Archive for June, 2017

Ontario’s Liberals ‘stealing’ NDP’s ideas again, says Horwath – Ottawa Citizen


Ottawa Citizen
Ontario's Liberals 'stealing' NDP's ideas again, says Horwath
Ottawa Citizen
TORONTO Ontario's Liberals tend to steal her party's ideas, and with one year left until the next provincial election, NDP Leader Andrea Horwath says they're doing it again. In the 2014 election, Horwath faced criticism from her party's rank and file ...
Thomson: It's been 100 years since Alberta Liberals had much to cheer aboutCalgary Herald
BC election: little immediate impact, but plenty of future political risk for federal Liberals, say pollstersHill Times (subscription)

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Ontario's Liberals 'stealing' NDP's ideas again, says Horwath - Ottawa Citizen

Liberals’ shift in defence and foreign policy reflect new reality in the US: Hbert – Toronto Star

The foreign affairs minister says it was vital that she use only Canadian sources in her foreign policy speech Tuesday. Chrystia Freeland told the House of Commons that Canada should spend billions on hard power military capability. ( The Canadian Press )

Tuesdays Liberal foreign policy statement and Wednesdays national defence reset are interlocking pieces of the same political puzzle. To examine one in isolation from the other is to risk distorting the picture.

In different but related ways both reflect a Trump-imposed shift in Canadas foreign policy priorities.

To measure the magnitude of that shift, compare the equivalent address delivered a little more than a year ago by Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freelands predecessor, Stphane Dion.

If one were to put the two speeches side by side, one would be hard-pressed to find evidence that they were delivered in the name of the same government over the short span of 14 months.

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Highlights from the Liberals new defence policy

In a lecture at the University of Ottawa in March of last year, Dion sketched out what was then the governments foreign policy approach. Only in passing did the text of his speech mention the United States. Ditto for Canadas military obligations. And his remarks did not include a single reference to trade.

Dion did introduce a concept called responsible conviction as a new Liberal guiding foreign policy principle. In short, he argued that to be responsible, Canada had to be flexible in its pursuit on the international scene of its principles.

Based on Freelands homily, the words responsible conviction disappeared from Canadas foreign policy lexicon along with the minister who coined them. It was not the only striking difference between the two speeches.

Although Freeland never mentioned Trump by name on Tuesday he was in the subtext of her entire speech. There were 19 references to America and/or the United States. Trade came up a dozen times as did the military.

Freeland delivered her speech in the Commons, an occurrence so rare that veteran Parliament Hill watchers could not remember the last time that had happened. A government that picks a centre stage venue like the House is not one that is trying to fly under the radar.

Highlighting, as it did, a long list of fundamental differences between the foreign policy approach of the Trump White House and Canada, Freelands speech was rightly described as Canadas most assertive foreign policy declaration since the advent of the new administration.

But whether that was a product of inevitability rather than a deliberate drawing of a line in the sand is an open question.

After all, at this time last year the foreign policy tenets Freeland enunciated on Tuesday were largely taken for granted on both sides of the Canada-U.S. border. From trade to climate change to the war against Daesh, those tenets were common to the two countries and, quite literally, went without saying.

It should, moreover, be noted that this is hardly the first time Canada has stuck to a multilateral course on a top-of-mind policy issue in the face of a go-it-alone White House. The most recent example would be Jean Chrtiens 2003 refusal to join the U.S.-led offensive on Iraq. Under the Liberals, Canada also signed the Kyoto Protocol on climate change even if the U.S. declined to do so.

If Freeland articulated a new concept this week, it would be her contention that Canada needs to step up its military spending to help fill a Trump-induced vacuum in international leadership.

The governments contention is that by pivoting to a military spending policy thats in line with one of the most vocal demands of the current White House it is doing only what it must to mitigate the administrations potential damage to a multilateral world order.

That same theme was omnipresent on the occasion on Wednesday of the belated unveiling of a revamped defence policy. Over the next two decades, the government is committing to pour billions of dollars it did not budget for into the defence department.

National Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan could not say where the money for all the new spending would be coming from. His policy paper is longer on spending choices then on strategic ones. But he was at pains to stress that the policy was based on made-in-Canada choices and not a response to external pressures.

You decide whether this weeks one-two Liberal foreign and defence policy punch showed the Trudeau government has an iron hand inside the velvet glove it has been sporting in its dealings with the Trump administration. Or whether the government is simply recasting its efforts to stay in the White Houses good books in a manner that minimizes the risks of raising hackles in Canadian public opinion.

Chantal Hbert is a national affairs writer. Her column appears Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.

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Liberals' shift in defence and foreign policy reflect new reality in the US: Hbert - Toronto Star

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Even amid Russia probe, many Democrats see health care as their real winner – CNN

But as the party ramps up its efforts to take control of the House and hold onto a spate of red-state Senate seats in the 2018 midterm elections, some operatives see all the Russia talk as a distraction from an even more potent campaign issue: Health care.

Even those following the Russia probe's twists and turns closely say the GOP's push to repeal the Affordable Care Act is easier to explain and matters more to moderates and working-class voters that Democrats need to win back.

"I would encourage all of our candidates to make sure that health care stays front and center of the election," said Guy Cecil, the chairman of the Democratic super PAC Priorities USA.

"The visceral, gut reaction that people have makes it more powerful than Russia," he said.

New polls out Wednesday showed that Americans are increasingly attuned to the Russia investigation -- and the fallout from Trump's decision to fire FBI Director James Comey because he wouldn't shut that investigation down.

Still, many Democrats acknowledged that it's much easier to craft a digital advertisement or a 30-second television spot based on the direct pocketbook impact of the House GOP's health care measure -- which the Senate is expected to address in the coming weeks -- than it is to explain the breakneck developments in the Russia investigation. And health care, unlike the Russia investigation, is free from concerns about the trustworthiness of Comey, who many Democrats still blame for Hillary Clinton's loss.

Voters, Cecil said, have "a gut understanding; it's a day-by-day understanding of the impact of health care. They understand what it means to have coverage. The fact that it affects something that is personal, that happens to them daily, makes it a very powerful issue."

No matter the outcome of the Russia investigation, "health care will be a cornerstone issue in 2018," said Markos Moulitsas, the founder and publisher of the liberal blog Daily Kos.

"It motivates the base like few other issues, and more and more, moderates are aligned with liberals," Moulitsas said. "It's a win-win."

In the backlash over the Republican health care efforts, many progressives see a new opportunity to counter -- if the party returns to power -- with a push for a national single-payer, or "Medicare for all," plan.

But Russia also gives progressives an opening to call for Trump's impeachment -- something the party's leaders on Capitol Hill have not yet done.

"Russia shows just how anti-democratic the Republican Party is, happy to let a foreign power intervene in our elections in the pursuit of power. It proves the dishonesty of Trump and his regime and his party. It proves their incompetence," Moulitsas said.

"But most importantly, it provides a real basis for impeachment. So the issue isn't 'what Trump did was bad, look!' but 'we have no option given what Trump did except impeachment,'" he said. "So 2018 will be about two things: impeach Trump, and let's get single-payer health care. And both those issues will mobilize the liberal base like nothing else, and neither should turn off moderate voters."

Zac Petkanas, who was immersed in the Russia investigation while leading the rapid response efforts of Clinton's campaign and then the Democratic National Committee before launching his own firm, said there are simple ways for Democratic candidates to make their case against Trump on Russia: A president who cheated the system and a congressional GOP unwilling to defend the country and hold him accountable.

"And that goes to the corruption that people already believe exists in Washington; that goes to the abuse of power that people see running rampant in this city," Petkanas said.

Still, he acknowledged, the Russia investigation doesn't pack the clear, personal impact of health care.

"When I'm talking to candidates," Petkanas said, "I tell them that they should be saying 'health care' five times for every time that they say the word 'Russia.'"

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Even amid Russia probe, many Democrats see health care as their real winner - CNN

‘Infrastructure week,’ designed to challenge Democrats, finds no takers – Washington Post

President Trump touted his new infrastructure investment "generation" plan in Cincinnati on June 7. He said it would include at least $200 billion in "direct federal investment." (The Washington Post)

If President Trumps infrastructure week was winning converts,Rep. Rick Nolan (D-Minn.) was exactly the sort of Democrat who should have come over. Elected in 2012, he watched his blue-leaning district in northeast Minnesota swing hard right, giving Trump a 15-point victory. If he ran for reelection, hed be at the top of Republican target lists, with attack ads informing voters how a member of the Transportation Committee hadfailed to deliver.

Nolanthought the Trump pitch had been a bust.

I thought a trillion dollars for infrastructure meant a trillion dollars for infrastructure, Nolan said. Hes talking about 90 percent from the private sector and 10 percent from the feds? Its not going to happen. Its exactly backwards.

The Trump infrastructure push, meant to be at the very least a welcome political distraction in a scandal-dominated week, has become the latest example of the presidents vanishing clout. A White House signing ceremony had the president sending a toothless letter to Congress. A speech in Cincinnati offered few details and plenty of digressions. And an accompanying memo to reporters contained more about the problems with President Barack Obamas 2009 stimulus bill than the details of Trumps $200 billion infrastructure goals.

The result: Democrats, who once worried about the president barnstorming the country to take credit for new jobs and investment, are feeling no pressure to act on an amorphous and easily demonized plan.

When he called for a trillion-dollar infrastructure bill, we thought that was great, said Senate MinorityLeader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) at this weeks newsconference. What theyve proposed is privatizing most of our infrastructure to give wealthy financiers tax breaks on projects they were probably going to build anyway itll lead to Trump tolls from one end of the country to the other.

What had worried Democrats, after a surprise 2016 defeat powered by a collapse of Rust Belt and labor support, was an infrastructure plan that would have doled out no-strings money to states.When he started talking about it, he compared it to the wars in Iraq were gonna stop these wars of choice and spend the money here, Nolan said. That was a powerful message. In late November 2016, Trump adviser Stephen K. Bannon told the Hollywood Reporter that the ideal infrastructure plan would be financed by deficit spending.

With negative interest rates throughout the world, its the greatest opportunity to rebuild everything, Bannon said. Shipyards, ironworks, get them all jacked up. Were just going to throw it up against the wall and see if it sticks. It will be as exciting as the 1930s.

That kicked off a month of awkward Democratic reactions, with progressives such asSen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) suggesting that they could work with the president on infrastructure, drawing backlashes from their horrified base. On Jan. 23, Democrats attempted to preempt a populist Trump proposal with their own $1 trillion infrastructure package, funding everything from broadband to sewer pipes at a higher rate than the 2009 stimulus.

The White House did nothing. To the surprise of defeated Democrats, the infrastructure plan re-emerged as a tangle of public-private partnerships, where according to the few available details local governments would trade the traditional federal match for infrastructure projects with 80/20 or 90/10 private/public funding.

Its been the most convoluted thing you could imagine, said Ron Klain, who was Vice President Joe Bidens chief of staff and led the stimulus team in 2009. I thought to some extent that when Trump had a highly simple message Ill spend money here hed learned our lesson. We had this bill that was like Noahs ark for every project, and hed just spend money. And instead its like Pharaoh telling people to build bricks without straw, because Republicans dont want to spend the money.

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'Infrastructure week,' designed to challenge Democrats, finds no takers - Washington Post