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This week, Ukraines ambassador to the United Nations, Sergiy Kyslytsya, read out before the General Assembly what he said were text messages a Russian soldier sent to his mother moments before he was killed. They were obtained, he said, by Ukrainian forces after the soldier died.

Mama, Im in Ukraine, the ambassador read. There is a real war raging here. Im afraid. We are bombing all of the cities together, even targeting civilians. We were told that they would welcome us and they are falling under our armored vehicles, throwing themselves under the wheels and not allowing us to pass. They call us fascists. Mama, this is so hard.

The messages read out under the global spotlight of a high-profile United Nations meeting offered a poignant reminder of the human cost of war. They also served as a potent example of how central the battle is for public opinion around the world in a lopsided war between Russias military machine and a scrappy, increasingly better-armed Ukraine.

Both sides efforts to influence the narrative and perception of the war are striking.

Ukrainian officials are using the reports and images on social media of Russian casualties to try to undercut the morale of the invading forces. President Vladimir V. Putin, meanwhile, has described the government of President Volodymyr Zelensky as a band of drug addicts and neo-Nazis. And at least some Russian soldiers appear to have imbibed the misinformation emanating from the Kremlin that their invasion would be welcomed.

Ukraines military, interior ministry and U.N. ambassador did not respond to requests for more information to help verify the authenticity of the messages read out at the United Nations.

Whatever their origins, the messages allude to an undeniable theme of the war: Fierce resistance by Ukrainian forces has denied Mr. Putin the quick and easy victory Russia appears to have anticipated, while some among Russias young military force have been ill-prepared for battle and buffeted by bad morale.

On Tuesday, a senior Pentagon official said that entire Russian units had laid down their arms without a fight after confronting surprisingly robust Ukrainian defenders. In some cases, Russian troops have punched holes in their vehicles gas tanks, presumably to avoid combat, the official said.

A Ukrainian city falls. Russian troops gained control of Kherson,the first city to be overcome during the war. The overtaking of Kherson is significant as it allows the Russians to control more of Ukraines southern coastline and to push west toward the city of Odessa.

The decision to read the text messages, Russia experts and Pentagon officials said, was also a not-so-veiled reminder to Mr. Putin of the role Russian mothers have had in bringing attention to military losses that the government tried to keep secret.

In fact, a group now called the Union of Committees of Soldiers Mothers of Russia played a pivotal part in opening up the military to public scrutiny and in influencing perceptions of military service, Julie Elkner, a Russia historian, wrote in The Journal of Power Institutions in Post-Soviet Societies.

For Mr. Putin, the rising death toll on the Russian side could undermine domestic support for his Ukrainian incursion. Russian memories are long and mothers of soldiers, in particular, American officials say, could easily hark back to the 15,000 troops killed when the Soviet Union invaded and occupied Afghanistan, or the thousands killed in Chechnya.

Mr. Putin has tried to counter assessments from Western officials that Russia was running into greater resistance than expected. But on Thursday, he acknowledged there had been losses, promising the families of the fallen a special payout of 5 million rubles, or nearly $50,000.

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Information Battle Over Ukraine Intensifies - The New York Times

More Russian missile strikes and shells are hitting Ukrainian cities, with tremendous damage reported. Twenty-one people have been killed in Kharkiv as a result of what appeared to be a Russian rocket attack. Russia claims it has taken over the southern Ukrainian city of Kherson, but Ukrainian officials sharply dispute this. They say they fear Russia is targeting Ukrainian civilians.

Here's what we're following today:

United Nations vote: In an emergency session, the General Assembly voted 141-5 to condemn Russia and demand that it end its war in Ukraine.

Ukraine accuses Russia of terror: The Kremlin is relying on the criminal tactics of long-range shelling of peaceful cities, Ukraine's defense minister said.

Russia shuts down media critics: Authorities have blocked two leading Russian media outlets over their critical coverage of the Kremlin's invasion of Ukraine.

Ukrainians risk everything to go home: While hundreds of thousands have fled the country, many are crossing back to join the fight.

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Russia invades Ukraine live updates: The U.N. votes overwhelmingly to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine - NPR

Sometime in the early hours of Thursday morning, video clips of Russias invasion of Ukraine started making their way around the Internet. Enormous plumes of black smoke billowed into the peachy daybreak skies of Kharkiv and Kherson. On the other side of the country, a cell-phone video, filmed from what appeared to be an apartment window in Lutsk, zoomed in over a roadwhere cars, taxis, and buses still travelledto show an explosion in the distance. A flock of startled birds flew off, and the Ukrainian voices behind the camera registered the shock that the whole world seemed to be feeling: the Russians were coming, and they had brought all their bombs, tanks, and missiles with them.

The conflict was notable for how much the public already knew about it. The Biden Administration proactively declassified intelligence about Russias intentions in Ukraine, as a means to both foil Putins false pretenses for starting the war and expose his real motivations: to restore mid-century Soviet order. Another thing was made clear early on: the U.S. would not be intervening. Ukraine isnt in NATO. The U.S. and its allies, which have adopted a series of tough economic sanctions against Russia, have no treaty obligation to defend Ukraine, no matter how sympathetic the countrys predicament might be. Whatever kind of spitball spin Fox News hosts and J.D. Vance have tried to put on thingsstoking the idea that the White House is angling to send in ground troopsthe Administration has said repeatedly that it wont get involved militarily. Yes, there will be worthy endeavors, such as providing weapons, sharing intelligence, and assisting refugees, but our geopolitical might is mostly on hold for fear of conflict with a nuclear power. Crass as it may sound, the war in Ukraine is, for Americans, more of a media experience than anything else. Mostly what we will do is watch.

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Watching a war in 2022 means digesting packaged bits from a buffet of human suffering. There is a never-ending supply of man-on-the-street interviews, podcasts produced in the dead of nightunder the spectre of deathand TV broadcasts filled with dire B-roll. Maybe we are bearing witness? Thats certainly the high-minded spin, the motivating virtue of conflict journalism. If thats the case, on Thursday, February 24th, I bore witness on an early car ride to the doctors office. There were speeches to catch up on: Putin proclaiming the need to de-Nazify Ukraine, and Volodymyr Zelensky, Ukraines first Jewish president, pleading for peace. Between historical explanations of Ukraine and Russias relationship, I came across chilling, though thinly sourced, reports that the invading Russian Army would be followed by mobile crematoriums. My mind flashed to the Afghan war memorial Id seen when Id visited Yekaterinburg a few years ago: an iron soldier, sitting with a Kalashnikov in hand, head downcast, the names of all the dead encircling hima memorial to a war that people resented.

We are so deluged by information about the situation on the ground, from every angle, that some have called this the TikTok War. I read a piece in the waiting room of the doctors office about how Russians were shocked by Putins aggression, how analysts chalked up his obsession with the restoration of the U.S.S.R.s borders to pandemic-era isolation. As crowds of protesters took to the streets in St. Petersburg, reports on Twitter showed videos of what were apparently Russian aerial attacks on an airport near Kyiv. President Zelensky announced that a hundred and thirty-seven Ukrainians died that day. I was sitting among mostly pregnant women, all quietly gestating and scrolling; later, Id see a video of NICU nurses in the eastern Ukrainian city of Dnipro, tending to their tiny patients laid out on benches in a makeshift bomb shelter.

Through Twitter, you could be swept into portals of essential local reporting, like that of the Kyiv Independent, which reminded me of the way that Id used the app during the Arab Spring. A decade ago, it had been a novel realization that an uprising could be documented from the ground up, in painstaking detail, complete with video evidence. The view felt intimate in a way that standup shots of news anchors in Brooks Brothers and flak jackets could never achieve. These past few days, news obsessives could feel that they had a similarly well-rounded grasp on the military, diplomatic, historical, and human contours of the Ukrainian conflict, in no small part because of civilian-filmed videos, such as one of a bombing in a neighborhood in Kharkiv with the soft crying of a woman audible in the background.

Most major U.S. newspapers have some sort of around-the-clock live blog of events. There are stark feats of photojournalism everywhere, and compelling interviews with some of the half a million Ukrainians fleeing their homes. Zelenskys 2006 turn on a dance competition show has gone viralthe actor turned wartime President has easily become the foremost Internet hero in all of this. He is also, if the Russians take control of the country, almost certainly a dead man. The story of defiant Ukrainian soldiers on Snake Island telling an invading Russian warship to go fuck yourself, before being killed, was inspiring but not true; the Ukrainian Navy now says that the soldiers are all all alive. You can find many videos of everyday Ukrainians learning how to make Molotov cocktails and signing up for street patrols to defend their country. Harder to findrightfully soare images of the civilians dead from cluster-bomb attacks.

The immersive experience of Ukraine coveragethat constant tending to our phones, the endlessly refreshed video feed of action in the countrys streets and bomb sheltersmakes us feel deeply involved in the conflict, even from a position of relative impotence in the West. We feel digitally proximate to the war, thanks to wall-to-wall coverage. Yes, theres a tangled web of Eurocentrism and racism that makes Americans more outraged at a war in Europe than one in Syria. There are parts of that scrolling that feel prurient. Are we bearing witness or simply watching things in a faraway place go boom? We both shrink from and seek out the macabre. But that connectivitywar as media experienceis still human connection. And it is perhaps as close as we get to empathy across borders and through the fog of an unfolding war.

The journalist Hussein Kesvani described online response to these first days of the war in Ukraine as memeification, the marvel-isation, the spectacle of an ongoing war rendered as entertainment. Theres nothing inherently wrong with creating heroesCasablanca was made in the midst of the Second World War, an homage to the righteousness of the Allied cause in the face of Fascism. But war is also helltrite but true. Its a dead Russian soldier lying on the ground, covered in snow, abandoned, and a six-year-old dying in front of her mother. While we might feel connected to the struggles in Ukraine through stories of bravery and valor, theyre not the full story. And its also probably about to get much, much worse for the defiant Ukrainians. They might be winning the hearts and minds of the world via social-media dispatch, but there is a long column of Russian tanks that has yet to roll into their capital city.

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A Mediated View of the War in Ukraine - The New Yorker

Telegrams experience illustrates the competing pressures. The app is popular in Russia and Ukraine for sharing images, videos and information about the war. But it has also become a gathering ground for war misinformation, such as unverified images from battlefields.

On Sunday, Pavel Durov, Telegrams founder, posted to his more than 600,000 followers on the platform that he was considering blocking some war-related channels inside Ukraine and Russia because they could aggravate the conflict and incite ethnic hatred.

Users responded with alarm, saying they relied on Telegram for independent information. Less than an hour later, Mr. Durov reversed course.

A Ukrainian city falls. Russian troops gained control of Kherson,the first city to be overcome during the war. The overtaking of Kherson is significant as it allows the Russians to control more of Ukraines southern coastline and to push west toward the city of Odessa.

Many users asked us not to consider disabling Telegram channels for the period of the conflict, since we are the only source of information for them, he wrote. Telegram did not respond to a request for comment.

Inside Meta, which also owns Instagram and WhatsApp, the situation has been chaotic because of the volume of Russian disinformation on its apps, said two employees, who were not authorized to speak publicly. Russian experts on Metas security team, which identifies and removes state-sponsored disinformation from Facebook and Instagram, have been working around the clock and communicating regularly with Twitter, YouTube and other companies about their findings, the two employees said.

Metas security team has long debated whether to restrict Sputnik and Russia Today, two of Russias largest state-run media sites, on its platforms or label their posts so they clearly state their source. Russia Today and Sputnik are critical elements in Russias disinformation and propaganda ecosystem, according to a January report from the State Department.

Meta executives had resisted the moves, saying they would anger Russia, the employees said. But after war broke out, Nick Clegg, who heads global affairs for Meta, announced on Monday that the company would restrict access to Russia Today and Sputnik across the European Union.

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Ukraine War Tests the Power of Tech Giants - The New York Times

SINGAPORE Much of the world has united against Russia in the aftermath of its incursion into Ukraine. Envoys have walked out of meetings rather than listen to a top Russian diplomat speak. Western nations have been in near lock step on international sanctions. Bartenders are banning Russian vodka.

In Asia, the reaction has been far more mixed.

Generals in Myanmar have called Russias actions the right thing to do. India abstained from a United Nations Security Council resolution to condemn the attack. China has refused to call the assault on Ukraine an invasion. And in Vietnam, Vladimir V. Putin, the Russian president, is being affectionately referred to as Uncle Putin.

While most American allies in the region have fallen in line, authoritarian governments and those with weaker ties to the West have been more reluctant to act on the conflict in Ukraine. Across the Asia-Pacific, only Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Australia have agreed to international sanctions against Moscow. Taiwan, the self-governed territory that China claims as its own, has also agreed to sanctions and voiced support for Ukraine.

The uneven response is unlikely to counterbalance the onslaught of Western anger, but it could test the limits of President Bidens pledge to make Mr. Putin a pariah on the international stage.

Russias influence in Asia is minimal compared with that of the United States, though it has grown in recent years, with a particular focus on arms sales. Already, the economic ministry in Moscow announced last Friday that it would seek to expand economic and trade ties with Asia to help offset Western sanctions.

I dont think we will shun Russia, said Bilahari Kausikan, Singapores former ambassador to Russia. It is still a big country and is a nuclear weapons state. It is also a permanent member of the Security Council, a status that is unlikely to change, Mr. Kausikan said.

Russia has sold fighter jets to Indonesia, Malaysia and Myanmar, but its biggest customer in Southeast Asia is Vietnam. From 2000 to 2019, 84 percent of Vietnams weapons imports came from Russia, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

In its bid to counter China, Vietnam has bought billions of dollars worth of Russian artillery, aircraft and submarines, transforming its military into one of Southeast Asias most capable fighting forces while making itself dependent on Moscow for years to come.

In India, Moscow has been seen as a reliable military partner for decades. New Delhi is the worlds second-largest importer of Russian arms, which account for about half of its military supplies. When Mr. Putin visited New Delhi late last year, Russia detailed the sale of a $5.4 billion missile defense system to the country.

India has been careful not to condemn Russia over Ukraine and upset a time-tested friendship at a moment when China is threatening to encroach on its northeastern border. Moscow repeatedly used its veto power at the Security Council to block resolutions critical of India over Kashmir, a disputed territory India shares with Pakistan. In return, India abstained from a U.N. resolution condemning Moscow over its annexation of Crimea in 2014.

Indian officials said last week that they may even help Russia find workarounds for the new sanctions by setting up rupee accounts to continue trade with Moscow, similar to what it did after the annexation of Crimea.

Whose side is India on? said Pankaj Saran, Indias former ambassador to Russia. We are on our side. The cyclical bursts of Cold War antagonism are tiresome.

Indonesia, like India, has significantly increased its economic and defense ties with Russia over the years. Bilateral trade between the two countries rose to $2.74 billion in 2021, a 42.2 percent increase from the year before. Palm oil makes up about 38 percent of Indonesias exports to Russia.

In December 2021, Jakarta hosted the first-ever joint maritime exercise between Russia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN.

March 4, 2022, 7:29 a.m. ET

Indonesia does not see Russia as a threat to global politics or as a foe, said Dinna Prapto Raharja, an associate professor in international relations at Bina Nusantara University in Jakarta. Unilateral sanctions limit the chance for negotiation and heightens the sense of insecurity to the affected countries, she added.

Last Thursday, Teuku Faizasyah, a spokesman for Indonesias Foreign Ministry, suggested that the country had no intention of imposing sanctions against Moscow, arguing it would not blindly follow the steps taken by another country.

Where the United States has been quick to criticize Russia for its policies, Mr. Putins brand of authoritarian politics has appealed to many countries across Asia, and especially in Southeast Asia, where strongman rule is often favored.

In a 2017 Pew Research Center global survey, more than half those polled in the Philippines and Vietnam said they trusted Mr. Putin. At the height of the pandemic, Moscow donated Covid-19 vaccines to the Philippines, Vietnam and Laos.

I am a big fan of Uncle Putin because he always takes drastic actions, said Tran Trung Hieu, 28, an independent filmmaker in Hanoi, using the same term of respect that locals use for Ho Chi Minh, the revolutionary who led the independence movement in Vietnam.

Rodrigo Duterte, the president of the Philippines, has called Mr. Putin his favorite hero. The Philippines on Monday said it condemned the invasion in Ukraine but did not name Russia. Last week, Vietnam refrained from singling Russia out as an aggressor, and instead called on all relevant parties to exercise restraint.

A Ukrainian city falls. Russian troops gained control of Kherson,the first city to be overcome during the war. The overtaking of Kherson is significant as it allows the Russians to control more of Ukraines southern coastline and to push west toward the city of Odessa.

Two editors for a Vietnamese online magazine and Vietnam National Television said they were told to censor themselves in their reports on the war, including reducing the extent and frequency of coverage, and banning the word invasion. Both asked to remain anonymous for fear of government reprisals.

But no country in Southeast Asia has been more supportive of Russia since the invasion than Myanmar, where the military seized power in a coup 13 months ago. Senior military officers from both nations, including Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the head of Myanmars regime, exchanged visits several times last year.

Last week, Maj. Gen Zaw Min Tun, the spokesman for the junta, told The New York Times that Moscow had done its part to maintain its sovereignty, and that the attack was the right thing to do. Russia has continued to sell arms to Myanmar after the coup, despite warnings as a humanitarian crisis unfolds.

On Monday, President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine called for an international tribunal to investigate Russia for war crimes, but governments in Asia have long understood that being vocal about human rights abuses risks inviting unwanted scrutiny on repressive policies at home.

Thailand, a treaty ally of the United States, has said little about the war except that it supported ongoing efforts to find a peaceful settlement. Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Bangkoks Chulalongkorn University, called that stance sitting on the fence and not wanting to get down from the fence at all.

When Thailand engages abroad, it is concerned, it is fearful that there will be questions about domestic issues in Thailand, Mr. Thitinan said. The country quelled recent nationwide protests by arresting dozens of young people.

Even among the stalwart American allies in Asia, the decision to punish Russia has included some hesitation.

South Korea, after a delay, said it would implement sanctions imposed by the United States and Europe but would not enact its own penalties. Officials said the country needed to keep in mind that our trade relations with Russia are growing. By contrast, Japans prime minister, Fumio Kishida, was quick to condemn Russian aggression and announce sanctions.

In an interview, Kateryna Zelenko, Ukraines ambassador to Singapore, said a refusal to stop Russia would ultimately compromise global security. It must be clear that keeping silent and standing neutral is a form of consent, Ms. Zelenko said.

She added: We really hope that everyone soon understands that in this terrible war, nobody will be able to sit out.

Sui-Lee Wee reported from Singapore, Emily Schmall from New Delhi and Sameer Yasir from Srinagar, India. Vo Kieu Bao Uyen contributed reporting from Ho Chi Minh City, and Muktita Suhartono from Bangkok.

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Asian Nations' Mixed Reactions to the Ukraine Invasion - The New York Times