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Congress is seeking new authorities that would enable it to expose and crack down on an Iranian state-controlled commercial airline known for transporting weapons and terrorist fighters to hotspots such as Syria, where Iranian-backed forces have begun launching direct attacks on U.S. forces in the country, according to new legislation obtained by the Washington Free Beacon.

Congressional efforts to expose Iran's illicit terror networks more forcefully come as U.S. and European air carriers such as Boeing and AirBus move forward with multi-billion dollar deals to provide the Islamic Republic with a fleet of new airplanes, which lawmakers suspect Iran will use to amplify its terror operations.

The new sanction legislation targets Iran's Mahan Airlines, which operates commercial flights across the globe while transporting militants and weapons to fighters in Syria, Yemen, and other regional hotspots.

Click for more from The Washington Free Beacon.

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Congress seeks embargo on Iran airline linked to terrorism as Tehran targets US forces - Fox News

Last week ISIS staged an unprecedented terrorist attack in the heart of Iran. At least 17 people were killed and dozens more were injured at two symbolic locations of the Islamic Republic: the parliament and the mausoleum of Ayatollah Khomeini.

The reaction from Irans clerical rulers was predictable; they variously blamed their regional and international enemies the USA, Israel and Saudi Arabia.

Ignored by Iranian officials and by most expert commentators, however, was any recognition that Tehrans domestic and regional policies were contributing factors. In other words, the expansion of ISIS into Iran was a classic case of Iranian regime blowback.

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The conventional wisdom suggests that Iran would remain immune to ISIS as a global terrorist threat. Given Irans majority Shia population and the fact that ISIS is a deeply anti-Shia cult informed by an extremist Sunni neo-Wahhabism, it has been widely assumed that Iranian recruits to ISIS would be difficult to find.

A gunman is seen entering Iranian parliament building in a still image taken from close circuit television (CCTV), taken on June 7, 2017, in Tehran, Iran. IRIB/Handout via Reuters

We now know that Iranian Kurds were behind the ISIS attack in Tehran. The reasons are broadly similar to what we have learned about the politics and psychology of Islamic radicalization. Marginalized, angry and alienated populations exposed to salafi ideology are susceptible to ISIS recruitment.

Approximately eight percent of Irans population is Sunni, mainly representing Arab, Baluchi, Turkmen and Kurdish minorities. They live on Irans periphery and suffer disproportionately from unemployment and discrimination.

Credible reporting suggests that a small number from these groups have joined ISIS due to the same socio-economic push and pull factors that drives ISIS recruitment worldwide. According to the distinguished Iranian journalist Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, the border towns and villages and tribes along Irans east, west and southern borders are poor and vulnerable to extremism.

This has produced social conditions where young unemployed men can be wooed and recruited. In other words, Iran now has a homegrown terrorist problem of its own. Its regional foreign policy has also been a contributing factor.

ISIS has a genocidal view toward Shia Muslims. Partly because of this, Iran and its proxies are fighting ISIS on various battlefields across the Middle East. At the same time, Irans sectarian foreign policy has indirectly contributed to the rise ISIS.

In Iraq, Tehrans critical support for Shia majoritarianism significantly contributed to Sunni marginalization, indirectly amplifying the ideological appeal of ISIS. Then there is Syria.

When the Arab Spring protests reached Syria in 2011, ISIS didnt exist. Peaceful protesters chanting non-sectarian slogans were confronting the 41-year rule of the House of Assad. From the outset, they were met with state-sanctioned repression that rapidly extended to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Gradually, the uprising militarized and then radicalized as regional actors entered the fray. The subsequent melee is responsible for the worst refugee crisis of the 21 st century and for killing nearly half a million people.

The Assad regime backed by Iran (and Russia) bears the lions share of responsibility for this state of affairs. It is from the killing fields of Syria that the ISIS variant of salafi-jihadism arose and expanded.

Today, Iran justifies it support for Assad by claiming it is fighting ISIS and Al Qaeda. In doing so, however, it conveniently reads the Syrian conflict backward instead of forward.

From the inception of the conflict, and prior to the rise of salafi-jihadism in Syria, Iran strongly backed the Assad regime. Its early intervention had nothing to do with combating religious extremism for the simple reason that this problem barely existed in the early months of the Syrian uprising.

In the past six years, this changed and Iran stepped up its intervention. Mostly notably, it recruited a pan-Shia militia that, along with Hezbollah, has done the bulk of the fighting in defense of the Assad regime.

Irans critical role in Syria has significantly contributed to the spread of sectarianism across the Middle East: ISIS has been a key beneficiary of this. Now the blowback has come to Tehran.

ISIS is fundamentally the product of political authoritarianism in the Sunni Arab world. Its theological home is in Saudi Arabia. The legacy of political tyranny in the Arab world, buttressed by the consequences of the US invasion of Iraq, created social conditions that allowed this extremist cult not only to emerge but also to proliferate. Irans role in this equation has been generally unrecognized.

Though indirect, Irans contribution has been significant. Its domestic policies discriminating against ethnic/religious minorities, and its sectarian foreign policy in Iraq and Syria are key elements that has contributed to ISIS expansion. In other words, Irans chickens have come home to roost.

Nader Hashemiis the Director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Denver. His latest book isSectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East.

Originally posted here:
Surely Some Mistake. Why Did ISIS Attack Iran? - Newsweek

Sailors line the bow of the destroyer USS Cole as it glides past One World Trade Center and the lower Manhattan skyline, May 21, 2014 in New York.

AP

Last Updated Jun 14, 2017 11:27 AM EDT

U.S. officials told CBS News on Wednesday that an Iranian warship had shined a spotlight and laser at an American military helicopter accompanying two U.S. Navy vessels sailing through the strategic Strait of Hormuz during the night.

Military sources told CBS News national security correspondent David Martin that the incident was considered by the U.S. Navy to have been "unsafe and unprofessional."

While Iranian military vessels do occasionally test the patience of U.S. warships in and near the Strait of Hormuz -- a vital international waterway through which nearly a third of all global oil shipments sail -- this incident was unusual because the Iranian ship involved was part of the regular Iranian navy, not the elite Revolutionary Guard.

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The two U.S. ships involved were the USS Cole destroyer and the USS Bataan amphibious assault ship, a vessel designed to carry and deploy smaller vessels and helicopters.

The last "unsafe" incident in the Strait of Hormuz occurred in March this year, when Iranian vessels had a close encounter with a U.S. surveillance ship.

Martin reported that theUSNS Invincible, which is outfitted with sonar to track submarines and radar to monitor missile tests, was transiting the Strait of Hormuz when it was forced to change its course to avoid a small group of Iranian Revolutionary Guard fast boats that had positioned themselves in front of her.

That encounter came just two days after anIranian navy frigate came within 150 yards of the Invinciblein the Gulf of Oman, just south of the Strait of Hormuz. The gulf separates Oman from southeastern Iran.

Still, neither of those incidents was the most serious of 2017. In January, a U.S.Navy destroyer fired multiple warning shots at Iranian patrol boatsas they sped toward the destroyer in the Strait of Hormuz "with their weapons manned."

The crew of the USS Mahan fired the warning shots after attempting to establish contact with the Iranians and after dropping smoke flares, U.S. officials said.

The U.S. Navy's confrontations with Iranian naval forces in the Persian Gulf do not usually reach the point of prompting warning shots by the U.S.

A U.S. Navy official told CBS News the Mahan was transiting the Strait of Hormuz when the Iranian boats sped toward it and failed to halt despite U.S. cautionary moves.

In May of 2016, the commander of the Revolutionary Guard threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz to the United States and its allies if they "threaten" the Islamic Republic.

2017 CBS Interactive Inc. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Iran warship in Strait of Hormuz in "unsafe and unprofessional ... - CBS News

NEW DELHI: Having stood by Iran in its tough times, India expects Tehran to reciprocate by awarding rights of the coveted Farzad-B gas field to its discoverer, ONGC, Oil Minister Dharmendra Pradhan said.

Upset with the USD 5.5 billion master development plan submitted by ONGC Videsh Ltd - the overseas investment arm of state-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corp (ONGC) - Iran has signed an initial pact with Russia's Gazprom for developing Farzad-B gas field.

"We value relationships. During difficult days of Iran, when the entire west imposed sanctions, we stood by them and bought substantial amount of crude oil. We also returned every penny when the banking channels reopened," he said.

Now, Iran has to reciprocate. "We have that much expectation from Iran. I hope Iran will comply with that," he said. "Our relationship with Iran is not based on a single commodity or a single transaction."

With Tehran delaying the award of rights to develop the 12.5 trillion cubic feet gas field to its discoverer, OVL, India decided to cut oil imports from Iran by a fifth in 2017 -18.

Iran retaliated by first cutting by one-third the time it gave to Indian refiners to pay for oil they buy from it as also raising ship freight rates, and now by signing a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with Russian gas monopoly Gazprom.

The MoU was signed between Gazprom and National Iranian Oil Co (NIOC) in Kremlin on March 28 when Iranian President Hassan Rouhani met his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin. The agreement spans Farzad-B, the North Pars and Kish fields.

Iran has been unhappy with the USD 5.5 billion investment plan of OVL as it will have to reimburse all of the money that is invested, together with a fixed rate of return. Tehran wants the investment to be lowered and OVL commit to buying gas at a price fixed by it.

OVL, on the other hand, says it will take up development only if the terms are economical and cannot absorb any cost and the price of gas should be comparable to rates in current market.

Sources said Indian refiners have cut oil imports from Iran by a fifth to 1,90,000 barrels per day (bpd) in 2017-18 from 2,40,000 bpd in the previous fiscal.

Iran, India's third biggest oil supplier, used to give a 90-day credit period to refiners like Indian Oil Corp (IOC) and Mangalore Refinery and Petrochemicals Ltd (MRPL) to pay for the oil they would buy from it.

Now, Tehran has reduced this to 60 days, essentially meaning that IOC and MRPL would have to pay for the oil they buy from Iran in 60 days instead of previous liberal term of 90 days, they said.

Iran oil sale terms were the most attractive for Indian refiners. Besides a liberal credit period, it also shipped the oil to India for a nominal 20 per cent of normal ocean freight.

Other Middle-East sellers offer not more than 15-day credit period.

Sources said NIOC has also decided to cut the discount it offers to Indian buyers on freight from 80 per cent to about 60 per cent.

Since the lifting of western sanctions, Iran has played hardball over award of the field which was discovered by OVL.

The two nations were initially targeting concluding a deal on Farzad-B field development by November 2016 but later mutually agreed to push the timeline to February 2017.

Now, the deal is being targeted to be wrapped up by September after the two sides agree on a price and a rate of return for OVL's investments.

Farzad B was discovered by OVL in the Farsi block about 10 years ago. The project has so far cost the OVL-led consortium, which also includes Oil India Ltd and Indian Oil Corp (IOC), over USD 80 million.

The field in the Farsi block has an in-place gas reserve of 21.7 tcf, of which 12.5 tcf are recoverable.

New Delhi is keen that the gas from the field comes to India to feed the vast energy needs.

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India wants Iran to reciprocate on gas field award: Dharmendra Pradhan - Economic Times

By Jeremy Courtney By Jeremy Courtney June 15 at 7:00 AM

Dozens of Iraqi Christians were rounded up by immigration authorities in Detroit this week, separated from their families and are about to be deported even though they have lived in the United States for decades. I have one question: Where is the outcry from my fellow Christians, especially those who view much of the world through the lens of Christian persecution?

I dont think this is a cut-and-dry case. I dont think these individuals were rounded up because they are Christian. I know immigration authorities say they have criminal records. Sending them back to Iraq is not an automatic death sentence, but being a Christian in Iraq is hard.

If you are a Christian, you should be deeply troubled by the deportation of your sisters and brothers from Detroit. Because persecution is real and it has little to do with some of the silly issues that American Christians complain about so easily.

Our president elected with the overwhelming support of white evangelicals has repeatedly pledged to champion the cause of persecuted Christians, especially those from the Middle East. Yet in this case, his policies could inadvertently contribute to the persecution of Christians.

Many of these immigrants fear for their safety if they are sent back to Iraq. While its possible to live and even thrive as a Christian in Iraq, many Assyrians and Chaldeans have known immense hardship because of their faith. Many of them were marginalized by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, which is why some of those now facing deportation came to the United States.

Christian persecution intensified after the U.S. invasion in 2003 and the sectarian war that followed. When the Islamic State swept onto the scene in 2014, they targeted Christians and other minorities for extermination, prompting the House of Representatives and the State Department to recognize these groups as victims of genocide. Christians are a tiny fraction of the total population, probably less than 1 percent, and they are not allowed to share their faith with non-Christians.

The immigration sweep in Detroit took place after Trumps executive order on refugees and immigration, which was signed in March. The revised version removed Iraq from the list of Muslim-majority nations affected by the order but only after Iraq agreed to U.S. demands to allow the deportation of Iraqi citizens from America.

Yes, they may be legally deportable. But none of this means the Department of Homeland Security is required to deport them. Many committed their crimes decades ago and served their time.

Some face deportation for minor crimes. One mans crime was reportedly letting someone else drive a car he had rented. Another is now being detained for marijuana possession more than 20 years ago.

Yes, the rule of law matters. Yes, people should face the consequences of their actions. These Iraqis whove long lived in America have. But what about mercy? What about paying your debt and getting a new start, with your family by your side?

Immigration and deportation are not merely policy issues. Theyre about people, those who have put down deep roots and made new lives for themselves. They are about to be separated from their families, driven from America the only home theyve known for decades and forced to live in Iraq, a country where many Christians have known persecution, a country those about to be deported can barely remember.

Many of my Christian friends in Iraq have been driven from their homes. Their towns have been destroyed. Yet they have had a lifetime to learn how to navigate the complexities of being a Christian in Iraq. How are those about to be deported who have grown up in America and dont have that same experience supposed to fare?

When Trump unveiled his first executive order on refugees and immigration in January, he promised to help persecuted Christians. His actions may have unintended consequences in the opposite direction, causing unnecessary hardship for at least one group of Christians. Their deportation will needlessly disrupt lives, tear apart their families and leave them vulnerable.

Many of my fellow Christians have showed up to serve persecuted minorities in Iraq. But the front lines arent just in some war zone over there. The front lines are where we live. Theyre in places like Portland, Washington and Detroit. If the suffering of our friends matters in Iraq, then their suffering matters in Detroit no matter what our political affiliation may be.

Its not too late to change course. Trump can direct the Department of Homeland Security to exercise its discretion to not deport Iraqi Christians and other minorities, especially if their deportation puts them at risk of persecution. Christians who have the ear of the president, including his vice president and his evangelical advisory council, could put pressure on him to change his stance.

Some of my evangelical friends Ann Voskamp, Ed Stetzer, the staff at World Relief are already speaking out on behalf of refugees and vulnerable communities from the Middle East. But more of us need to speak out and show up on our own front lines with tangible acts of love.

Will the church stand with its Iraqi Christian sisters and brothers? Will we put a commitment to love ahead of party affiliation or the pursuit of power? I hope so. Our witness depends on it.

Jeremy Courtney is chief executive of Preemptive Love Coalition, working on the front lines in Iraq and Syria to protect persecuted and displaced families from becoming refugees by delivering aid inside conflict zones and providing small-business empowerment opportunities. He is author of Preemptive Love: Pursuing Peace One Heart at a Time and the forthcoming Love Anyway.

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Trump promised he would protect persecuted Christians. But he's sending Christians back to Iraq. - Washington Post