Archive for June, 2017

EU: Shifting Rescue to Libya Risks Lives – Human Rights Watch

Aerial photograph of overcrowded migrant boat, taken at 05:01 UTC on May 10, 2017, and provided by Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre Rome to Sea-Watch 2 for identification purposes.

(Milan) Libyan forces have engaged in reckless conduct during recent rescue operations that endangered people being rescued in international waters in the Mediterranean, Human Rights Watch said today. These incidents indicate that Libyan forces lack capacity to safely perform search-and-rescue obligations.

Italy and other European Union countries should not cede control over rescue operations in international waters to Libyan forces. During the European Council meeting in Brussels on June 22-23, 2017, EU member states should affirm a commitment to carry out search-and-rescue operations in the central Mediterranean.

Recent incidents show how wrong it is for EU countries to entrust the lives of those in need of rescue to Libyan coast guard forces when there are safer alternatives, said Judith Sunderland, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch. The EU should ensure that its vessels carry out robust search-and-rescue operations in international waters close to Libya, where most shipwrecks occur, and, where possible, Italy should direct vessels from the EU and nongovernmental groups to take the lead on rescues, instead of Libyan vessels.

The central Mediterranean is the deadliest migration route in the world. From the beginning of 2014 through June 1, 2017, over 12,000 people have died or been reported missing. Since January 1, over 60,000 people have been rescued and brought to Italian shores.

On May 10 and May 23, Libyan coast guard forces patrol boats in international waters intervened in rescues already in progress by nongovernmental organizations, used threatening behavior likely to induce panic, and failed to provide life jackets to people seeking rescue from unseaworthy vessels. On May 23, nongovernmental groups witnessed and videotaped Libyan coast guard officers firing shots into the air, and collected corroborating testimony from survivors that the officers had also fired shots into the water after panicked people had leapt into the sea.

Italys decision to cede control of the May 10 event to Libyan coast guard forces was consistent with an overall EU strategy to deputize Libyan authorities to prevent boat migration to Europe despite deep concerns about outsourcing responsibility to one party in a country riven by conflict and where migrants face horrific abuse, Human Rights Watch said.

There are credible reports from monitors on the scene that on May 26, a Libyan coast guard forces boat fired shots at an Italian coast guard vessel in international waters, as it was taking rescued migrants to disembark on Lampedusa. The incident was reported in the Italian media, although the Italian coast guard has denied knowledge of the incident. Human Rights Watch spoke with a person who was on a vessel in the Mediterranean that day who overheard radio communication on an open channel between a nearby Italian Navy ship and the Libyan coast guard forces vessel. The radio communication made it clear that the Libyan coast guard forces boat had fired the shots because they mistook the Italian coast guard vessel for a migrant boat.

As a general rule, Libyan forces disembark people they rescue or intercept at sea in Libya, where they face arbitrary detention in abysmal conditions and a well-documented risk of serious abuse, including forced labor, torture, and sexual violence. Due to what the United Nations has called a human rights crisis for migrants in Libya, EU-flagged vessels are prohibited from returning anyone there, regardless of where a rescue takes place. The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, has called on all countries to allow civilians fleeing Libya (Libyan nationals, habitual residents of Libya, and third country nationals) access to their territories.

On May 10, the Italian Maritime Rescue Coordination Center (MRCC) in Rome received the first distress call about a boat in trouble and ordered the German group Sea-Watch to provide assistance but then allowed Libyan coast guard forces to assume coordination and a Libyan patrol boat to take over the operation. Although MRCC Rome learned of the boat when it was still in Libyan territorial waters, the incident occurred roughly 20 nautical miles from the Libyan coast, in international waters, and Sea-Watch had already begun its rescue operation.

Libyan authorities lack the capacity, equipment, and training to perform safe rescues, which should be required before they can assume coordination, Human Rights Watch said. If Italy is directing a rescue operation, it should ensure safe rescue and disembarkation, and not hand over command to Libyan coast guard forces, except in situations of imminent loss of life and the absence of alternate rescue vessels.

The commander of the coast guard force aligned with the EU-recognized Libyan Government of National Accord, operating under the Defense Ministry, in Zawiyah, a coastal town 50 kilometers west of Tripoli, told Human Rights Watch during its visit in April that the use of force against migrants, and specifically beatings with plastic pipes, during rescue operations was necessary to control the situation as you cannot communicate with them. Some can swim but others not.

Libya has never officially delineated its search-and-rescue zone or provided the International Maritime Organization with information on these services even under Muammar Gaddafi. Since at least October 2013, when it began its massive humanitarian naval operation, Mare Nostrum, Italy has assumed de facto search-and-rescue responsibilities outside Libyan territorial waters.

Italy and EU countries with these responsibilities in the Mediterranean, notably Malta, have an obligation under international maritime law to maintain an effective search-and-rescue service that ensures both safe rescue operations and disembarkation in a place of safety. In doing so, they should consider whether any of their actions may place rescued people at risk of persecution, torture, or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment upon disembarkation.

To fulfill these obligations, EU states should at a minimum decide during the summit to design and maintain a system under which they assume and retain command over all rescue operations in international waters. They should also renew efforts to obtain permission to operate in Libyan waters so that EU-flagged vessels can be in a better position to perform rescues.

EU institutions should ensure monitoring of training for Libyan coast guard officers as well as Libyans use of equipment provided by EU countries, and be prepared to suspend equipment transfers in the event a link is established between such equipment and abuse. Until there are demonstrable improvements in the treatment of detainees in Libyas migrant detention centers and in Libyan coast guard custody, EU countries should take every measure to avoid complicity in abuse both at sea and on land by Libyan authorities. All efforts to improve conditions in official detention centers in Libya should be accompanied by monitoring, transparent public reporting, and measures to ensure accountability. Training modules should prioritize hands-on practical training in best practices for safe search-and-rescue operations.

EU member states should also take account of an arms embargo imposed by the UN Security Council against Libyan factions, which stipulates how delivering nonlethal materials and training should be handled. On June 10, the Libya Sanctions Committee tasked with overseeing implementation of the arms embargo issued a report in which it raised concerns about whether the beneficiaries of EU training fall within permissible exemptions to the embargo, taking into consideration among other factors questions around effective control of the coast guard forces and vetting of training participants.

No amount of wishful thinking can justify ignoring the limitations of Libyan authorities to respond to situations of distress at sea or to intervene in a safe and humane way, Sunderland said. If EU governments care about saving lives and preventing abuse of migrants in Libya, they should provide more support for vital EU rescue operations in the Mediterranean rather than putting their faith in unreliable Libyan partners.

EU Migration Cooperation with Libya Armed conflicts since 2014 in Libya have resulted in a humanitarian and governance crisis, with a quarter million Libyans displaced and a breakdown in the economic, political, and judicial systems. The country has three rival authorities competing for legitimacy, international recognition, and territorial control: a UN-backed and EU-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA), based in Tripoli; the Government of National Salvation, also based in Tripoli; and the Interim Government, based in the eastern cities of al-Bayda and Tobruk. The GNA has limited control over key institutions and only nominal control over forces aligned with them.

The evidence of brutality against migrants in Libya is overwhelming. A damning December 2016 report from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN mission in Libya documented widespread malnutrition, forced labor, illness, beatings, sexual abuse, torture, and other abuses in immigration detention centers in Libya. A German Foreign Ministry memo leaked to the media in January 2017 stated that migrants in Libya are executed, tortured, raped, extorted, and banished to the desert on a daily basis. Human Rights Watch has documented abuses against migrants in Libya for years, including by guards in detention centers under the Directorate for Illegal Migration (DCIM), Libyan coast guard forces, and smugglers.

The GNA Interior Ministry operates about 24 official detention facilities for migrants in western Libya that are at least nominally under ministry control. Militias and criminal gangs detain migrants in parallel, unofficial centers.

The EUs anti-smuggling operation EUNAVFOR MED also known as Operation Sophia began training Libyan Navy coast guard officers, petty officers, and seamen under the GNAs Defense Ministry in October 2016. Ninety-three officers participated in training aboard EU navy ships in the Mediterranean, while 42 have been trained in Malta and Greece in training programs on land that will continue in Spain and Italy through the end of 2017. The planned third phase, which has not begun, would involve training on board Libyan patrol boats in Libyan territorial waters. In the February 2017 Malta Declaration, EU countries pledged to prioritize training, equipment and support to the Libyan coast guard forces, as well as enhanced operational action to shut down the central Mediterranean route. Also in February, Italy signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the GNA, which was suspended by a court in Tripoli in March, and began in May to deliver the first 4 of 10 patrol boats to Libyan coast guard forces.

Since at least October 2013, Italy has coordinated virtually all rescue operations by the Italian coast guard and Navy; the EU border agency, commonly known as Frontex; Operation Sophia; and vessels from nongovernmental groups, as well as commercial ships when necessary. Nine groups Migrant Offshore Aid Station (MOAS), Mdecins sans Frontires (MSF), SOS MEDITERRANEE, Sea-Watch, Jugend Rettet, Sea Eye, Life Boat Minden, Proactiva Open Arms, and Save The Children have dedicated rescue patrols in the central Mediterranean. According to Italian government figures, nongovernmental groups rescued one-quarter of all those rescued in 2016, and one-third of those rescued in the first three months of 2017.

Just as the Libyan government is fragmented, so too are Libyan coast guard forces. The EU support is directed to Navy coast guard forces in western Libya, which operate at least nominally under the GNA Defense Ministry. The commander of the coast guard forces in Zawiyah told Human Rights Watch during the April visit that the GNA coast guard chief had only nominal control over forces in different points in western Libya including in the towns and cities of Misrata, Tripoli, Zawiyah, Sebratha, and Zuwara.

The GNA Interior Ministry also has its own Coastal Security forces. Col. Tariq Shanbour, head of the Interior Ministrys Coastal Security forces and based in Tripoli, told Human Rights Watch during its visit that although his forces had no rescue boats, their mandate extended from operations on land and through the Libyan territorial waters, up to 12 nautical miles. Colonel Shanbour said his forces combat crime, including irregular migration, fuel smuggling, illegal fishing, and drug trafficking.

In April, the European Commission announced a 90 million aid program for migrants in Libya, about half of which would go to improving conditions in official detention centers, assistance at disembarkation points, and voluntary returns, among other measures.

The May 23 Incident Human Rights Watchs understanding of what happened on May 23 is based on a detailed incident report provided by MSF; phone interviews with an MSF crew member and a crew member from the German group Jugend Rettet, who witnessed the incident; and public statements by other groups on the scene. All times for both incidents are in Coordinated Universal Time (UTC), which is two hours behind Central European Time (CET).

On May 23, a Libyan coast guard patrol boat intervened in a rescue operation already in progress in international waters by the Aquarius, a rescue ship jointly operated by MSF and SOS Mediterrane, and the Iuventa, a vessel operated by Jugend Rettet.

After an EUNAVFOR MED plane spotted 8 to 10 migrant boats at 06:50, the Italian MRCC in Rome appointed the Vos Hestia, a rescue vessel operated by Save The Children, as on-scene commander.

By 08:30 the Aquarius had reached the area, 15 nautical miles from the Libyan coast in international waters, and began its rescue operation. By noon, its crew had distributed life jackets to people on board a white rubber boat and evacuated 34 people before having to order its speedboats to attend to another boat in a more serious distress situation. At 10:30, a Libyan coast guard patrol boat with the number 267 entered the rescue area and approached several of the migrant boats, creating destabilizing waves.

A Jugend Rettet crew member, who was on a RHIB a rigid-hulled inflatable boat distributing life jackets at the time, said the patrol boat approached them at one point: We have standing orders to be cooperative, and we thought they might want to help. We waved, they waved back, even gave us the thumbs up. We thought everything was ok.

The Libyan patrol boat retreated to a distance. Crew aboard the Aquarius heard at least six shots fired into the air from machine guns mounted on the Libyan patrol boat. The Libyan patrol boat then steered back toward the migrant boats, and at around 13:00, two men on the Libyan patrol boat, one of whom was in uniform and armed with an AK-47 assault rifle, boarded one of the migrant boats, a white rubber boat, and began steering it toward Libyan territorial waters.

A photograph posted by Jugend Rettet shows one of the Libyan coast guard members pointing the assault rifle at the people on board, and footage from an Italian television crew aboard the Aquarius shows the same man firing two or three shots into the air. The footage also shows dozens of panicked people jumping into the water.

Testimony gathered by MSF from survivors would later allege that the Libyan officers had taken their phones and money, even a mans ring. As the Libyan officers steered the white rubber boat back toward Libya, more people jumped into the water. The Aquarius crew eventually pulled 67 people from the water. At 13:40, the Libyan officers changed course and steered the rubber boat toward the Aquarius, and at 14:00, they said they wanted to hand over the people on board. By 14:17, all 38 people who had remained on the white rubber boat had been transferred to the Aquarius RHIB.

While two of its crew had boarded the rubber boat, the Libyan patrol boat had remained alongside a wooden boat crowded with migrants, which it would eventually steer back to Libya, and transferred dozens from a second wooden boat to the patrol boat. Nongovernmental groups estimate that between 200 and 400 people were taken back to Libya. Their vessels rescued 11 migrant boats.

MSF collected testimony from two men, one who said he was Libyan and another who said he was Syrian, who were pulled out of the water after they jumped off the wooden boat. The men alleged that coast guard officers also took money and phones from passengers on the wooden boat.

Corroborating testimony collected by MSF among survivors on their rescue ship suggests that the Libyan coast guard forces fired more shots than logged by the nongovernmental vessels in the area. Most worrisome, six people who had jumped into the water from the rubber boat and two men who jumped from the wooden boat alleged that Libyan officers had fired shots into the water after people jumped. No corpses were found, nor did anyone rescued have fresh gunshot wounds.

A Libyan Navy spokesman, Admiral Ayyoub Amr Qassem, denied some aspects of the nongovernmental groups version of events, arguing it was illogical for the Libyan coast guard to shoot at migrants.

The May 10 Incident The Human Rights Watch understanding of the event is based on the Sea-Watch ships log, a phone interview with a Sea-Watch crew member who witnessed the incident, email communications between the Italian Maritime Rescue Coordination Center (MRCC) provided by Sea-Watch, and statements by the Italian MRCC and the Libyan Navy coast guard.

On May 10, the Italian MRCC in Rome allowed a Libyan coast guard vessel to assume coordination over a rescue operation in international waters. Sea-Watch, which had already begun its rescue operation on previous instructions from MRCC Rome, filmed the Libyan patrol boat conducting a dangerous maneuver, creating a risk of collision, and has called for an independent investigation.

At 05:38 UTC, MRCC Rome called the German Sea-Watch 2 ship to inform it of a migrant boat at position 33 00N, 012 27E, which is within Libyan territorial waters. The coordination center followed up with an email stamped 05:42 instructing Sea-Watch to please divert your courseand provide assistance to the migrant boat.

At 06:25, when the Sea-Watch ship sighted the migrant boat a severely crowded wooden boat carrying almost 500 people they were at position 33 08.9N, 012 28.9E. This is approximately 20 nautical miles from the Libyan coast, in international waters.

MRCC Rome called the Sea-Watch ship at 06:47 asking it to confirm target boat, and sent an email 11 minutes later, at 06:58, with a photo of the boat time-stamped 05:01. Sea-Watch initiated its rescue operation, lowering a speedboat loaded with life jackets to approach the migrant boat. But at 06:56, MRCC Rome called Sea-Watch to tell them that Libya was taking over coordination of the rescue operation, and sent an email indicating that, Following our previous phone call, we confirm that at 06:13Z [the Z indicates UTC time zone], the Libyan Coast Guard informed us that it is coordinating the SAR case in subject and that a Libyan patrol vessel, as reported by Libyan Coast Guard, is operating.

The Sea-Watch log indicates that its speedboat was in the water at 06:59. The boat approached the migrant boat, and the ships log indicates that it made contact at 07:04. During this time lapse, Sea-Watch attempted repeatedly to reach the Libyan patrol boat, which the crew could see approaching at a fast clip, by radio on numerous frequencies; they received no response. Sea-Watch told Human Rights Watch that, Of course we would proceed with [the speedboat operation], as we thought also with a coordination through the Libyans, the speedboats would be needed in the water at least on standby to guarantee a safe disembarkation.

The Sea-Watch ships log reports at 07:04, as the speedboat was engaging in shouted conversation with migrants aboard the wooden boat, the Libyan patrol boat 206 crossed their bow, in what Sea-Watch said was a dangerous maneuver. Sea-Watch reports that the Libyan patrol boat did not respond to radio calls from the German ship. The Sea-Watch speedboat returned to the groups larger vessel, and the Libyan coast guard boat proceeded to transfer several hundred people from the wooden boat to their own boat. At least two officers boarded the wooden boat, with numerous people still on board, to steer it back to land. No one was provided life jackets, putting them at risk.

According to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, 484 people disembarked in Tripoli, including 14 women and 19 children. The rest were adult men. Four women were hospitalized it is unclear why while the rest were detained at the Mitiga airbase in Tripoli.

The Libyan Navy spokesman, Admiral Qassem, alleged that Sea-Watch tried to hinder the work of our coast guard to take the migrants. The GNAs Libyan coast guard did not respond to email queries and phone calls. In an email to Human Rights Watch, the Italian coast guard said that MRCC Rome, as the first Maritime Rescue Coordination center that received the information, according to SAR international procedures, informed the Coastal states SAR authorities in whose territorial waters was the boat in distress and contacted the nearest known ship, M/V SEA WATCH 2 later, MRCC Rome informed M/V SEA WATCH 2 that the Libyan Coast Guard had assumed the coordination of the SAR case.

Captain Sergio Liardi, head of MRCC Rome, told Human Rights Watch that alerting Libyan authorities in this case was appropriate, as he had to do everything possible to prevent loss of life. Human Rights Watch does not dispute that saving lives should be the guiding priority, but questions why it was necessary for the Italian coast guard to allow Libyan coast guard forces to assume control over a rescue operation in international waters that Sea-Watch had already commenced and was better equipped to perform safely.

Law and Practice on Rescue at Sea Coastal states have different sovereign, jurisdictional, and search-and-rescue rights and obligations depending on the maritime zone. Territorial waters, which extend 12 nautical miles from the coast, are considered national territory where governments exercise full sovereign rights. In other words, a boat in Libyan territorial waters has not legally left Libyan territory; in legal terms, the return of passengers on a boat in territorial waters to land is simply a transfer from one part of the national territory to another. The contiguous zone is the area adjacent to territorial waters, for a maximum of 24 nautical miles from the coast, where a coastal state enjoys certain jurisdictional rights to prevent and punish infringements of its laws, including immigration laws. Finally, all coastal states should have designated search-and-rescue (SAR) zones, where under international law they are required to coordinate and perform rescue operations.

Libyan authorities are legally entitled to enforce their immigration laws in Libyan territorial waters, and to punish infringements of its immigration laws in the contiguous zone. This means Libyan authorities have jurisdiction to interdict migrant boats in the contiguous zone even in the absence of a distress situation. Libya is also a party to UN protocols against smuggling and trafficking of human beings.

The UN Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air stipulates that interdictions at sea based on suspicion of people smuggling must ensure the safety and humane treatment of the persons on board, and must preserve and protect the rights of [smuggled] personsin particular the right to life and the right not to be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The protocol further requires Libya to take measures to protect smuggled migrants from violence, and to take special account of the needs of women and children. The UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children requires Libya to put in place measures to assist and protect trafficking victims.

Libyan law criminalizes undocumented entry, exit, and stay in Libya, punishable by imprisonment, and in some cases with forced labor or a fine. Libyan immigration law does not distinguish between migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, victims of trafficking, or other particularly vulnerable groups. Libya has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN Support Mission in Libya, among others, have documented abuses by the Libyan coast guard forces during interdictions and arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence, and other gross human rights abuses upon return to Libya.

The laws of the sea have developed to try to ensure effective and timely assistance to any vessel in distress. The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS) require that all coastal states promote the establishment, operation and maintenance of an adequate and effective search-and-rescue service regarding safety on and over the sea and, where circumstances so require, by way of mutual regional arrangements co-operate with neighbouring States for this purpose. SOLAS stipulates that the country in whose search-and-rescue zone a distress situation occurs has the primary responsibility for coordination and cooperation so that assisted people disembark in a place of safety. The International Maritime Search and Rescue Convention does not resolve the issue of responsibility when a coastal state party to the convention, like Libya, cannot or does not fulfil its obligations, but it also stresses regional cooperation.

International maritime law imposes a clear duty on all vessels at sea to rescue people in distress, whether in territorial or international waters. This means that ships may enter Libyan territorial waters without authorization to respond to a situation posing a threat of imminent loss of life. In the event of a sighting of a vessel in territorial waters showing signs of distress, but in the absence of imminent danger, any vessel in the area will normally monitor the situation until forces under the command of the sovereign nation arrive to provide assistance.

For years, Libya has largely failed to live up to its search-and-rescue obligations. It has never officially delineated its search-and-rescue zone or deposited information about its search-and-rescue services with the International Maritime Organization (IMO). Libya does not have a fully functioning MRCC. The Italian government assumed de facto control over search-and-rescue off the Libyan coast when it began its massive year-long humanitarian operation Mare Nostrum in October 2013. It has continued since then to coordinate virtually all rescue operations by Frontex, Operation Sophia, and nongovernmental groups vessels, as well as commercial ships when necessary.

This is in keeping with IMO Maritime Safety Committee guidelines on the treatment of people rescued at sea, which clarify that every MRCC should have effective plans to respond to all types of search-and-rescue situations, including incidents outside its own search-and-rescue region until the RCC [rescue coordination center] responsible for the region in which assistance is renderedor another RCC better situated to handle the case accept responsibility. These guidelines stipulate that a place of safety for disembarkation involves, at a minimum, a place where the survivors safety of life is no longer threatened and where their basic human needs (such as food, shelter and medical needs) can be met. They also set out a variety of additional factors to be considered when designating a place of safety, including, in the case of asylum seekers and refugees recovered at sea, the need to avoid disembarkation in territories where the lives and freedoms of those alleging a well-founded fear of persecution would be threatened.

While the guidelines provide the most authoritative source on the concept of a place of safety in maritime law, Human Rights Watch believes the concept can only be interpreted in light of other international obligations, including the absolute prohibition of the return of any person to the risk of torture, and protections against cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment and arbitrary detention. Given the mixed profiles of people trying to reach Europe by sea, there should be a presumption that among those rescued there may be people who are unable to exercise their right to seek asylum while in Libya and need international protection.

UNHCR has also provided guidance that interception measures at sea should not de facto deny access to international protection or lead to anyone being returned, directly or indirectly, toterritories where their life or freedom would be threatened. In a 2012 landmark ruling, the European Court of Human Rights condemned Italy for pushbacks to Libya in 2009, a policy that included cases in which Italy forcibly transferred rescued people to Libyan vessels at sea.

Italian and EU authorities have repeatedly emphasized that these operations are governed by international law and EU jurisprudence that prohibit returning anyone to a place where their lives or safety would be at risk the nonrefoulement principle. In practice, this means that no one rescued by an EU-flagged ship or under the custody or control of an EU member state can be sent back to Libya, regardless of the waters in which that person was rescued or interdicted.

Given the lack of capacity to carry out safe rescues, the Italian MRCC and EU authorities should not allow the Libyan coast guard forces to assume operational command of rescue operations in international waters. In addition, the real risk of prohibited ill-treatment in Libya for any migrant returned there means anyone rescued by an international vessel should not be disembarked in Libya.

Until Libyan authorities end arbitrary detention and demonstrate sustained and significant improvements in conditions and treatment in detention centers to remove a real risk of survivors facing treatment that violates the European Convention on Human Rights, EU authorities should not cede its search-and-rescue responsibilities to Libyan coast guard forces.

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EU: Shifting Rescue to Libya Risks Lives - Human Rights Watch

Black Lives Matter, activists sue for court oversight of …

In this Oct. 20, 2014 frame from dash-cam video provided by the Chicago Police Department, Laquan McDonald, right, walks down the street moments before being fatally shot by CPD officer Jason Van Dyke sixteen times in Chicago.(Photo: AP)

CHICAGO Black Lives Matter activistsand other civil rights organizations filed a federal lawsuit Wednesday in an attemptto force court-monitoring of the embattled Chicago Police Department's reform efforts.

The lawsuit filed in the U.S. District Court of Northern Illinois comes after Mayor Rahm Emanuels administration said earlier this month that it had floated a proposal to the Justice Department to install an independent monitor to oversee reform efforts in the police department. The Emanuel proposal would not require the police department to enter what is known as a consent decree, which requires court monitoring. That proposal is under review by Justice Departmentofficials.

The plaintiffs include the groupsBlack LivesMatter Chicago, Blocks Together,Brighton Park Neighborhood Council, Justice for Families, Network 49, Women's All Points Bulletin and 411 Movement for Pierre Loury as well as six people who say they have faced excessive forceby Chicago cops.

The City of Chicago has proven time and time again that it is incapable of ending its own regime of terror, brutality and discriminatory policing, the plaintiffs argue in the lawsuit. It is clear that federal court intervention is essential to end the historical and ongoing pattern and practice of excessive force by police officers in Chicago.

The Justice Department completed a 13-month investigation in January of the police department days before President Trump was inaugurated. The investigation, which was spurred by widespread protests in the city following the court-ordered release of video that showed a white police officer fatally shooting a black teen as he ran from cops, found that the nations second-largest police department was beset by racial bias, excessive use of force and a cover-up culture within the ranks.

The Justice Department forced more than a dozen troubled police departmentssuch as the ones in Ferguson, Mo., and Baltimoreinto consent decrees during the Obama administration. But Trumps attorney general, Jeff Sessions, has said that he worries the decrees undermine police and that he will avoid using them.

Emanuel, who is under intense pressure to takesteps to reform the department, had expressed support for entering a consent decree during the Obama administration. But earlier this month, his administration indicated that an independent monitor might be the best step to take, considering Sessions aversion to taking the step.

City officials planto hold a news conference later Wednesday to discuss the lawsuit.

Even before the release in November 2015 of police video of the fatal shooting of 17-year-old Laquan McDonald, Chicago Police faced mistrustin large swaths of Chicagos black and Latino communities. (The officer who fired the shots, Jason Van Dyke, was charged with first-degree murder on the same day as the video's release and is awaiting trial.)

The city council offered a formal apology and set aside millions of dollars for reparations for the more than 100 people who allegethat police officers under former police commander Jon Burge's committed horrific abuses against them. The suspects were subjected to mock executions and electric shock and beaten with telephone books as their interrogators flung racial epithets at them. A Chicago Police Department review board ruled in 1993 that Burge's officers had used torture, and he was fired.

The police department and American Civil Liberties Union in August 2015 entered an agreement on monitoring how officersgoabout conducting street stops of citizens in the nations third-largest city. The agreement came after ACLU published a study that showed black Chicagoans were subjected to 72% of stop-and-frisk searcheseven though theymake up only about a third of the city's population.

Chicago has paid more than $600 million in settlements and legal fees related to accusations of police misconduct since 2004. In the last two years, at least 99 cases were filed by people alleging excessive use of force by Chicago Police, the plaintiffs contend.

Prior tothe Justice Department issuingits scathing report about policing in Chicago at the end of the Obama administration, the city and police announcedseveral reforms, including implementing a field training officer program for new cops, revising the departments use of force policy and began the process of issuing police body cameras.

But the plaintiffs contend that Chicagos long and troubled history underscores why court-monitored oversight of changesis necessary.

Absent federal court supervision, nothing will improve. Internal revisions to the (Chicago Police Department)accountability and operational structures have failed to ameliorate conditions on the ground for those subjected on a daily basis to police abuse, the plaintiffs wrote in the lawsuit. (Chicago Police Department) policy changes, implemented over the years are superficial changes in name only.

Follow USA TODAY Chicago correspondentAamer Madhani on Twitter:@AamerISmad

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Black Lives Matter, activists sue for court oversight of ...

Black Lives Matter Sues Chicago For Court-Monitored Police …

Black Lives Matter and other civil rights groups filed a class-action lawsuit Wednesday against the city of Chicago to push for court oversight in reforming the nations second-largest police force, reports The Associated Press. The suit comes after the Department of Justice in January released a blistering report documenting systemic racism and a culture where officers cover up for each other.

Absent federal court supervision, nothing will improve, the lawsuit says, according to The AP. It is clear that federal court intervention is essential to end the historical and on-going pattern and practice of excessive force by police officers in Chicago.

The roughly 130-page lawsuit, which was filed in U.S. District Court in Chicago, attempts to amend a draft agreement between the city of Chicago and Department of Justice to enact reforms without federal court supervision. Groups involved in the suit are seeking to end a historicand ongoing pattern of violence and excessive force by city officers, according to the report.

About 15 lawyers from Chicago and New York are representing six African-American plaintiffs, who said they were subject to abuses at the hands of Chicago cops, in the suit, reports theChicago Tribune.

The suit, which documents brutality cases including the 1969 killing of Black Panther Fred Hampton, argues that racial discrimination influences police interaction with the public and officers regularly beat as well as shoot Blacks with little risk of punishment. One male plaintiff claimed that he was thrown to the ground and beaten by police, writes the Tribune.

Tensions between Chicago cops and residents boiled over in 2015 when police were forced to release dashcam video of the the 2014 shooting death of 17-year-oldLaquan McDonald.The video showedJason Van Dykeshooting the teen 16 times, sparking protests and calls for police reform. The shooting also prompted a Justice Department investigation of the 12,000-officer force in 2015, notes NBC.

Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel,whosaid a new police oversight agency was created and the police department was implementing new practices to hold cops accountable such as body cameras, agreed to a consent decree when the damning Justice Department report was released in January. The draft deal between the city and DOJ was negotiated in Washington in June, but does not include an agreement for any court-appointed monitor to govern the reform process, writes NBC.

Complicating matters further is an uncertainty about whether the Department of Justice under the Donald Trump administration is committed to sweeping reforms, as opposed to theBarack Obamaadministration which advocated for court-mandated reforms. Attorney General Jeff Sessionshas publicly said that he is not a fan of consent decrees as agreements to spur reforms.

Craig Futterman, a University of Chicago law professor and the lead attorney in the BLM-led lawsuit, says that the plaintiffs hope Emanuel will work with the civil rights groups to create a comprehensive plan for reform that the court will oversee, according to the News.

Do you think the court will grant oversight of police reforms? Let us know what you think in the comments section.

SOURCE: Associated Press,NBC News, Chicago Tribune,

SEE ALSO:

Chicago Cops In Laquan McDonald Case To Return To Work

Chicago Police Announce New Use Of Deadly Force Policy

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Black Lives Matter Sues Chicago For Court-Monitored Police ...

Can Black Lives Matter be sued? Federal judge to decide

BATON ROUGE, La. (AP) Black Lives Matter is a movement, not an organization that can be sued by a Louisiana police officer who was injured at a protest after a deadly police shooting, a prominent activist's attorney argued Wednesday.

DeRay Mckesson's lawyer, William Gibbens, urged U.S. District Judge Brian Jackson to dismiss a Baton Rouge police officer's lawsuit against Black Lives Matter and the Baltimore-based activist. The judge said he would rule "within the coming days" after hearing from attorneys.

Mckesson was one of nearly 200 protesters arrested after the July 2016 shooting death of Alton Sterling, a black man shot and killed by a white officer during a struggle outside a Baton Rouge convenience store.

Gibbens said Black Lives Matter doesn't have a governing body, dues-paying members or bylaws. At best, the lawyer argued, it's a "community of interest."

"This is a movement, and there isn't a person who is responsible for it, or the leader or the founder of it," he told the judge.

The unidentified officer claims a piece of concrete or "rock like substance" struck him in the face during a July 9 protest over Sterling's death. The officer's lawsuit says he lost teeth and received injuries to his jaw and brain.

Donna Grodner, an attorney for the officer, argued Black Lives Matter is an "unincorporated association" that can be held liable for her client's injuries.

"It's organized. They have meetings. They solicit money. They have national chapters," Grodner said. "This shows a level of national organization."

The suit doesn't accuse Mckesson of throwing anything, but it claims he "incited the violence" on behalf of Black Lives Matter. The suit also claims Mckesson "was in charge of the protests" and he was seen and heard giving orders.

The officer's attorneys sued Mckesson individually but also served him and three other activists with the suit as alleged "agents" of Black Lives Matter. Gibbens expressed concern about the implications for Mckesson if the court agrees to enter a "default judgment" against Black Lives Matter in the officer's favor.

"This really could be leading us down a rabbit hole," Gibbens added.

Mckesson, who declined to be interviewed Wednesday, has described himself as a leader of the Black Lives Matter movement.

"No organization started the movement," he said during an interview last year.

The officer suing Mckesson is identified only as "Officer John Doe" in the suit, saying the anonymity is "for his protection." A court filing last year cited the July 2016 sniper attack that killed five Dallas police officers and a shooting 10 days later that killed three law-enforcement officers in Baton Rouge as reasons for concealing the officer's identity.

Mckesson was arrested near Baton Rouge police headquarters on a charge of obstructing a highway. East Baton Rouge Parish District Attorney Hillar Moore said his office wouldn't prosecute roughly 100 protesters who were arrested on that same charge, including Mckesson.

Mckesson and other protesters sued the city of Baton Rouge and local law enforcement officials over their arrests, accusing police of using excessive force and violating their constitutional rights. Last month, a federal judge preliminarily approved a proposed settlement of the class action. Mckesson is one of nearly 80 arrested protesters who are eligible for cash payments ranging from $500 to $1,000 if the settlement gets the court's final approval.

Mckesson and Black Lives Matter also were named as defendants in a federal lawsuit that Larry Klayman founder of the conservative group Freedom Watch filed last year in Texas after the sniper attack on Dallas police officers. Klayman also sued former President Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and other political figures, accusing the defendants of inciting a "race war" against police officers.

Mckesson's lawyers argued Klayman should have known his claims were frivolous. A judge's ruling on June 2 said the plaintiffs didn't provide the court with any support for their "proposition" that Black Lives Matter is an entity capable of being sued. All of Klayman's claims against Mckesson and Black Lives Matter have been dismissed or withdrawn.

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Can Black Lives Matter be sued? Federal judge to decide

Stevie Wonder to Minneapolis youth: ‘You cannot say Black Lives … – KMSP-TV

MINNEAPOLIS (KMSP) - Music legend Stevie Wonder took part in a north Minneapolis "Conference on Peace" on Saturday, focusing on ending youth gun violence.

Wonder focused on the recent verdict of St. Anthony, Minnesota police officer Jeronimo Yanez, acquitted Friday in last summer's killing of Philando Castile during a traffic stop. He urged the crowd to help bring peace to their communities.

It is in your hands to stop all the killing and all the shooting wherever it might be. Because you cannot say Black Lives Matter and then kill yourselves, Wonder said. Because you know, weve mattered long before it was said. But the way we show all the various of people color matter is by loving each other and doing something about it not just talking about it.

IN-DEPTH:Officer Jeronimo Yanez found not guilty in shooting of Philando Castile

Various speakers, including civil rights leader BenjaminChavis, all focused on city street violence between young people.

Part of the solution, they said, centers around finding alternatives to street warfare for young people trapped in the cycle of poverty. Speakers reminded parents how large a role they play in guiding their children's lives.

About 100 people participated in the conference at New Salem Missionary Baptist Church.

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Stevie Wonder to Minneapolis youth: 'You cannot say Black Lives ... - KMSP-TV