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"If Hillary Clinton had won and Comey had re-opened an investigation into her email server and she didn't like the way it was going and she fired him, I'm quite certain my party would be rightly howling," Bob Inglis, a former South Carolina representative, told CNN's Erin Burnett Friday on "OutFront." "When the shoe's on this foot, it's like, 'Oh, well, he's new at it.'"

The former politician, who lost his re-election bid in 2010, also called out House Speaker Paul Ryan for his defense of Trump.

"@SpeakerRyan you know this isn't true," Inglis tweeted, linking to an article titled "Ryan denies GOP would try to impeach Dem accused of same actions as Trump."

Inglis argued Ryan, who he called a friend, is apologizing for Trump too much.

Inglis, who voted for the impeachment of President Bill Clinton, said "the substance" of the investigation into the Trump administration is "way more serious."

"In the case of Bill Clinton, we were dealing with sex in the White House with an intern and then a cover up," Inglis said. "That's quite different substance than a hostile country affecting or attempting to affect the outcome of our presidential election."

He said Clinton also "never fired the FBI director when he didn't like the way an investigation was going."

The investigation into Russia's probe in the 2016 election and the Trump administration's potential ties to Russia is more similar to President Richard Nixon's situation, Inglis said. He cited the "Saturday Night Massacre," during which Nixon tried to "get rid of the people that were pursuing the investigation" into Watergate.

"It didn't work out for Nixon, and I really think Donald Trump might have learned that it's probably not a good idea," Inglis said. "Because there are an awful lot of FBI agents now that want to make sure they get to the bottom of this."

Still, he said "it's too early to tell" whether Trump could be impeached.

"What the House has to do is look at these facts and ... not hold back with any explanations or minimizing it or explaining it away," he said. "But rather say, 'Now listen here: This is a serious matter. Somebody here might have participated in a hostile country's attack on the heart of our republic, and we're going to get to the bottom of it. And if it leads to the President, or to his family, or to anybody in his campaign, so be it.'"

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Former congressman calls out fellow Republicans for defending Trump - CNN

Not super worried about the whole issue.

By Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images.

It may surprise you to learn that, since January 20, 2017, Republicans have controlled the White House and both houses of Congress. Nearly five months into the Trump presidency, the G.O.P. has scored hardly any legislative wins. Obamacare is still kicking. No one who works on Capitol Hill has seen any details of Donald Trumps tax plan beyond the one-page outline the White House released last month. Infrastructure Week was overshadowed by Comeyghazi. Perhaps asking Republicans legislators to actually legislate was expecting too much. After all, theyve been out of practice for much of the last eight years. So, lets lower the bar: can Republicans stop the government from shutting down without any drama? Amazingly, the answer to that, too, appears to be no.

Despite the seemingly straightforward business of raising the debt ceiling, the G.O.P.-controlled House and Senate are struggling to keep the lights on. The trouble began during the Obama years, when the Republican Party turned the otherwise simple task into a perennially terrifying, market-roiling experience wherein the lawmakers periodically held the republic hostage in order to win policy concessions like budget cuts. Now, with a Republican president in the White House, its happening again.

In May, when Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin urged Congress to get moving on raising the borrowing limit, insisting that time was of the essence, the House Freedom Caucus responded by saying, We demand that any increase of the debt ceiling be paired with policy that addresses Washingtons unsustainable spending by cutting where necessary, capping where able, and working to balance in the near future. Not helping Mnuchins case was White House budget director Mick Mulvaney, who explained last week that he would like to see things like spending cuts tied to any agreement to raise the debt ceiling. Amazingly, per the The New York Times, there are a number of House Republicans who believe that inaction on the debt ceiling would not result in a government default, as treasury secretaries from both parties have consistently warned.

The divisions within the G.O.P., of course, mean that Republicans will need help from Democrats, who are not exactly in a giving mood at the moment. I dont have any intention of supporting lifting the debt ceiling to enable the Republicans to give another tax break to the wealthy in our country, to further exacerbate the challenge that is created when they have their trickle-down economics, Nancy Pelosi said last week. Chiming in on Tuesday, Chuck Schumer added, Its going to be a lot harder to get the debt ceiling raised if our Republican colleagues insist on raising the deficit dramatically by huge tax cuts for the wealthiest of Americans. Republicans might have a better shot at overcoming such obstacles if they provided a united front, or perhaps decided to drop the hostage-taking schtick altogether. Recent news suggests wed be so lucky.

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How Many Republicans Does It Take to Keep the Lights On? - Vanity Fair

Two groups of pro-Cuba engagement House and Senate Republicans each sent letters to President Donald Trump and members of his administration, respectively, asking for Cuba to remain open in the wake of reports the administration is leaning toward reversing its policy on the island nation.

The National Security Council met Friday to finalize their policy and recommendations for the Principals Committee and then provide those recommendations to the president on Cuba, according to multiple sources briefed on the matter. ABC News has confirmed that Trump will likely announce policy changes in Miami next Friday.

In the letter from the House group, seven Republicans write to Trump that "Reversing course would incentivize Cuba to once again become dependent on countries like Russia and China. Allowing this to happen could have disastrous results for the security of the United States."

The representatives also argue that reversing the re-normalization of U.S. relations with Cuba would "threaten" the efforts to combat human trafficking, illicit drug trade, cybercrime and fraud identification.

The Republican congressmen that signed the letter include Reps. Tom Emmer of Minnesota, Rick Crawford of Arkansas, Ted Poe of Texas, Darin LaHood of Illinois, Roger Marshall of Kansas, James Comer of Kentucky and Jack Bergman of Michigan.

The Senate letter, written by Sens. John Boozman, R-Arkansas; Mike Enzi, R-Wyoming; and Jeff Flake, R-Arizona, to Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster cites the growth in Cuban entrepreneurs, expanded opportunity for U.S. businesses and the national security benefit of preventing the island nation from becoming "a client state of nations that view US interests as counter to their own."

"We strongly urge you to weigh carefully any rollback of policies that would endanger these benefits," the letter reads.

A U.S. official said that a rollout is likely next week, but cautioned that the details are still being finalized and the date could be pushed back.

President Barack Obama and Cuban President Raul Castro initiated the process in 2014 of opening Cuba, overturning decades of diplomatic hostility, economic and business restrictions, and constraints on travel.

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Congressional Republicans send letters to Trump and administration urging Cuba remain open - ABC News

This desperate Conservative government will reach out to the hardline DUP. The DUPs deputy leader Nigel Dodds, leader Arlene Foster and former leader Peter Robinson. Photograph: Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

Well, that was a shock. A Conservative majority has been toppled, a resurgent Labour party led by a emboldened leader has risen with gusto and the electoral map of Britain has been redrawn.

Progressives waking up this morning should be cheered. The number of MPs in parliament who oppose this hardline Tory government has increased, and our combined voices will be heard far louder in the next parliament.

But we face serious challenges too. This desperate Conservative government will reach out to the hardline DUP a party that denies climate change, opposes abortion and is openly homophobic. Theresa May was right to warn about a coalition of chaos her party is about to try to create one. And its a stark reminder of the inequity of our electoral system that the DUP will take 10 MPs to parliament with fewer than 300,000 votes, while my own party returns just one MP with over half a million.

Nobody knows exactly what is going to happen next, but here are the facts. Over 52% of people voted for Labour, Lib Dems, Greens, the SNP or Plaid Cymru. In numerical terms thats a progressive majority, yet were facing the Tories strong-arming their way into Downing Street. Though the Tories look likely to ask the Queen for permission to form a government, they do so in an incredibly weak position with a leader whose arrogant, negative campaign failed on its own terms.

Progressives need to be ready to offer something different by agreeing to work together wherever possible and enable a Labour minority government if such an opportunity presents itself. The Lib Dems in particular cannot sit this one out if they fail to countenance working with other progressives they will bolster the Tories.

I am proud to have been re-elected with an increased majority, and winning over half a million votes in the midst of an extreme two-party squeeze is not an insignificant achievement. Though Im deeply sad not to be joined by other Green MPs, I am truly proud that we started this campaign by looking to work with others to best beat the Tories. Its at times like these when stepping aside can be as brave a move as stepping forward. We brought issues forward in this campaign that others ignored: from the climate crisis to the positive case for free movement and a four-day working week. We looked to the future and offered a direct contrast with the Tories Little Britain.

So, what next? My first aim is to work with others to try our best to stop a lurch to the right from a Tory-DUP alliance. Ill resist a Tory government, and vote against any Queens speech it proposes. If Labour puts forward its own Queens speech, then Ill certainly be looking to influence it. I take my seat in parliament representing half a million people who voted to defend free movement, protect the environment and defend our public services I will strain every sinew to make sure those their voices are heard.

Though the rising tide of rightwing politics was defeated last night, we cannot and should not claim this as an outright victory. Instead we must consider this as a turning point, and the beginning of something, not the end. The politics of this country has been utterly transformed in the past two years. What happens next is down to all of us.

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A Labour-led government may yet emerge. We progressives must work together - The Guardian

Chalk up another loss for conventional wisdom. As Thursday dawned in Great Britain, it was expected that Prime Minister Theresa Mays Conservative Party would expand itsmajority in Parliament over the Labour Party and its far-left leader Jeremy Corbyn. Friday dawned upon a different reality: The Conservatives have 318 seats a loss of 13 seats from the previous election and eight short of the 326 needed an official majority. They will forma coalition government with the far-rightDemocratic Unionist Party, but with fewer votes to spare for any vote on Brexit (or any vote at all) the new government will be far weaker and less stable. Mays resignation and/or another election soon are both distinct possibilities.

Corbyn and Labour, with 262 seats, on the other hand have beaten every expectation: the most seatsfor Labour since 2005, the biggest share of the popular vote since 2001 and the largest popular vote swing toward Labour (almost 10 percent) since 1945. Corbyns success provides a model for U.S. progressives in 2018, 2020 and beyond: Ifyou need turnout to win as liberals in the United States do you need a bold, uncompromising platform with real solutions

Look at what Corbyn succeeded in spite of.He was attacked mercilessly by other Labour members of Parliament and party leaders, including former prime minister Tony Blair. (Many of the Labour MPs who held their seats on Thursday had voted no confidence in himjust last year.) He faced an unprecedentedly hostile media environment not just the standard mudslinging from right-wing tabloids, but skepticism and condescension from objective and even ostensibly pro-Labour outlets. Even many loyal supportersworried when the electionbegan that he would set back leftism.

Then look at what drove Corbyn to victory. No, it was not President Trump, though some Democrats are trying to make it sound that way. Labours surge came weeks before May struggled to deal with Trumps terrible tweets about terrorist attacks. Labour succeeded because turnout rose to its highest since 1997. The youth vote came out: One exit poll estimated turnout among voters under 35 at 56 percent, up 13 percent from 2015.Other estimates put youth turnoutas high as 72 percent.

Why was turnout so high? Because Corbyn was able to generate excitement among Labour voters, especially the young. Thats in no small part because of this years Labour manifesto (the British equivalentof aparty platform). Unlike other recent versions, mostly incrementalist documents that tweaked what came before, the 2017 edition is the boldest in decades: more money for the National Health Services and other major initiatives, a jobs first Brexit and free university tuition,financedby taxingcorporations and the wealthiest. The manifesto and the campaign were summed up by their elegantly simple slogan: For the many, not the few. To be clear, May ran a terrible campaign, including an insultingly vague manifesto, but Corbyn and Labour were able to capitalize so well because they offered a real alternative.

If liberalsare to succeed in the United States and elsewhere, they need high turnout, and especially high youth turnout. To do so, theyneed enthusiasm. Corbyn, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and others who have succeeded at this dont possess some mysterious charisma unavailable to everyone else. Unlikely voterswill not be convinced to turn out for the country is already great! or other vague platitudes. They will come out for real solutions to their problems, whether those solutions arecentrist, liberal, conservative or (perish the thought!) socialist.

But American voters arent like British voters, comes the reply. Thats partly true but only partly. The ever-more-connected world meanswhat was local is national and what was national is global.And there are few issues felt globally like inequality. In both countries, as elsewhere, people feel disenfranchised and unheard as many communities fall behind or remain left behind. Between 2009 and 2013 the most recent years available 85 percent of economic growth in the U.S. went to the top 1 percent.Young people in particular have come of age first watching an economic collapse driven by reckless speculation on Wall Street and deregulation in Washington and then seeing the financial firmswrongdoing go unpunished. Most votersbelieve something is very wrong with our current system.Offeringmore of the sameis a path to political obsolescence. Offering new ideas is a path to success.

Politics has changed, declared Corbyn Thursday night, and politics isnt going back in the box where it was before. He is right about British politics. If progressivesapply the lessons of his success judiciously,U.S. politics will also change for the better, for the many and not the few.

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Jeremy Corbyn's success is a model for American progressives - Washington Post (blog)