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The National Bank of Ukraine, the country's central bank, has indicated it may soonseek to regulate the use of cryptocurrencies.

While a clear outline for the initiative is still absent, in its latest announcement, the central bank said the legal implications of cryptocurrencies will be discussed at the next Financial Stability Board of Ukraine meeting at the end of August.

The decision comes at a time when Ukraine is seeing increased bitcoin activity, from payments to mining to blockchain development, but also when regulatory uncertainty hasled its law enforcementto take steps to reprimand bitcoin users.

Just days ago, Ukrainian police arrested several suspects who allegedly set up 200 computers to mine bitcoins at an abandoned swimming pool withina state institute in Kiev.

According to local media Kyiv Post, the court documentaccused the suspectsof illegally taking advantage of state property, and producing a currency, which is currently a function only the National Bank is legally allowed to do. Further, the law also states that no other currency besides theUkrainian Hryvnia can be treated as legal payment in Ukraine.

Citing the different approaches taken by other countries in defining cryptocurrencies, the banking authority will now begin itsdiscussion withthe Ministry of Finance, State Fiscal Service, the State Financial Monitoring Service, Securities and Stock Market State Commission and the National Commission for the State Regulation of Financial Services Markets.

Ukraine imagevia Shutterstock

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Ukraine's Central Bank Moves Closer to Cryptocurrency Regulation - CoinDesk

Ukrainian police have arrested an individual accused of spreading the NotPetya malware, used in a cyberattack that knocked thousands of companies offline earlier this year.

An unnamed 51-year-old from the southern city of Nikopol was detained by the state cyber-police last week after a raid was carried out at the alleged attacker's home.

In a brief statement (translated for ZDNet), police say they seized computers that were used to spread the malware in the cyberattack.

The statement said that the person of interest told police he had uploaded the malware to a file-sharing account and shared a link on his blog with instructions on how to launch the malware.

The malware was downloaded about 400 times, police say.

Several companies downloaded the malware intentionally to "conceal criminal activity" and to "evade payments" to the state, police say.

But it's not clear if police have declared the person of interest a formal suspect in the cyberattack that spread to more than 60 countries.

News of the outbreak began in late June, when predominantly Ukrainian systems were hit by a new strain of ransomware -- just a month after a similar cyberattack that leveraged leaked NSA hacking tools to spread the WannaCry ransomware.

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Ukraine police make arrest in NotPetya ransomware case - ZDNet

We carry our tragedy inside

The 2017 Participatory Assessment Report for refugees, asylum seekers, and internally displaced persons in Ukraine

Acknowledgements

This report is based on dialogues with refugees asylum seekers, internally displaced persons, and persons at risk of displacement conducted in Ukraine between February and March 2017. UNHCR is grateful for the extensive involvement and support of UNHCRs partners, local authorities, free legal aid centres, civil society, and international organizations. Finally, UNHCR would like to acknowledge the refugees, asylum seekers, internally displaced persons, and persons at risk of displacement whose participation demonstrates a commitment to engage pro-actively in decision-making concerning their protection and finding solutions to their needs despite the challenges and difficulties faced in their current situation.

Executive Summary

The 2017 Ukraine participatory assessment involved 167 focus group discussions conducted by UNHCR and its partners across the country, supported by local authorities, free legal aid centres, civil society and international organizations, with women, men, girls and boys of different ages and backgrounds. This report presents the specific protection risks and their underlying causes faced by refugees, internally displaced persons (IDP), and persons at risk of displacement. It provides details of their capacities, and their proposed solutions. The previous participatory assessment exercise in Ukraine took place in 2015.

The overarching concerns of participants from all target groups relate to discrimination, administrative and bureaucratic obstacles to the exercise of their rights, and housing. All target groups called for assistance from the Government, international organizations, civil society, and local communities, to support their integration in a tolerant and inclusive society.

Specific concerns of refugee and asylum seeker participants relate to xenophobia, challenges in accessing asylum procedures and flaws in these procedures, as well as lack of local integration prospects, and a preoccupation with identifying durable solutions.

Many feel a sense of hopelessness and exclusion despite having spent years in Ukraine, and a belief that there are few opportunities for resettlement. For those granted refugee status or complementary protection, concerns focus on possibilities for naturalisation and a more stable presence in Ukraine. For IDPs and persons at risk of displacement, concerns include high rents, lack of employment prospects, and difficulty accessing state subsidies to offset high utility costs in the context of adapting to the challenges of life since displacement, and the realisation that return to their prior place of residence is increasingly unlikely in the near future. They perceive administrative and procedural barriers as the main underlying causes of their problems, together with a lack of political will, coordination and understanding from the authorities. Many IDPs feel discriminated against by Ukrainian society and conclude that the authorities do not make sufficient efforts to ensure that they have full access to their rights.

The participatory assessment presents recommendations for each target group, and by rights group. The findings will influence the design of UNHCRs programmatic responses in Ukraine.

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Ukraine 2017 Participatory Assessment - Reliefweb

I'm not as good a runner as I used to be. This revelation came somewhere between the ninth and first floors of a murky, bomb-ravaged building located at the edge of no-man's land in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. I began scrambling downstairs after our sentinel, positioned nearby, yelled "Run!"

I did not ask why, nor linger to consider how only minutes before we had inched up these very same stairs, stepping carefully in each other's footsteps to avoid setting off any booby traps secreted to maim, mutilate or murder anyone scouting this abandoned edifice. Children's toys, full bottles of alcohol and other seemingly innocuous household items can be the disguised agents of your destruction, something I learned a few days earlier at the Ukrainian Armed Forces Demining Centre in Kamyanets-Podilsky.

No matter. I ran for my life. It was only after I got outside and turned a corner into the comparative safety of shadows behind the building that I was told a Russian tank had emerged from the distant rubble, manoeuvring to take a shot. We didn't offer the enemy a chance for target practice.

What surprised me was that I experienced no fear. Instead I was quite resigned to whatever might happen. Indeed, the strongest emotion I had was a kind of desperate hope that I didn't do anything to endanger my companions, members of an elite Ukrainian military intelligence unit. So I was pleased when I got out of that ruin without failing my friends, even though I was quite winded, my big toes bruised badly despite the protection of combat boots.

Like I said, I'm not a runner anymore.

We moved to a nearby firing position, heavily sandbagged, from where my companions opened up at the enemy's front line. Crouching, I snapped a few photographs, including one of "Okun," the squad machine gunner. His pseudonym means "Perch." This troop regularly penetrates the enemy's front lines to gather intelligence and sow fear in the hearts and minds of the Russian invaders and their local collaborators.

The latter are dismissively called vatniks after the padded jackets worn by the Russian military, considered little more than a dull-witted breed of drunks and criminals, and certainly no match for the professional Ukrainian soldiers who routinely best them on the battlefield. Even so, Ukrainian special forces soldiers usually do not give their names or like to be photographed to lessen the chance of the Russians targeting their loved ones, many of whom live close by in the Donetsk Oblast or a few hours away in Kharkiv.

Ukrainian spetsnaz groups have infiltrated the occupied territories right up to the Russian Federation's border. Their enemies do the same in the opposite direction. The Ukrainians know their foes have no scruples when it comes to murdering women and children to further Moscow's ongoing campaign to destabilize Ukraine.

As I questioned these troopers, I learned many have been fighting since the Russians invaded in February 2014. For them this is not a civil war or an anti-terrorist operation, even if Kyiv's politicians pretend otherwise. Instead they see themselves as soldiers in a war of independence, struggling to secure Ukraine's proper place in Europe rather than allowing their homeland to be swallowed by a resuscitated Russian empire, as prescribed by Vladimir Putin, the KGB criminal in the Kremlin.

Since Ukraine's soldiers understand what they are fighting for, their morale remains excellent. A Ukrainian spetsnaz officer in Luhansk Oblast told me:

"In early 2014 I just wanted to stay alive. By 2015- 2016 I was fighting to recover occupied Ukrainian lands. Today I think of myself as a wolf. I know the boundaries of my territory. I do not want anyone else's. I know how to kill. And I believe every Ukrainian woman, whether a child, a mother, a wife, or a grandmother, is a woman I must protect. And so I will pursue the enemy until every one of them is killed or goes back where he came from. Not one of them will be allowed to occupy even a metre of Ukrainian land, except for those whose bodies will rot in our chornozem soil, fertilizing it as the corpses of all of the past invaders of Ukraine have done. There can be no quarter. We did not invade their country. They attacked ours. Now we will make them pay for it."

That credo comes with a price. A Russian sniper killed Okun the next day. He was 20, a volunteer who joined up in December 2015, an only son. When the news came I realized I had forever captured his last photograph. I made sure his mother got it. Her son, Maxim for that was his name died bravely in battle. Although I could not attend his funeral I believe this good young man rests in peace having sacrificed himself in a just war, defending Ukraine. There is a glory in that.

Also on HuffPost:

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Okun Was 20 When He Sacrificed Himself To Defend Ukraine - Huffington Post Canada

VIDEO: New coal deal affects several...

PORT CLINTON, Pa. - Last month, a major deal was struck between a Pennsylvania coal company and a Ukrainian utility.

The arrangement has huge ramifications for local coal mines and for a Port Clinton company called Reading & Northern Railroad.

Andrew Muller, Jr. is the CEO of Reading & Northern, and is a train entrepreneur.

He told 69 News with a laugh, "I played with trains ever since I was a kid, so...I don't want to say I'm playing with trains now but it's sort of close, right?"

According to Muller, business is good.

"Healthy would be an understatement. It's tremendous," he said.

His trains move all kinds of freight.

"If you're using it, we're moving it. From sugar to paper, to chemicals," he said.

They also move coal from local mines.

"This year? I mean we could do a million tons," he said.

That is about double the usual amount, in part because of a big deal recently announced by the Trump administration.

It's hard to even imagine this, but coal pulled out of the ground in our area is being shipped to Reading, down to Baltimore, and then to Ukraine.

"We're talking about approximately 700,000 tons of coal," said Ernie Thrasher, CEO of XCoal Energy and Resources.

His company won the lucrative contract with the Ukrainian utility Centrenergo PJSC, which generates electricity.

The U.S. government helped facilitate the deal, but he says that's where it ends.

"There's no government money involved, no government subsidies involved. It's a true commercial transaction," he told 69 News.

While the deal helps his company, and local mines, it's also part of a foreign policy strategy to lessen Russian influence over Ukraine.

"There's a history of Russia using energy as a foreign policy tool," he said.

"This will free the Ukrainians of that obligation to succumb to that pressure from the Russian coal mining companies."

That all comes back to Andrew Muller.

To help move all that coal to Ukraine, they need his trains.

"We don't own any of the coal, we don't buy or sell any of it. Our role is strictly to move it," he said.

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From Pennsylvania to Ukraine with coal - WFMZ Allentown