaczynski, too embattled in Europe, his government needed to show that Poland enjoys the respect of one of the worlds most powerful politicians.

And so Mr. Trump came to Warsaw, confirmed his commitment to NATOs Article 5 on collective defense, and promised contracts for the sale of Patriot missiles and natural gas to Poland. Mr. Kaczynskis party bused in cheering crowds, and both sides concluded with good reason that the visit was a success.

Law and Justices standing in the polls improved; the latest, carried out before the vote on judicial reform, showed 38 percent support for the party and only 19 percent for Civic Platform, the largest opposition party.

Mr. Trumps visit coincided with the judicial legislation, which was already awaiting a vote in the Sejm, the lower house. But shortly before his arrival, the bills were abruptly withdrawn.

Once the poll numbers and press accolades began to pour in, though, the party put the bills back in action, and added a third, to recall the judges of the Supreme Court so that their successors could be chosen by the Sejm. Because the Supreme Court confirms the results of parliamentary and presidential elections, the bill would have given Law and Justice control not only over the courts, but also over electoral results (this was one of the bills that Mr. Duda vetoed).

In short, for the price of some applause, Mr. Trump gave Mr. Kaczynski the cover to carry out a coup. And what has the United States done since? The State Department issued a dry statement formulated not to offend the Polish authorities (We urge all sides to ensure that any judicial reform does not violate Polands Constitution).

Its unlikely that Mr. Trump meant to condone Mr. Kaczynskis power grab. But by not using his visit to press the Law and Justice leader to respect democracy, Mr. Trump gave his implicit imprimatur to a renewed campaign to get the bills into law. And while Mr. Duda showed political independence in vetoing two of the bills, he has otherwise been a faithful ally of Mr. Kaczynski. Well see if his new drafts will really run counter to Mr. Kaczynskis, or only extend Mr. Dudas own influence over the courts at the expense of Law and Justice.

The ultimate responsibility lies with Poles, and it is they who will have to respond as they have done admirably over the last few weeks, staging big protests that most likely pressured Mr. Duda into his vetoes. But until very recently, they wouldnt have had to go it alone: This is precisely the sort of situation in which previous American presidents could and would have used their countrys prestige to push for freedom and democracy. Instead, beyond the cheers of manufactured masses, all the Polish people hear from the White House is silence.

Slawomir Sierakowski is a sociologist, a founder of the Krytyka Polityczna movement and the director of the Institute for Advanced Study in Warsaw.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter (@NYTopinion), and sign up for the Opinion Today newsletter.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on July 25, 2017, on Page A23 of the New York edition with the headline: Why Is Trump Silent on Poland?.

Here is the original post:
Poland Turns Away From Democracy, Thanks to the US - New York Times

Maintaining an independent judiciary is critical for democracy – Manhattan Mercury (subscription)

With Republicans dominating the White House, Congress and state governments, its no surprise that dominating the judiciary is the next goal. Efforts to control that independent branch of government have prompted debate on an obscure Senate rule called the blue-slip process.

Billionaire industrialist brothers David and Charles Koch, among leaders of the effort, urged supporters at a recent private retreat to work against the rule. The 100-year-old rule keeps judicial nominees from moving forward in Senate confirmation if a home-state senator objects.

The slim Republican margin in the U.S. Senate 52-48 has party bigwigs concerned that if the practice isnt eliminated, Democrats will retain too much power to delay or derail President Donald Trumps federal court nominees.

The Kochs one-page document on the rule urged attendees, who included many important Republicans, to press the issue with the Senates GOP leadership and other Republican senators they know. Tell them not to allow needless delay tactics and obstruction of the process, the document read.

The stakes are high. Trump arrived in office with more than 100 vacancies to fill on the federal bench, partly because Senate Republicans blocked many of President Barack Obamas nominees.

Nine of the countrys 13 federal appeals courts currently have a majority of Democratic presidents nominees. Among the 179 appeals court seats there are 21 vacancies. Trump has announced nine nominees for those courts and 22 for 107 lower court openings.

Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, is pushing back. She says ending the practice would allow nominees to be hand-picked by right-wing groups, and accused the White House, the Koch brothers, and the conservative Judicial Crisis Network of falsely suggesting Democrats are trying to obstruct presidential nominees.

Democratic senators are considering nominees fairly, and many have long judicial records home-state senators must review carefully, Feinstein says. Scrutiny is most important when home-state senators were not consulted before nominees were chosen, she says, adding, and that goes for Democrats and Republicans.

Congressional rules that aim to keep the branches of government operating within the two-party system must be carefully preserved. If they work for both Democrats and Republicans, the party in the majority shouldnt opt to exercise their authority because it will come back to bite them.

Witness Democratic senators response to the Republican blockade of Obamas nominees in 2013. They changed the rules to allow simple-majority approval of judicial or executive branch nominations, enabling them to win swift victories for the presidents picks. That backfired when Democrats lost the majority and Republicans could approve Trumps Cabinet nominees with the lower, 51-vote threshold.

Americas federal court system is not perfect, but its not rigged, as Trump asserted. Efforts by billionaires to undermine judicial independence threaten our democracy.

Continue reading here:
Maintaining an independent judiciary is critical for democracy - Manhattan Mercury (subscription)

Why capitalism needs socialism to survive – Vox

We think of capitalism as being locked in an ideological battle with socialism, but we never really saw that capitalism might be defeated by its own child technology.

This is how Eric Weinstein, a mathematician and a managing director of Peter Thiels investment firm, Thiel Capital, began a recent video for BigThink.com. In it he argues that technology has so transformed our world that we may need a hybrid model in the future which is paradoxically more capitalistic than our capitalism today and perhaps even more socialistic than our communism of yesteryear.

Which is another way of saying that socialist principles might be the only thing that can save capitalism.

Weinsteins thinking reflects a growing awareness in Silicon Valley of the challenges faced by capitalist society. Technology will continue to upend careers, workers across fields will be increasingly displaced, and its likely that many jobs lost will not be replaced.

Hence many technologists and entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley are converging on ideas like universal basic income as a way to mitigate the adverse effects of technological innovation.

The greatest danger, he told me, is that, the truly rich are increasingly separated from the lives of the rest of us so that they become largely insensitive to the concerns of those who still earn by the hour. If that happens, he warns, they will probably not anticipate many of the changes, and we will see the beginning stirrings of revolution as the cost for this insensitivity.

You can read our lightly edited conversation below.

The phrase late capitalism is in vogue these days. Do you find it analytically useful?

I find it linguistically accurate and politically provocative. I don't think that what is to follow is going to be an absence of markets. I don't think the implications are that capitalism is failing and will be replaced by anarchy or socialism. I think it's possible that this is merely the end of the beginning of capitalism, and that its next stage will continue many of its basic tenets, but in an almost unrecognizable form.

I want to ask you about what that next stage might look like, but first I wonder if you think market capitalism has outlived its utility?

I believe that market capitalism, as we've come to understand it, was actually tied to a particular period of time where certain coincidences were present. There's a coincidence between the marginal product of one's labor and one's marginal needs to consume at a socially appropriate level. There's also the match between an economy mostly consisting of private goods and services that can be taxed to pay for the minority of public goods and services, where the market price of those public goods would be far below the collective value of those goods.

Beyond that, there's also a coincidence between the ability to train briefly in one's youth so as to acquire a reliable skill that can be repeated consistently with small variance throughout a lifetime, leading to what we've typically called a career or profession, and I believe that many of those coincidences are now breaking, because they were actually never tied together by any fundamental law.

A big part of this breakdown is technology, which you rightly describe as a child of capitalism. Is it possible the child of capitalism might also become its destroyer?

Its an important question. Since the Industrial Revolution, technology has been a helpful pursuer, chasing workers from the activities of lowest value into repetitive behaviors of far higher value. The problem with computer technology is that it would appear to target all repetitive behaviors. If you break up all human activity into behaviors that happen only once and do not reset themselves, together with those that cycle on a daily, weekly, monthly, or yearly basis, you see that technology is in danger of removing the cyclic behaviors rather than chasing us from cyclic behaviors of low importance to ones of high value.

That trend seems objectively bad for most people, whose work consists largely of routinized actions.

I think this means we have an advantage over the computers, specifically in the region of the economy which is based on one-off opportunities. Typically, this is the province of hedge fund managers, creatives, engineers, anyone who's actually trying to do something that they've never done before. What we've never considered is how to move an entire society, dominated by routine, on to a one-off economy in which we compete, where we have a specific advantage over the machines, and our ability to do what has never been done.

This raises a thorny question: The kinds of skills this technological economy rewards are not skills that a majority of the population possesses. Perhaps a significant number of people simply cant thrive in this space, no matter how much training or education we provide.

I think that's an interesting question, and it depends a lot on your view of education. Buckminster Fuller (a prominent American author and architect who died in 1983) said something to the effect of, "We're all born geniuses, but something in the process of living de-geniuses us." I think with several years more hindsight, we can see that the thing that de-geniuses us is actually our education.

The problem is that we have an educational system that's based on taking our natural penchant for exploration and fashioning it into a willingness to take on mind-numbing routine. This is because our educational system was designed to produce employable products suitable for jobs, but it is jobs that are precisely going to give way to an economy increasingly based on one-off opportunities.

Thats a problem with a definable but immensely complicated solution.

Part of the question is, how do we disable an educational system that is uniformizing people across the socioeconomic spectrum in order to remind ourselves that the hotel maid who makes up our bed may in fact be an amateur painter? The accountant who does our taxes may well have a screenplay that he works on after the midnight hour? I think what is less clear to many of our bureaucrats in Washington is just how much talent and creativity exists through all walks of life.

What we don't know yet is how to pay people for those behaviors, because many of those screenplays and books and inventions will not be able to command a sufficiently high market price, but this is where the issue of some kind of hybridization of hypercapitalism and hypersocialism must enter the discussion.

We will see the beginning stirrings of revolution as the cost for this continuing insensitivity

Let's talk about that. What does a hybrid of capitalism and socialism look like?

I don't think we know what it looks like. I believe capitalism will need to be much more unfettered. Certain fields will need to undergo a process of radical deregulation in order to give the minority of minds that are capable of our greatest feats of creation the leeway to experiment and to play, as they deliver us the wonders on which our future economy will be based.

By the same token, we have to understand that our population is not a collection of workers to be input to the machine of capitalism, but rather a nation of souls whose dignity, well-being, and health must be considered on independent, humanitarian terms. Now, that does not mean we can afford to indulge in national welfare of a kind that would rob our most vulnerable of a dignity that has previously been supplied by the workplace.

People will have to be engaged in socially positive activities, but not all of those socially positive activities may be able to command a sufficient share of the market to consume at an appropriate level, and so I think we're going to have to augment the hypercapitalism which will provide the growth of the hypersocialism based on both dignity and need.

I agree with most of that, but Im not sure were prepared to adapt to these new circumstances quickly enough to matter. What youre describing is a near-revolutionary shift in politics and culture, and thats not something we can do on command.

I believe that once our top creative class is unshackled from those impediments which are socially negative, they will be able to choose whether capitalism proceeds by evolution or revolution, and I am hopeful that the enlightened self-interest of the billionaire class will cause them to take the enlightened path toward finding a rethinking of work that honors the vast majority of fellow citizens and humans on which their country depends.

Are you confident that the billionaire class is so enlightened? Because I'm not. All of these changes were perceptible years ago, and yet the billionaire class failed to take any of this seriously enough. The impulse to innovate and profit subsumes all other concerns as far as I can tell.

That's curious. There was a quiet shift several years ago where the smoke-filled rooms stopped laughing about inequality concerns and started taking them on as their own even in private. I wish I could say that change was mediated out of the goodness of the hearts of the most successful, but I think it was actually a recognition that we had gone from a world in which people were complaining about inequality that should be present based on differential success to an economy which cannot possibly defend the level of inequality based on human souls and their needs.

I think it's a combination of both embarrassment and enlightened self-interest that this class several rungs above my own is trying to make sure it does not sow the seeds of a highly destructive societal collapse, and I believe I have seen an actual personal transformation in many of the leading thinkers among the technologists, where they have come to care deeply about the effects of their work. Few of them want to be remembered as job killers who destroyed the gains that have accumulated since the Industrial Revolution.

So I think that in terms of wanting to leave a socially positive legacy, many of them are motivated to innovate through concepts like universal basic income, finding that Washington is as bereft of new ideas in social terms as it is of new technological ones.

But how did we allow things to get so bad? Weve known for a long time that political systems tend to collapse without a robust middle class acting as a buffer between the poor and the rich, and yet weve rushed headlong into this unsustainable climate.

I reached a bizarre stage of my life in which I am equally likely to fly either economy or private. As such, I have a unique lens on this question. A friend of mine said to me, "The modern airport is the perfect metaphor for the class warfare to come." And I asked, "How do you see it that way?" He said, "The rich in first and business class are seated first so that the poor may be paraded past them into economy to note their privilege." I said, "I think the metaphor is better than you give it credit for, because those people in first and business are actually the fake rich. The real rich are in another terminal or in another airport altogether."

It seems to me that the greatest danger is that the truly rich, Im talking nine and 10 figures rich, are increasingly separated from the lives of the rest of us so that they become largely insensitive to the concerns of those who still earn by the hour. As such, they will probably not anticipate many of the changes, and we will see the beginning stirrings of revolution as the cost for this insensitivity.

However, I am hopeful that as social unrest grows, the current political system of throwing the upper middle class and lower rungs of the rich to the resentful lower middle class and poor will come to an end if only for the desire of the truly well-off to avoid a genuine threat to the stability on which they depend, and the social stability on which they depend.

I suppose thats my point. If the people with the power to change things are sufficiently cocooned that they fail to realize the emergency while theres still time to act, where does that leave us?

Well, the claim there is that there will be no warning shots across the bow. I guarantee you that when the Occupy Wall Street demonstrators left the confines of Zuccotti Park and came to visit the Upper East Side homes of Manhattan, it had an immediate focusing on the mind of those who could deploy a great deal of capital. Thankfully, those protesters were smart enough to realize that a peaceful demonstration is the best way to advertise the potential for instability to those who have yet to do the computation.

We have a system-wide problem with embedded growth hypotheses that is turning us all into scoundrels and liars

But if you're one of those Occupy Wall Street protesters who fired off that peaceful warning shot across the bow six years ago, and you reflect on whats happened since, do have any reason to think the message was received? Do you not look around and say, Nothing much has changed? The casino economy on Wall Street is still humming along. What lesson is to be drawn in that case?

Well, that's putting too much blame on the bankers. I mean, the problem is that the Occupy Wall Street protesters and the bankers share a common delusion. Both of them believe the bankers are more powerful in the story than they actually are. The real problem, which our society has yet to face up to, is that sometime around 1970, we ended several periods of legitimate exponential growth in science, technology, and economics. Since that time, we have struggled with the fact that almost all of our institutions that thrived during the post-World War II period of growth have embedded growth hypotheses into their very foundation.

What does that mean, exactly?

That means that all of those institutions, whether they're law firms or universities or the military, have to reckon with steady state [meaning an economy with mild fluctuations in growth and productivity] by admitting that growth cannot be sustained, by running a Ponzi scheme, or by attempting to cannibalize others to achieve a kind of fake growth to keep those particular institutions running. This is the big story that nobody reports. We have a system-wide problem with embedded growth hypotheses that is turning us all into scoundrels and liars.

Could you expound on that, because this is a foundational problem and I want to make sure the reader knows exactly what you mean when you say embedded growth hypotheses are turning us into scoundrels and liars.

Sure. Let's say, for example, that I have a growing law firm in which there are five associates at any given time supporting every partner, and those associates hope to become partners so that they can hire five associates in turn. That formula of hierarchical labor works well while the law firm is growing, but as soon as the law firm hits steady state, each partner can really only have one associate, who must wait many years before becoming partner for that partner to retire. That economic model doesn't work, because the long hours and decreased pay that one is willing to accept at an entry-level position is predicated on taking over a higher-lever position in short order. That's repeated with professors and their graduate students. It's often repeated in military hierarchies.

It takes place just about everywhere, and when exponential growth ran out, each of these institutions had to find some way of either owning up to a new business model or continuing the old one with smoke mirrors and the cannibalization of someone else's source of income.

So our entire economy is essentially a house of cards, built on outdated assumptions and pushed along with gimmicks like quantitative easing. It seems weve gotten quite good at avoiding facing up to the contradictions of our civilization.

Well, this is the problem. I sometimes call this the Wile E. Coyote effect because as long as Wile E. Coyote doesn't look down, he's suspended in air, even if he has just run off a cliff. But the great danger is understanding that everything is flipped. During the 2008 crisis, many commentators said the markets have suddenly gone crazy, and it was exactly the reverse. The so-called great moderation that was pushed by Alan Greenspan, Timothy Geithner, and others was in fact a kind of madness, and the 2008 crisis represented a rare break in the insanity, where the market suddenly woke up to see what was actually going on. So the acute danger is not madness but sanity.

The problem is that prolonged madness simply compounds the disaster to come when sanity finally sets in.

Original post:
Why capitalism needs socialism to survive - Vox

Socialism Is Dead; Participatory Fascism Has Triumphed – The Beacon (blog)

By Robert Higgs Monday July 24, 2017 5:10 PM PDT

Socialism with Chinese characteristics = Chinese fascism American capitalism = American fascism Post-Communism in Russia = Russian fascism Scandinavian Third Way = Scandinavian fascism Italian fascism = Italian fascism German fascism = German fascismSpanish fascism = Spanish fascism European corporatism = European fascism

Are you starting to see a pattern?

Many people continue to perceive the presence or impending advent of socialism here, there, and everywhere and to lament the prospect. But full-fledged socialism is almost extinct. Aside from North Korea, hardly any country now has socialisms essential attributes: government ownership, management, and direct control of all the major means of production; central planning of resource allocation and income distribution; and an almost complete absence of private property rights except for very small properties and some personal items. Almost all countries on earth now permit major elements of private property, combined with extensive government intervention and regulation of private property use and extensive taxation, subsidization, and government provision of a variety of public goods, welfare, infrastructure, and many other types of goods and services.

Moreover, almost all countries have elections of public officials; hence the term Ive used for more than 30 years (borrowed from my Ph.D. student and friend Charlotte Twight), participatory fascism. (Never mind that the elections are often rigged and fraudulent.) Moreover, many countries have established institutions for permitting aggrieved citizens a measure of due process in contesting the governments treatment of their persons and property and allowing them a public voice in expressing their preferences for government action. (Never mind that this ostensible due process is largely spurious.)

This type of regime, amigos mios, is clearly the wave of the future. Unlike full-fledged socialism, which leads to totalitarian rule, mass poverty and economic decay, participatory fascism not only placates peoples wish to participate in the formal process of government decision-making, but also permits private entrepreneurs enough room for maneuver that they can in some cases get rich; also enough that they can keep national output at a tolerably high level and in some cases even generate positive economic growth. Hence this system, even if it contains the seeds of its own destruction, does not destroy itself nearly as quickly as full-fledged socialism does. And meanwhile the politicians and their cronies who dominate the system smile all the way to the bank.

Tags: central planning, cronyism, Elections, Fascism, income distribution, Socialism

Continued here:
Socialism Is Dead; Participatory Fascism Has Triumphed - The Beacon (blog)