Archive for the ‘Ukraine’ Category

Ukraine’s Accelerating Slide into Authoritarianism – The National Interest

U.S. officials have long been fond of portraying Ukraine as a plucky democracy fending off the menace of aggression from an authoritarian Russia. Washingtons idealized image has never truly corresponded with the murkier reality, but the gap has now become a chasm. Several actions that President Volodymyr Zelenskys government has taken in recent months are alarmingly authoritarian. Treating Ukraine as a useful (much less, an essential) U.S. security partner cannot be justified on the basis of realist calculations and is needlessly provocative toward Russia. Trying to portray Ukraine as a model democracy deserving U.S. protection on moral grounds is even more far-fetched. Indeed, attempting to do so reflects either willful blindness or the worst sort of cynicism.

There has been a fraudulent element to Washingtons policy ever since Barack Obamas administration backed Ukraines so-called Maidan Revolution in 2014. Administration officials, most notably Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland and U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt, encouraged and aided demonstrators who sought to overthrow the duly elected, but pro-Russia, government. U.S. leaders insisted that the revolution was a spontaneous, pro-democracy uprising by Ukrainians opposed to President Viktor Yanukovychs corrupt rule, even though Washingtons fingerprints were all over the campaign.

The administration and its allies in the Western news media conveniently ignored other ugly aspects of the democratic revolution. Although there were genuine democrats in the demonstrations, there were also armed ultranationalist and even outright fascist elements, such as Svoboda and Right Sector, which played crucial roles. After the revolution, those factions continued to be a troubling presence in the new, democratic Ukraine. The neo-Nazi Azov Battalion, for example, was an integral part of President Petro Poroshenkos military and security apparatus.

Ultranationalist and anti-Semitic incidents by extremist groups on the streets of Kiev and other cities became far too common in the years following the Maidan Revolution. The Poroshenko governments own policies also exhibited an increasingly authoritarian aspect. Ukrainian officials harassed political dissidents, adopted censorship measures, and barred foreign journalists they regarded as critics of the government and its policies.

As bad as the situation was under Poroshenko, however, it has grown even worse under his successor, Zelensky. In early February 2021, the Ukrainian government closed several pro-Russia, independent media outlets, and did so on the basis of utterly vague, open-ended standards. On May 13, 2021, a Ukrainian court ordered prominent pro-Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk, a political ally of the owner of those television stations, to be put under house arrest while he faced allegations of treason. Medvedchuk, leader of the Opposition Platform - For Life political party, is one of Zelenskys most outspoken critics. Prosecutors had earlier accused him of engaging in subversive activities against Ukraine, including in the economic sphere,"

Medvedchuk is hardly the only target of an increasingly ugly political crackdown. In mid-April, Ukraines state security service detained 60 demonstrators in the city of Kharkiv who sought to protest actions by the local city council. The authorities did not accuse the protestors of engaging in violence; indeed, there was no evidence of such behavior. Instead, the state security service alleged that pro-Russian political forces had sent the demonstrators to stage protests as a way to "justify possible acts of Russian aggression against Ukraine." One could include almost any political activity under the rubric of such a vague, emotionally charged allegation.

The Maidan Revolution alumni now seem to be trying to devour even some of their own members. In mid-May, Kiev mayor Vitali Klitschko charged agents of the SBU, Ukraines state security agency, had come to his apartment in what he denounced as a continuing attempt by his political rival, Zelensky, to put pressure on him. Earlier in May, the SBU, the state prosecutor's office, and police carried out large-scale searches of various units of the Kiev city government, accusing the local authorities of misappropriation of budget funds and tax evasion, among other offenses. Although Klitschko was one of the original leaders of the Maidan demonstrations, Zelensky apparently now regards him as an annoying rival, since the Kiev mayor was a close ally of former president Poroshenko.

Such actions are hard to square with the U.S. foreign policy blobs portrayal of Ukraine as a vibrant, tolerant democracy. Typical of the idealized image was the version offered by William Taylor during House impeachment hearings against President Donald Trump. Taylor had served as interim U.S. ambassador to Kiev, and he clearly was fond of both the Maidan Revolution and the government it birthed. According to Taylor, Ukrainian leaders sought to create an inclusive, democratic nationalism, not unlike what we in America, in our best moments, feel about our country.

The real Ukraine far more closely resembles the illiberal, pseudo-democratic systems that we have seen emerge in Russia, Hungary, Turkey, and other countries than it does the United States. It is reckless to treat Ukraine as a U.S. ally on strategic grounds, and it is morally offensive to do so on the basis of alleged democratic solidarity. The Biden administration should jettison this increasingly odious client state as soon as possible.

Ted Galen Carpenter, a senior fellow in security studies at the Cato Institute and a contributing editor at the National Interest, is the author of 12 books and more than 900 articles on international affairs.

Image: Reuters

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Ukraine's Accelerating Slide into Authoritarianism - The National Interest

Visit Ukraine – INFORMATION FOR TOURISTS AND VISITORS …

Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of March 22, 2021 230 amended the resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of December 9, 2020 1236.

From March 24, 2021, all foreign citizens, without exception, regardless of the country of arrival to enter Ukraine must have a policy (certificate) of insurance issued by an insurance company registered in Ukraine, and covers the costs related to the treatment of COVID-19, observation, and is valid for the entire period of stay in Ukraine. As well as a negative result of testing for COVID-19 by polymerase chain reaction that was done no more than 72 hours before crossing the state border. Test is not required for children under 12 years.

Citizens of Ukraine in order to cross the Ukrainian border must have a negative PCR test that was done a maximum of 72 hours before entry. In the absence of the test, the Ukrainian must install the application Vdoma and self-isolate for 14 days. It is possible to complete self-isolation ahead of time in case of a negative PCR test result.

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Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctions | U.S. Department of the …

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Sanctions Brochures are an overview of OFAC's regulations with regard to the Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctions. They are useful quick reference tools.

OFAC has compiled hundreds of frequently asked questions (FAQs) about its sanctions programs and related policies. The links below send the user to OFAC's FAQ pages.

The Sectoral Sanctions Identifications List includes persons determined by OFAC to be operating in sectors of the Russian economy identified by the Secretary of the Treasury pursuant to Executive Order 13662.

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OFAC issues advisories to the public on important issues related to the sanctions programs it administers. While these documents may focus on specific industries and activities, they should be reviewed by any party interested in OFAC compliance.

OFACissues interpretive guidance on specific issues related to the sanctions programs it administers. These interpretations of OFAC policyare sometimes published in response to a public request for guidance or may be released proactively by OFAC in order to address acomplex topic.

It may be in your and the U.S. governments interest to authorize particular economic activity related to the Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctions. Visit the link below to apply for an OFAC license.

Certain activities related to the Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctionsmay be allowed if they are licensed by OFAC. Below OFAC has issued guidance and statements on specific licensing policies as they relate totheUkraine-/Russia-related Sanctions.

OFAC issues general licenses in order to authorize activities that would otherwise be prohibited with regard to Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctions. General licenses allow all US persons to engage in the activity described in the general license without needing to apply for a specific license.

The Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctionsprogram represents the implementation of multiple legal authorities. Some of these authorities are in the form of an executive order issued by the President. Other authorities are public laws (statutes) passed by The Congress. These authorities are further codified by OFAC in its regulations which are published in the Code of Federal Regulations (CFR). Modifications to these regulations are posted in the Federal Register.

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Ukraine-/Russia-related Sanctions | U.S. Department of the ...

Ukraine’s leader moves to strip oligarchs of power with new bill – Reuters

Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskiy urged lawmakers on Wednesday to pass a law that would strip the oligarchs who have dominated the country for decades of power and political influence.

Ukraine's allies and major donors have repeatedly criticised it for not reining in the handful of wealthy businessmen, many of them owners of TV channels, who shape policy behind the scenes.

The proposed law, which would be in force for 10 years, should be "the first step towards the elimination of the oligarchic system," Zelenskiy's office said.

Under it, persons meeting the definition of oligarch would be registered as such and prohibited from financing political parties and taking part in privatisations, and required to submit an annual declaration of income.

Local media have speculated that 10 or more Ukrainians may meet the definition, including Ihor Kolomoisky, the owner of the 1+1 TV channel that gave then-comedian Zelenskiy a powerful platform during his meteoric rise to the presidency on an anti-corruption ticket in spring 2019.

The current parliament, in which pro-Zelenskiy lawmakers have a majority, was elected in the same year. It was not clear on Thursday when it will debate and vote on the bill, which Zelenskiy's office classed as urgent.

The draft law would also require officials, including the president, prime minister, head of the central bank, lawmakers, senior military officials and other top authorities to submit a declaration after any contact with oligarchs.

"The bill does not violate the fundamental rights of people who fall under the definition of an oligarch, but only defines the circle of these people and establishes the rules of their transparent relations with government officials," Zelenskiy's office said.

The law should become the basis for antitrust and lobbying legislation, it added.

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Ukraine's leader moves to strip oligarchs of power with new bill - Reuters

Oleksandr Zinchenko: a brave rebel leading Ukraine to new heights – The Guardian

This article is part of the Guardians Euro 2020 Experts Network, a cooperation between some of the best media organisations from the 24 countries who qualified. theguardian.com is running previews from two countries each day in the run-up to the tournament kicking off on 11 June.

Today almost half the Ukraine national team play in one of Europes top leagues but five or six years ago, the Yellow and Blue were associated exclusively with clubs back home such as Dynamo, Shakhtar and Dnipro.

Yevhen Konoplyanka left Dnipro and his Ukrainian comfort zone at that time. Then Andriy Yarmolenko moved to the Bundesliga, but this story is not about them.

It is about a player whose first appearance for Ukraine caused a lot of controversy. He made his debut while playing in a foreign league but not one of the top European ones, the championship of neighbouring Russia at a time when relations were hostile. In 2015 Russia had been occupying Crimea for a year following the military conflict in Donbass. Back then Oleksandr Zinchenko played for the Russian Premier Leagues little-known Ufa and was an inexperienced young man who became known as a rebel in his homeland. Therefore, his call-up to the national team for the Euro 2016 qualifier against Spain surprised fans. And his appearance on the field in the 88th minute of that match even more so.

In terms of his footballing ability Zinchenko was far from the top level even by Ukrainian standards. He was still only 18 and considered no more than a promising player but Ukrainian football officials decided to fast-track him into the national team when rumours spread about Russias desire to naturalise Zinchenko for their team. So on 10 October 2015 he became one of the Ukraines youngest debutants and on 29 May 2016 his goal against Romania earned him the record of the youngest ever scorer for Ukraine. In little more than five years he became the youngest captain in the history of the national team.

His path is one of perseverance, flexibility and bags of courage. Previously we called Zinchenko a rebel for good reason, as his escape from Shakhtar still irritates executives at the Donetsk club. Zinchenko never played for the first team of the 13-times champions of Ukraine but was the captain of their under-19s. But in 2014 he decided to leave.

Shakhtar considered the termination of their contract with Zinchenko a unilateral initiative of the player. They filed a lawsuit and Fifa fined him 8,000 but the club remained dissatisfied with this decision. Therefore, the case went to the court of arbitration for sport but there Zinchenko won. In February 2015, he signed a contract with Ufa and played there for almost a year and a half.

His decision to burn bridges with Shakhtar was a brave one. Zinchenko was unsure of his future and during the period after escaping from Shakhtar and before signing a contract with Ufa, he kept in shape by training with amateurs. The opportunity at Ufa came about by chance. He had plans to join Rubin Kazan but agents were unable to reverse the deal. With legal threats hanging over Zinchenko and potential employers it seemed more likely that Zinchenko would win the lottery than progress to a top club in Europe in a year or two.

However, the Ukrainian pulled out his lucky ticket. The story of how Zinchenko became a Manchester City player is fast becoming a folk tale in Ukraine. It is said that a video of Zinchenko in action was simply shown to Pep Guardiola and he said: Lets go! Maybe he knew that there were talented players in Ukraine. At Barcelona, Guardiola lobbied for the transfer of the Ukrainian defender Dmytro Chygrynskiy. Maybe in Zinchenko he was just quick to see potential. Whatever the reason, the deal happened.

And a new journey began. An unsuccessful loan spell at PSV (he even played seven reserve games there), a long period as an unused Manchester City squad player, a refusal to move to Napoli and Wolves did not augur well for his future prospects but his breakthrough finally came. Now he is an important player in one of the best teams in the world. Zinchenko may not be the strongest left-back Guardiola has ever worked with but he is certainly one of his best students. One who absorbs coaching instructions and tactics like a sponge.

At City he switched from midfield to left-back. This fact speaks of Zinchenkos flexibility. In the national team, he still plays as a central midfielder but here, as with City, Zinchenko is ready to play where he will be most useful for the team.

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Ukraine, under the management of Andriy Shevchenko, are trying to play tactically diverse football. There are several basic principles: ball control, the use of short and medium passes, rapid advancement and pressure. The team reached their peak during the Euro 2020 qualifiers, when they destroyed a strong Serbia team 5-0 in Lviv. Then the European champions Portugal , led by Ronaldo, were defeated 2-1 in Kyiv. Ukraine topped their qualifying group and will play at Euro 2020 with great hope. Zinchenko is one of those who must bear the burden of expectations back home.

Zinchenko is a leader and engaging when speaking to the media. Hes also the symbol of a new generation of Ukrainian players. His emotional celebration after the victory against Portugal was replayed countless times on Ukrainian TV.. His regular presence on social media has also inspired other Ukrainian footballers to be more open to the public.

After all, he is one of those who will try to prove in the summer that Ukraine is now a very good football nation.

Igor Semyon writes for ua-football.com.

Follow Igor on Twitter @igor_semyon.

For a tactical guide on Ukraine click here.

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Oleksandr Zinchenko: a brave rebel leading Ukraine to new heights - The Guardian