Archive for the ‘Ukraine’ Category

Ukraine | Infoplease

Geography

Located in southeast Europe, the country consists largely of fertile black soil steppes. Mountainous areas include the Carpathians in the southwest and the Crimean chain in the south. Ukraine is bordered by Belarus on the north, by Russia on the north and east, by the Black Sea on the south, by Moldova and Romania on the southwest, and by Hungary, Slovakia, and Poland on the west.

Constitutional republic.

Ukraine was known as Kievan Rus (from which Russia is a derivative) up until the 16th century. In the 9th century, Kiev was the major political and cultural center in eastern Europe. Kievan Rus reached the height of its power in the 10th century and adopted Byzantine Christianity. The Mongol conquest in 1240 ended Kievan power. From the 13th to the 16th century, Kiev was under the influence of Poland and western Europe. The negotiation of the Union of Brest-Litovsk in 1596 divided the Ukrainians into Orthodox and Ukrainian Catholic faithful. In 1654, Ukraine asked the czar of Moscovy for protection against Poland, and the Treaty of Pereyasav signed that year recognized the suzerainty of Moscow. The agreement was interpreted by Moscow as an invitation to take over Kiev, and the Ukrainian state was eventually absorbed into the Russian Empire.

After the Russian Revolution, Ukraine declared its independence from Russia on Jan. 28, 1918, and several years of warfare ensued with several groups. The Red Army finally was victorious over Kiev, and in 1920 Ukraine became a Soviet republic. In 1922, Ukraine became one of the founders of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In the 1930s, the Soviet government's enforcement of collectivization met with peasant resistance, which in turn prompted the confiscation of grain from Ukrainian farmers by Soviet authorities; the resulting famine took an estimated 5 million lives. Ukraine was one of the most devastated Soviet republics after World War II. (For details on World War II, see Headline History, World War II.) On April 26, 1986, the nation's nuclear power plant at Chernobyl was the site of the world's worst nuclear accident. On Oct. 29, 1991, the Ukrainian parliament voted to shut down the reactor within two years' time and asked for international assistance in dismantling it.

When President Leonid Kravchuk was elected by the Ukrainian parliament in 1990, he vowed to seek Ukrainian sovereignty. Ukraine declared its independence on Aug. 24, 1991. In Dec. 1991, Ukrainian, Russian, and Belorussian leaders cofounded a new Commonwealth of Independent States with the capital to be situated in Minsk, Belarus. The new country's government was slow to reform the Soviet-era state-run economy, which was plagued by declining production, rising inflation, and widespread unemployment in the years following independence. The U.S. announced in Jan. 1994 that an agreement had been reached with Russia and Ukraine for the destruction of Ukraine's entire nuclear arsenal. In Oct. 1994, Ukraine began a program of economic liberalization and moved to reestablish central authority over Crimea. In 1995, Crimea's separatist leader was removed and the Crimean constitution revoked.

In June 1996, the last strategic nuclear warhead was removed to Russia. Also that month parliament approved a new constitution that allowed for private ownership of land. An agreement was signed in May 1997 on the future of the Black Sea fleet, by which Ukrainian and Russian ships will share the port of Sevastopol for 20 years.

The Russian financial crisis in fall 1998 led to severe problems for the Ukrainian economy, which is dependent on Russia for 40% of its foreign trade. Ukraine remains saddled with its Soviet-era economy, and most of its major industries are still under state control. Corruption is rampant, and as a result, Western investors have shown only minimal interest. The election of the reform-minded Viktor Yushchenko as prime minister in Dec. 1999, however, was greeted with optimism by the West. He was also highly popular among Ukrainians. But in April 2001, he was dismissed in a no-confidence vote engineered by Communist hard-liners and Ukrainian big business.

Violent demonstrations rocked Ukraine in the winter of 2001, with protesters demanding the resignation and impeachment of authoritarian president Leonid Kuchma. Critics accused Kuchma of involvement in the murder of a journalist critical of government corruption. Kuchma was recorded on tape urging that the journalist be disposed of.

In 2004, Kuchma announced he would be retiring. A presidential election pitted Viktor Yushchenko, the former reformist prime minister, against Viktor Yanukovich, the current prime minister and Kuchma's chosen successor. The campaign was an especially dirty one. Yushchenko was nearly fatally poisoned with dioxin and had to be hospitalized for several weeks shortly before the election. His doctors predicted that the poisoning will affect his health for years to come. In the Nov. 21 runoff election, Prime Minister Yanukovich received 49.5% of the vote and Yushchenko 46.5%. International monitors declared the elections massively fraudulent. Hundreds of thousands of Yushchenko's supporters took to the streets of the capital and other cities in protest, and what became known as the Orange Revolution (after Yushchenko's signature campaign color) continued full strength over the next two weeks. On Dec. 3, the supreme court invalidated the election results. On Dec. 8, parliament voted in favor of an overhaul of Ukraine's political system, amending the constitution to reform election laws and transferring some presidential powers to the parliament. In the final presidential runoff on Dec. 26, Yushchenko won 52% of the vote to Yanukovich's 44.2%. On Jan. 23, 2005, Viktor Yushchenko was sworn in. Fellow reformist Yulia Timoshenko became the prime minister. But within the year Yushchenko's reformist reputation was tarnished by his administration's infighting and allegations of corruption. He fired Prime Minster Timoshenko and her entire cabinet in Aug. 2005. The crisis shook the public's belief in the Orange Revolution, and Yushchenko's continued inattentiveness to governmental corruption has further disillusioned the public.

Russia suddenly quadrupled the price of gas sold to Ukraine in Jan. 2006, triggering an energy crisis in the country. Ukraine maintained that Russia, angry at Ukraine's growing pro-Western stance and its loss of influence in the region, was attempting to damage its economy. Russia maintained that the rise in prices was purely a commercial consideration. Russia briefly stemmed the flow of gas to Ukraine to force the country to accept the higher prices, sending alarms throughout Europea quarter of Europe's gas supplies come from Russia via Ukraine's pipelines. A compromise was eventually reached, with Ukraine agreeing to pay about double its current price. Furious at the unfavorable terms of the deal, Ukraine's parliament then sacked the government of prime minister Yuri Yekhanurov. The prime minister, however, maintained the vote was nonbinding.

In parliamentary elections on March 26, 2006, Yushchenko's party fared badly, receiving only 14% of the vote. His two major opponents did considerably better: Viktor Yanukovich, the former prime minister whom Yushchenko had defeated in 2004, received the largest percentage, 32%, and Yulia Timoshenko, the former prime minister whom Yushchenko had sacked earlier in 2005, won 32% of the vote. It took until August before a strange ruling coalition was cobbled together: Yushchenko appointed his arch-rival Viktor Yanukovich as prime ministerthe very leader the Orange Revolution had defeated in 2004. Yanukovich has vowed to strengthen Ukraine's ties with Russia once again.

Yushchenko, accusing Yanukovich of attempting to consolidate power, dissolved Parliament in April 2007. After extended negotiations and political posturing, the rivals agreed to hold parliamentary elections in the fall. The elections in September proved inconclusive, and after weeks of talks, the parties that rose to power during the Orange Revolution of 2004 formed a coalition.

On Oct. 9, 2008, after weeks of political turmoil that saw that collapse of his pro-Western coalition, President Viktor Yushchenko signed an order to dissolve Parliament and called for new elections.

A dispute over debts and pricing of gas supplies between Russia and Ukraine led Gazprom, the major Russian gas supplier, to halt its gas exports to Europe via Ukraine, affecting at least ten EU countries in January 2009. About 80% of Russian gas exports to Europe are pumped through Ukraine. Russia and Ukraine blamed each other for the disruption to Europe's energy supply.

Viktor Yushchenko, who led Ukraine's Orange Revolution in 2004, resoundingly lost the first round of the Ukrainian presidential election. Former prime minister Viktor Yanukovich won the second round in February 2010, defeating Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko by 3.48%. International observers declared the election fair, but Tymoshenko alleged election fraud. She resigned in March, after losing a confidence vote in Parliament. Yanukovich formed a government in March, with Mykola Azarov, a Russian-born former finance minister, as his prime minister. He promised voters that he had moved beyond his thuggish and intimidating demeanor and vowed to allow an free media, government transparency, and an active opposition, and to reach out to the West. Once elected, however, Yanukovich resumed his intolerance for the opposition and opened investigations into opposition leaders. Tymoshenko was a prime target, and in June 2011 she was arrested for exceeding her authority when she signed a gas deal with Russia in 2009. The move had the unintended effect of angering Russia, which saw the arrest as an affront to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who signed the deal, and the European Union, which profited from the agreement. She was convicted in October 2011 and sentenced to seven years in prison. The verdict was widely criticized as being political and to punish her for her continued participation in politics.

On April 13, 2012, the United States condemned the imprisonment of former Defense Minister Valery Ivashchenko. Ivashchenko was found guilty of abusing his power while in office. He was sentenced to five years in prison. Ivashchenko, who has already been in custody for 18 months, denied the charges. The U.S. released a statement that the verdict was "the latest example of selective justice."

Yulia Tymoshenko, the former prime minister serving a seven-year prison term, accused current President Yanukovych of wanting to persecute all of his political opponents. In December 2011, Tymoshenko was moved to a prison camp 300 miles away from Kiev. Many suspect the move was to keep her away from the public and the media. Tymoshenko's former Interior Minister was also found guilty and given a four year sentence.

On July 3, 2012, Parliament passed a bill that reaffirmed Ukrainian as the country's national language. The bill also allowed local governments to give official status to other languages, including Russian, as long as the other languages are spoken by at least 10% of the region's residents. Opposition argued that the new bill violated the Constitution, which designated Ukrainian as the only official language. Critics of the bill feared that giving the Russian language official status would alienate the Ukraine further from the European Union.

In late Oct. 2012, President Yanukovich's Party of Regions declared victory in parliamentary elections, with an estimated 33% of the vote. The Fatherland party, the party of jailed ex-Prime Minister Tymoshenko, came in second with around 24%.

On April 30, 2013, the European Court of Human Rights found that the detention of former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko was arbitrary and unlawful. The judges delivered a unanimous decision citing four violations of Ms. Tymoshenko's rights. While kraine has no intention of appealing the verdict, neither is the government legally obligated to release her or annul her conviction.

Ukraine was close to signing a trade agreement with the European Union in November 2013, but President Yanukovich backed out at the last minute, bowing to pressure from Russian president Vladimir Putin, who threatened financial penalties if Ukraine edged closer to Europe. In addition, Yanukovich refused to comply with an EU demand that Yanukovich release former prime minister Tymoshenko from prison. Tens of thousands of people who favor integrating with Europe, who see such a move as a vital step toward a more promising economic and democratic future, took to the streets of Kiev to protest against Yanukovich's decision. Police responded violently to the protests, using tear gas and truncheons to disperse the crowds in Independence Square.

The protests continued for days, increasing in scope and intensity after the violent response by police. By early December protesters in Kiev had taken over City Hall, the Trade Unions building, and Independence Park, blockaded the Cabinet of Ministers, and were planning to seize the parliament building. Several hundred thousand protesters gathered in Kiev in early December, demanding that Yanukovich resign. During one protest, demonstrators tore down a statue of Lenin. Days later, Yanukovich dispatched police to clear Independence Square with chainsaws and bulldozers, but they withdrew when it was clear the protesters would resume their demonstrations. Yanukovich said he would consider re-opening talks with the EU.

Instead of re-engaging with the EU, Yanukovich reached a deal with Putin in which Russia loaned Ukraine $15 billion and sharply cut oil prices. The Ukrainian government said the aid prevented the country from falling into bankruptcy and will provide economic stability. However, economists said that unless Ukraine increases revenue and cuts spending, the country will once again fall into financial crisis.

The deal did little to quell the unrest, and the protests continued in Independence Square into January 2014. Parliament hastily passed sweeping measures on Jan. 16 that outlawed demonstrations. The protests then turned violent, with demonstrators attacking police. Five protesters were killed in the battles with police. Yanukovich met with opposition leaders, but the negotiations only produced threats. Protesters began to lose confidence in the opposition leaders after they failed to win any concessions from Yanukovich. As the protests spread to cities across the country, Yanukovich offered to install opposition leader Arseniy Yatsenyuk as prime minster. He heads the Fatherland Party, which is also the party of jailed former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. Yanukovich offered the post of vice prime minister to another opposition leader, Vitaly Klitschko, a popular former boxer. Both refused the offer, saying the moves only further entrenched Yankovich. On Jan. 28, the president reversed the ban on protests. Prime Minister Nikolai Azarov and his cabinet resigned the same day. Yanukovich named Serhiy Arbuzov as interim prime minister. Amid the turmoil, Putin announced that Russisa would suspend the financial aid package until "we know what economic policies the new government will implement, who will be working there, and what rules they will follow." The news was a serious blow to Yankovichand the country.

The protests in Kiev turned violent. On Feb. 20, 2014, riot police and protesters clashed as the demonstrators attempted to reclaim portions of Independence Square, a central plaza in Kiev that police had taken over two days before. More than 100 people were killed and hundreds were wounded. The clash ended with a truce. In a deal between the opposition and Yanukovich brokered by European Union officials on Feb. 21, the president agreed to hold elections by the end of the year and accept a weakening of the presidency. The opposition wanted him to step down immediately, but signed the agreement nevertheless. Russia, however, refused to endorse the deal. After the agreement, Parliament passed a series of measures that illustrated Yanukovich's weakened position. It voted to free former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko from prison and exonerate her, which will allow her to run for election, grant amnesty to anti-government protesters, and annul constitutional amendments passed in 2008 that expanded the power of the presidency.

The opposition didn't accept the deal and escalated their protests. Yanukovich fled Kiev on Feb. 22, and an interim government was put in place. The next day, Parliament voted to give speaker Oleksandr Turchynov the authority to fulfill the responsibilities of the president. Yanukovich, however, insisted he remained in office. Parliament also appointed Arsen Avakov as temporary interior minister. The interior ministry oversees the police. On Feb. 24, Avakov issued an arrest warrant for Yanukovich, citing the deaths of civilians during the protests. Both the military and the Party of Regions, Yanukovich's party, released statements condemning the deadly crackdown on protesters. The statements indicated that the country may avert a civil war and edge toward stability.

Demonstrations against the turn of events in Ukraine broke out in Simferopol, the capital of Crimea, a pro-Russian region in eastern Ukraine. Masked gunmen, believed to be ethnic Russian extremists, took over several government buildings and raised the Russian flag. The gunmen refused to answer questions about their allegiance or who was commanding them. The next day, on Feb. 28, similarly clad gunmen appeared at two airports in Simferopol. There were no reports of violence by the gunmen, but officials feared a separatist revolt may break out. The Black Sea Fleet, a Russian military base, is located in Crimea, and acting president Turchynov warned Russian troops not to intervene. Russia denied any involvement by its military.

In a speech on Feb. 28 from Rostov-on-Don in southern Russia, Yanukovich declared that he considers himself still to be the president of Ukraine, and called his ouster a "gangster coup." However, he said he believes Crimea should not seek independence from Ukraine. It was his first public appearance since he fled Ukraine.

On March 1, 2014, Russian president Vladimir Putin dispatched troops to Crimea, citing the need to protect ethnic Russians and Russian citizens from extremist ultranationalists, referring to the anti-government protesters in Kiev. He also referred to protesters as "fascists" and "thugs." The Russian troops surrounded Ukrainian military bases and took over government buildings and airports. By March 3, Russia was reportedly in control of Crimea. The move sparked international outrage and condemnation. President Obama called the move a "breach of international law."

In a press conference on March 4, Putin said he didn't see an immediate reason to initiate a military conflict but Russia "reserves the right to use all means at our disposal to protect" Russian citizens and ethnic Russians in the region. In the middle of the crisis, Russia test-fired a nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missile, but said it was scheduled before the turmoil began and was not related to the political turmoil.

U.S. secretary of state John Kerry traveled to Kiev in a show of support for the interim government. He visited shrines erected in memory of slain protesters and pledged $1 billion in aid and loans to Ukraine. He scolded Putin's military incursion into Crimea. "It is not appropriate to invade a country and at the end of a barrel of a gun dictate what you are trying to achieve," he said. "That is not 21st century, G-8, major-nation behavior." Russia was set to host the June meeting of the G8, but other member nations halted planning for the event.

On March 6, the U.S. imposed sanctions on officials, advisers, and other individuals who have been involved in the underminding of democracy in the Crimea. The sanctions involved revoking visas for travel to the U.S. for those who hold them and refusing visas for those seeking them. The European Union pledged $15 billion in aid to Ukraine. The Crimean Parliament approved a referendum, scheduled for March 16, asking voters if they want to secede from Ukraine and be annexed by Russia. "In 2014, we are well beyond the days when borders can be redrawn over the heads of democratic leaders," U.S. president Barack Obama said in response to the move. Ukraine's acting president, Oleksandr Turchynov, threatened to dissolve the Crimean Parliament.

Nearly 97% of voters in Crimea chose to secede from Ukraine in the referendum on March 16, 2014. The next day, the Crimean Parliament declared the region independent and formally sought annexation by Russia. Putin said the vote was legal and binding, and in a statement the Kremlin said, "The referendum was organized in such a way as to guarantee Crimeas population the possibility to freely express their will and exercise their right to self-determination." Obama told Putin that neither the U.S. nor the international community would recognize the results of the referendum. He said the referendum "violates the Ukrainian Constitution and occurred under duress of Russian military intervention." On March 17, Obama imposed economic sanctions on 11 Russian officials and Putin advisers, including Crimean prime minister Sergey Aksyonov, who were "responsible for the deteriorating situation in Ukraine." The sanctions freeze the assets held in the U.S. and ban Americans from doing business with those sanctioned. The European Union enacted similar sanctions.

Putin signed a treaty stating that Russia had annexed Crimea on March 18, saying he was reclaiming territory that was part of Russia from 1783, when Empress Catherine II took it over from the Ottoman Empire, to 1954 when Nikita Khrushchev transferred the region to Ukraine. "Crimea has always been an integral part of Russia in the hearts and minds of people," Putin said. After signing the treaty, Putin gave a speech that both defended his move, denounced internationally as a land grab, and lashed out at the West. "Our Western partners have crossed a line," he said, referring to the West's support for Kiev. "We have every reason to think that the notorious policy of confining Russia, pursued in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, continues today." The move further deteriorated Russia's relationship with the U.S. and Europe. It also complicated any hopes for a peace agreement in Syria and cast a cloud over the talks over Iran's nuclear program. Neither the U.S. nor the European Union recognized Crimea as part of Russia.

On March 21, the European Union and Ukraine signed a portion of the EU Association Agreementthe same deal that former President Yanukovich refused to sign, sparking the unrest. The section that was signed lends Ukraine political support; the economic part will be enacted once a new president is elected. U deal that former President Yanukovich refused to sign, sparking the unrest. The section that was signed lends Ukraine political support; the economic part will be enacted once a new president is elected. kraine withdrew its military from Crimea on March 24, citing a threat to the soldiers and their families. The members of the Group of 8 industrialized nations announced on March 24 that they had suspended Russia from the group and moved the upcoming meeting from Sochi, Russia, to Brussels.

The UN General Assembly passed a resolution on March 27 that declared Russia's annexation of Crimea illegal and described the referendum on the issue as "having no validity." One hundred countries voted in favor, 11 voted against, and 58 abstained. The resolution has no enforcement power, making it symbolic. Nonetheless, it clearly sent Putin a message. On the same day, the International Monetary Fund agreed to loan Ukraine $17 billion as long as the country implemented several austerity measures, and the U.S. Congress approved a $1 billion aid package. The aid will boost the faltering economy and help it meet its debt obligations.

After annexation, Putin continued to deploy troops on the southern and eastern border with Ukraine, areas that are dominated by ethnic Russians, raising fears that he may attempt to take over additional regions of the country. By the end of March, there were as many as 40,000 Russian troops stationed on the border.

Those fears were realized in early April, when pro-Russian protesters and armed militants in the eastern capital cities of Donetsk, Kharkiv, and Luhansk took over several government buildings and police stations. They also announced they were forming an independent republic and would hold a referendum on secession from Ukraine and annexation by Russia in May, clearly borrowing from the playbook used in Crimea. About a week later, pro-Russian armed militants carried out similar actions in other cities in the region. Oleksandr Turchynov, Ukraine's acting president, threatened the pro-Russian militias with an "antiterrorist operation" if they didn't withdraw. The militants ignored the ultimatum and Turchynov asked the UN to dispatch a peacekeeping force to the eastern part of the country. Putin and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov repeatedly denied the government orchestrated the demonstrations.

On April 17 in Geneva, representatives from the U.S., Russia, Ukraine, and the European Union reached an agreement intended to de-escalate the tension in eastern Ukraine. The agreement stated that all illegal armed groups will lay down their arms and all buildings seized illegally will be surrendered. Both sides agreed to end the violence and intolerance, with anti-Semitism being singled out. Protesters who are not suspected of committing capital offenses will be granted amnesty if they surrender their arms. The statement also said while drafting a new constitution, Ukraine will make the process inclusive, transparent, and accountable. Russia did not commit to withdrawing the 40,000 troops it has massed on the Ukrainian border. The diplomats also discussed a proposal by acting Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatseniuk to decentralize power and give the regional governments increased authority, but federalism was not covered in the agreement.

The pro-Russian separatists refused to vacate the buildings they have occupied, saying they would not leave until the government in Kiev, which they do not recognize, steps down. Their defiance jeopardized the entire agreement. Turchynov ordered "antiterrorist operations" against the pro-Russian militants on April 22, but quickly withdrew troops without dislodging them from occupied buildings.

In response to Russia's refusal to comply with the agreement reached in Geneva to rein in the pro-Russian groups, the U.S. imposed additional sanctions in late April on seven Russian individuals, including Igor Sechin, the head of Russia's largest oil producer, and 17 companies with close ties to Putin, targeting some of the country's wealthiest and most powerful businessmen. The sanctions, announced on April 28, put a travel ban on the individuals and froze the assets of the officials and the businesses. They also restricted the import of U.S. goods that could be used for military purposes. The European followed with similar sanctions. The EU in general has been more reluctant than the U.S. to impose severe financial sanctions on Russia because of the closer economic ties between many European nations and Russia and Europe's reliance on Russia a source of energy. Nevertheless, the sanctions have begun to take a toll on Russia's economy. Standard & Poors cut Russia's rating, leaving it just one notch above junk status, investors have withdrawn about $50 billion from the country, and the stock market has fallen 13% in 2014.

By the end of April, acting president Turchynov acknowledged that pro-Russian separatists were in control of much of eastern Ukraine and had met little if any resistance when taking over government buildings in a steady stream of about a dozen eastern cities. "The majority of law enforcers in the east are incapable of performing their duties," he said.

Despite Turchynov's statement about the inept police, the Ukrainian government launched an offensive in the rebel-held eastern city of Sloviansk on May 2. The separatists shot down two Ukrainian military helicopters in the fighting. The turmoil spread to Odessa, a strategically important port city in the Black Sea area, and about a dozen people were killed in battles between separatists and advocates of Ukrainian unity. In addition, more than 40 people, mostly pro-Russian separatists, died in a fire in Odessa when the building they had locked themselves in went up in flames.

As the fighting and chaos escalated in eastern Ukraine and the U.S. and Europe threatened additional sanctions, on May 7 Putin unexpectedly announced the withdrawal of the 40,000 troops from the border with Ukraine, urged separatists to abandon plans for a referendum on autonomy, called the nationwide elections set for May 25 in Ukraine are "a step in the right direction," and said Russia would participate in negotiations to end the crisis. "I simply believe that if we want to find a long-term solution to the crisis in Ukraine, open, honest, and equal dialogue is the only possible option," Putin said. Both the U.S. and European officials responded with a heavy dose of skepticism that Putin would follow through. The pro-Russian separatists said they would hold the referendum on May 11 despite Putin's request.

The referendums on regional autonomy were held in Donetsk and Luhansk on May 11. Both provinces overwhelmingly approved the referendums; 90% of voters in Donetsk voted in favor of self-rule, and 96% did in Luhansk. Acting President Turchynov denounced the votes as "a farce." The U.S. and several European nations also dismissed the referendums. Polls showed, however, that the results were not an accurate reflection of how a majority of eastern Ukrainians felt about independence. Most prefer to remain part of Ukraine; only those in favor of autonomy turned out to vote. Russia expressed little appetite for annexing either region, reluctant to take on the economic burden or risk further sanctions.

On May 15, thousands of unarmed steelworkers and miners took to the streets in Mariupol, the region's second-largest city. The pro-Russian separatists withdrew, ceding control of the city. Workers in several other cities followed by the end of the day. They were urged on by Rinat Akhmetov, the country's richest man who employs the miners and steelworkers, who said they may lose their jobs if Russia annexed the region. Mariupol was the site of deadly battles between government troops and separatists a week earlier. As many as 20 separatists were killed when troops fired on the police headquarters building that the separatists had attempted to seize.

Petro Poroshenko, a pro-European billionaire who previously served as a finance and foreign minister, breezed to victory in the special presidential election on May 25, taking about 55% of the vote and, enought to avoid a runoff. Former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko, who was recently released from prison, placed a distant second with 13%. Poroshenko, who made his fortune in the candy industry and is known as the Chocolate King, inherited a country mired in a civil war and financial disarray. He also must deal with Ukraine's tense relationship with Russia.

"The first steps of our team at the beginning of the presidential work will be to put an end to war, to put an end to chaos, to end disorder, and to bring peace to the land of Ukraine united, unitary Ukraine," Poroshenko said in a speech declaring victory.

A day after the election, pro-Russian separatists attempted to take over the airport in Donetsk. The government in Kiev dispatched the military and fighter jets to take back the airport. About 50 militants were killed in battles with the military. The militants later shot down a military helicopter, killing 14 people.

Days before Ukraine's presidential election, Russia withdrew its troops from the border with Ukraine, a clear sign Putin was beginning to back off his antagonistic stance toward its neighbor. In addition, Putin praised the election and promised to work with Poroshenko. In late June, he requested that the upper house of Parliament rescind its authorization for Putin to use force in Ukraine. However, in early July, Putin once again actively inserted himself in the crisis, cutting off gas supplies to Ukraine. In addition, arms continued to flow from Russia to the separatists and Putin did little to stem the continuing violence.

After the rebels shot down a military transport jet and killed 49 people, Poroshenko declared a week-long, unilateral ceasefire on June 20. After initially resisting, the rebels agreed to observe the temporary ceasefire. Poroshenko ended the ceasefire after ten days, claiming the rebels continued to attack government troops.

A Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 crashed in eastern Ukraine near the Russian border on July 17, killing all 298 passengers and crew members. The crash occurred in territory where pro-Russian separatists have been battling Ukrainian troops. President Poroshenko said the crash was an act of terror. "I would like to note that we are calling this not an incident, not a catastrophe, but a terrorist act," he said. Ukrainian, European, and American officials said the plane was shot down by a Russian-made surface-to-air missile, citing satellite images. The plane took off from Amsterdam and was headed to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Poroshenko accused the separatists of launching the missile, which they denied. Russian president Putin also denied having any role in the disaster.

A day after the crash, President Obama said he believed that the rebels shot down the plane. He called the crash a "global tragedy" and faulted Putin for continuing to arm the rebels and for not stopping the fighting. Most analysts said rebels may have thought they were targeting a military transport plane rather than a commercial jet. A day before the crash, the U.S. imposed further sanctions on Russia in response to Putin's refusal to stop arming the separatists. The latest round of sanctions are the most punitive yet against Russia and target large defense and energy firms and banks. Previously, only Russian individuals and the businesses directly related to the destabilization in Ukraine had been sanctioned. The U.S. began providing rebels with nonlethal aid, including military advice, intelligence, and body armour. Officials from the U.S., Ukraine, and NATO said they believe that not only is Russia arming the rebels, that the country is also firing rockets from inside Russia.

The European Union and U.S. imposed a coordinated round of broad sanctions on Russia on July 29. The sanctions place an embargo on new weapons sales to Russia, limit the sale of some technology and equipment to the oil industry, and ban Europeans and European companies from doing business with Russian-owned banks. Businesses and several individuals closely connected to Putin were also affected by the sanctions, which are the toughest imposed on Russia since the Cold War. In response, Putin banned the import of food from countries involved who imposed the sanctions.

The rebels were criticized for denying outside access to the bodies of the victims and to the crash site. The separatists transported the bodies to refrigerated train cars in Torez, another rebel-controlled city in eastern Ukraine. They were also accused of removing important evidence from the crash site. On July 22, the rebels transported the bodies and the flight recorders to Kharkiv, a government-controlled city, but they still refused to allow inspectors to investigate the wreckage.

The Netherlands' air safety board, which investigated the crash of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, released a preliminary report in early September and determined the plane was brought down by "high-energy objects from outside the aircraft." The report confirmed that a missile caused the crash. The report did not say who launched the missiles. It did rule out either pilot error or a mechanical problem with the plane.

Prime Minister Yatsenyuk resigned on July 24 when two major parties, Svoboda and Udar, bolted from the governing coalition. Parliament, however, rejected his resignation.

The Ukrainian military began an aggressive campaign in early July, using airstrikes to back up ground troops. The military forced rebels from the towns of Sloviansk, their military headquarters, and Kramatorsk; surrounded Donetsk, the largest city in eastern Ukraine; and took control of some of the border crossings through which Russia had been arming the rebels. The offensive was not without cost: by the end of July, about 1,130 people had been killed, including about 800 civilians. Russia responded by massing about 20,000 troops on the border with Ukraine.

The rebels continued to struggle into August, as government troops moved into Luhansk and Donetsk, former rebel strongholds. In addition, many rebels were reported to have abandoned the fight. Two days after Poroshenko and Putin met to discuss options to end the conflict, NATO, citing satellite images, reported that Russia sent 1,000 troops into Ukraine from the southeast, opening a new front in the conflict. Russia has long denied it had dispatched troops to Ukraine, and said the troops entered Ukraine "accidentally."

"Over the past two weeks we have noted a significant escalation in both the level and sophistication of Russia's military interference in Ukraine," said NATO's Brig. Gen. Nico Tak in a statement released in late August.

On September 5, representatives from the Ukrainian government, the Russian-backed separatists, Russia, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe who had been meeting in Minsk, Belarus, announced that they had agreed on a ceasefire. The terms include an immediate end to fighting, the exchange of prisoners, amnesty for those who did not commit serious crimes, a 6-mile buffer zone along the Ukrainian-Russian border, decentralization of power in the Donbass region (the area dominated by the Russian-backed rebels), and the creation of a route to deliver humanitarian aid. It also said local elections will be held under terms of Ukrainian law. "The whole world is striving for peace, the whole of Ukraine is striving for peace, including millions of citizens in Donbass," Poroshenko said in a statement. "The highest value is human life, and we must do everything possible to stop the bloodshed and put an end to suffering." Despite the cease-fire, both sides continued to attack each other.

On September 16, Ukraine's parliament and the European Parliament ratified the EU Association Agreementthe deal that former President Yanukovich refused to sign, sparking the protests that led to Yanukovich's ouster. The agreement will not be fully implemented until the end of 2015, leaving some concerned that it will be watered down by the time it's in place. Ukraine's parliament also voted to give the rebel-controlled areas of the Donbas region increased autonomy and self-governance and maintain Russian language rights for three years. It also granted amnesty to rebel fighters.

In October 2014, Human Rights Watch said it had evidence that the Ukrainian army attacked civilian-populated areas of rebel-held Donetsk with cluster bombs on twice occasions. The bombs, which scatter dozens or more bomblets, are banned by may countries. Ukraine denied the accusation, which if proves correct, could discourage the population in the east from engaging with the government.

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Ukraine | Infoplease

Ukraine and BitFury launching first ‘full-scale’ blockchain … – Brave New Coin

The State Agency for eGovernment in Ukraine and Bitcoin mining manufacturer BitFury recently announced a memorandum of interaction and cooperation to create the first full-scale Blockchain eGovernance program for Ukraine."

According to the announcement, the program will begin with a pilot project introducing Blockchain technology into Ukraines eGovernment platform. The pilot will primarily focus on using blockchain technology in state land registries, public services, social security, public health and the energy sector. When the pilot is complete, the program will expand into all other areas, including cybersecurity.

The pilot is expected to launch later this year, and although the size and cost of the project have yet to be determined, BitFury CEO Valery Vavilov told Reuters that it is by far the biggest government blockchain deal ever.

- Oleksandr Ryzhenko, head of the State Agency for eGovernance of Ukraine

The memorandum was signed in Kyiv by Vavilov and Oleksandr Ryzhenko, the head of the eGovernance of Ukraine. The State Agency for eGovernance is the central executive body within Ukrainian Government that determines state policy in the field.

Ukraine has a population of 42.5 million, and is the largest country by land mass wholly within Europe. Although the country is not a part of the European Union, it is a member of the EUs Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), along with the nearby Republic of Georgia.

According to latest eGovernment Development Index (EGDI) from 2016, Ukraine ranks 62nd among 193 countries in terms of eGovernment progress, and has climbed by 25 points since 2014. "Our aim is clear and ambitious -- we want to make Ukraine one of the world's leading blockchain nations," Ryzhenko told Reuters. "This agreement will result in an entirely new ecosystem for state projects based on blockchain technology in Ukraine."

Last summer the Ukrainian Prime Minister announced that his government would be deploying a blockchain to track the sale of state assets through, which was typically a fraud-prone exercise rife with corruption. A few months later, the countrys central bank informally announced plans to create their own blockchain-based currency.

- Oleksandr Danilyuk, Ukraine Finance Minister

The BitFury Group began in 2012 as a Bitcoin mining hardware manufacturer and is still the worlds second-largest maker of Bitcoin mining equipment. The American-based company has seven offices in six different countries, and has become a full-service Blockchain technology company that develops and delivers both software and hardware solutions.

The company states that Blockchain technology will help improve the protection of state databases against unauthorized interference, reduce cost to citizens, improve overall efficiency, improve investment in Ukraine, and help reduce corruption across the board.

The Ukrainian eGovernance pilot is BitFury's second government blockchain project. Last April, BitFury signed an agreement with the Republic of Georgia to launch the first blockchain-based land title registry, which has since been expanded.

Both Ukraine and Georgia border the Black Sea, where several countries in the region have seen advanced Bitcoin adoption, thanks in part to BitFury. The company announced a shift from primarily being a mining equipment manufacturer to a full-service Blockchain technology provider last year, as it partnered with big-four accounting firm EY as their primary blockchain service provider.

- Valery Vavilov, The BitFury Group CEO

With Georgias pilot long finished, today BitFurys custom-designed Blockchain system is integrated into the countrys national digital records system. Their private, permissioned Blockchain is anchored to the Bitcoin Blockchain, using a distributed digital timestamping service that they designed.

BitFury also hosts several carbon-neutral mining plants in the nearby Republic of Georgia, and worked with the government to launch their blockchain-based land registry. This data center will take immersion cooling technology to the next level and set a new standard for data processing using renewable energy, Vavilov explained. BitFury is leading the innovation in this space and we are proud to unveil our new data center and to work with our global partners to advance this important work."

While there are a handful of other countries that have launched their own eGovernance programs involving a blockchain, they are all limited to one or two sectors, such as land titles registries. The governments of Sweden, Estonia, and Georgia have started blockchain projects, although other deals in Brazil and the Ukraine are in the works.

- Valery Vavilov, The BitFury Group CEO

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Ukraine and BitFury launching first 'full-scale' blockchain ... - Brave New Coin

Paul Manafort’s Activities Arouse Interest Of Ukrainian Prosecutors – NPR

Ukrainian investigators are seeking to understand the extent of the ties Paul Manafort, shown here in July 2016, had with former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych. Carolyn Kaster/AP hide caption

Ukrainian investigators are seeking to understand the extent of the ties Paul Manafort, shown here in July 2016, had with former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych.

Paul Manafort quit as Donald Trump's campaign manager last summer amid questions about his consulting work for a disgraced Ukrainian leader who now is a wanted man in his own country.

While Manafort vanished from Ukraine's political scene even earlier, his name lives on in Kiev.

Ukrainian investigators are seeking to understand his ties, if any, to former President Viktor Yanukovych at the time of the shooting of anti-government protesters on the capital's central square, known as the Maidan, in February 2014.

Manafort is central to questions about the extent of Russian influence in the U.S. presidential election. The FBI is investigating whether Trump associates coordinated with Russia in those efforts, although it has not disclosed which individuals are under scrutiny. Manafort served as Trump's campaign chairman during the spring and summer of 2016.

Manafort himself is not the subject of a Ukrainian investigation. But following the publication in February of allegedly hacked text messages in which Manafort's daughter Andrea refers to "blood money" earned in Ukraine presumably a reference to the deaths on the central square prosecutors in Kiev want to know exactly when he cut his ties to Yanukovych.

Viktor Yanukovych waves to his supporters before being sworn in as Ukraine's president in 2010. Sergei Chuzavkov/Associated Press hide caption

Viktor Yanukovych waves to his supporters before being sworn in as Ukraine's president in 2010.

"Of course, we will check that out in the context of whether Manafort was in Ukraine at the time of the Maidan and specifically what he was doing in relation to the Ukrainian government," prosecutor Serhiy Gorbatyuk told NPR in an interview.

Manafort declined to comment, only saying through his spokesman, Jason Maloni, that he hoped Ukrainian investigators would look into an alleged blackmail attempt against him.

Gorbatyuk heads an office charged with investigating the Yanukovych government, especially at the time of the bloodshed on the Maidan. Gorbatyuk says he is still waiting for an FBI response to multiple requests for help in questioning Manafort as a witness in another Yanukovych-era corruption case.

The 2014 Maidan revolution threw Ukraine into turmoil. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets to protest Yanukovych's decision to reject an association agreement with the European Union and align Ukraine more closely with Russia. After the protests turned violent, Yanukovych fled to Russia, where he remains. In the ensuing power vacuum, Russia annexed Crimea and supported an armed uprising by pro-Kremlin separatists in eastern Ukraine.

Paul Manafort's office in Ukraine used to be located at 4 Sofiiska St. in central Kiev. Lucian Kim/NPR hide caption

Paul Manafort's office in Ukraine used to be located at 4 Sofiiska St. in central Kiev.

It's not clear when Manafort last visited his Kiev office, which used to be in a century-old brick building on a quiet side street off the Maidan. But his name resurfaced last August, when the New York Times reported that it was included in secret "black ledgers" that appeared to document Yanukovych's cash payments to political allies. Shortly afterward, Manafort resigned as manager for Trump's presidential campaign.

The story didn't end there at least not in Ukraine.

In March, Ukrainian lawmaker Serhiy Leshchenko released financial documents that he said were found in Manafort's former office and showed that on one occasion, Yanukovych used an offshore bank account and phony invoice to pay Manafort $750,000. Manafort denied the allegations, according to the New York Times.

Earlier this week, the Associated Press reported that the same amount, also listed in a "black ledger," had actually been received by Manafort's consulting firm in the U.S.

Last summer, the fledgling National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine published the instances that Manafort's name is listed in the "black ledgers."

Ukrainian parliamentarian Serhiy Leshchenko released documents allegedly showing payments to Paul Manafort from former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych. Sergei Supinsky/AFP/Getty Images hide caption

Ukrainian parliamentarian Serhiy Leshchenko released documents allegedly showing payments to Paul Manafort from former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych.

Ukrainian investigators say they are interested in ascertaining whether such financial transactions were part of corrupt schemes used by government officials. To get to the bottom of their investigations, they rely on cooperation with foreign law enforcement agencies, including from the U.S.

"We need effective legal cooperation. We need a quick response to our requests," said Dariya Manzhura, a NABU spokeswoman. "Otherwise we won't be able to gather enough materials and evidence."

Ukraine, which gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, has struggled to build independent government institutions. Because of its long historical ties to Moscow, Ukraine is probably the country that has been most affected by Russia politically.

In Yanukovych's first bid for the Ukrainian presidency, in 2004, his most influential advisers were Russian. President Vladimir Putin openly backed his candidacy. Ironically, Yanukovych hired Manafort exactly because his Russian advisers had failed to get him elected that time.

Taras Chornovil, a former Yanukovych confidant, says he clashed with Manafort over strategy in the 2006 parliamentary elections.

"I didn't see any ideology in him," said Chornovil. But he says he found it "suspicious" that Manafort pushed a message favoring closer alignment with Russia and opposing Ukraine joining NATO.

On the second anniversary of the 2014 shooting of anti-government protesters, people attend a memorial ceremony at the graves of slain Maidan activists in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv. Yuriy Dyachyshyn/AFP/Getty Images hide caption

On the second anniversary of the 2014 shooting of anti-government protesters, people attend a memorial ceremony at the graves of slain Maidan activists in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv.

Andriy Yermolayev, a former Yanukovych adviser who met Manafort regularly over coffee, remembers the American consultant completely differently.

"I absolutely don't agree with the way Manafort is characterized," he said, "because he had his principles and supported a pro-Western course for Ukraine." Manafort was "disappointed" with Yanukovych's fateful decision not to sign the EU agreement in November 2013, according to Yermolayev.

Manafort's defenders in Ukraine say he has been caught in a web of political intrigue that stretches to America.

Ukrainian investigators insist they're just doing their job.

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Paul Manafort's Activities Arouse Interest Of Ukrainian Prosecutors - NPR

Yes, Rex Tillerson, US taxpayers should care about Ukraine. Here’s why. – Washington Post

Why should U.S. taxpayers be interested in Ukraine? That was the question that Rex Tillerson, the U.S. secretary of state, was heard to ask at a meeting of the Group of Seven foreign ministers, Americas closest allies, a day before his visit to Moscow this week. We dont know what he meant by that question, or in what context it was asked. When queried, the State Department replied that it was a rhetorical device, seeking neither to defend nor retract it.

If Tillerson were a different person and this were a different historical moment, we could forget about this odd dropped comment and move on. But Tillerson has an unusual background for a secretary of state. Unlike everyone who has held the job for at least the past century, he has no experience in diplomacy, politics or the military; instead he has spent his life extracting oil and selling it for profit. At that he was successful. But no one knows whether he can change his value system to focus instead on the very different task of selling something intangible American values to maximize something even more intangible: American influence.

The switch is harder than it seems: Values and influence cannot be measured like money. They cannot be achieved through cost-cutting or efficiency; they cannot be promoted using the tactics of corporate PR. On his first trip to Asia, for example, Tillerson refused to take the usual contingent of journalists (who have always paid their own way) on the grounds that if he took fewer people he could use a smaller plane and return faster. If he were still a chief executive, that might have been a great decision. For the secretary of state it was an embarrassing mistake. Authoritarians around the world saw further evidence that the Trump administration intends to undermine journalism; Americans learned less than they should have about a visit that was covered mainly by foreigners.

Tillersons question, rhetorical or otherwise, therefore deserves a response. For the answer is yes: U.S. taxpayers should be interested in Ukraine. But not necessarily for reasons that would make sense to an oil companys CEO.

Why? Its an explanation that cannot be boiled down to bullet points or a chart, or even reflected in numbers at all. Im not even sure it can be done in a few paragraphs, but here goes. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea in 2014 were an open attack on the principle of border security in Europe. The principle of border security, in turn, is what turned Europe, once a continent wracked by bloody conflicts, into a safe and peaceful trading alliance in the second half of the 20th century. Europes collective decision to abandon aggressive nationalism, open its internal borders and drop its territorial ambitions made Europe rich, as well as peaceful.

It also made the United States rich, as well as powerful. U.S. companies do billions of dollars of business in Europe; U.S. leaders have long been able to count on European support all over the world, in matters economic, political, scientific and more. Its not a perfect alliance but it is an unusual alliance, one that is held together by shared values as well as common interests. If Ukraine, a country of about 43 million people, were permanently affiliated with Europe, it too might become part of this zone of peace, trade and commerce.

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, an aggressive, emboldened Russia increasingly threatens European security and prosperity, as well as Europes alliance with the United States. Russia supports anti-American, anti-NATO and indeed anti-democratic political candidates all across the continent; Russia seeks business and political allies who will help promote its companies and turn a blind eye to its corrupt practices. Over the long term, these policies threaten U.S. business interests and U.S. political interests all across the continent and around the world.

But I must concede: There is no calculation, no balance sheet that can prove any of this. There is nothing that would appeal to a CEO or his shareholders. Whatever we have invested in Ukraine loans, via the International Monetary Fund, or aid will not show an immediate profit. To see the value of a secure, pro-Western Ukraine, you have to see the value of an alliance going back 70 years. And to preserve this alliance, you have to advocate it, work on it, invest time and maybe even money in it, too.

Tillersons boss isnt going to be an advocate for Americas alliances. Will he? It would help if he could start by understanding that their stability, not their value for money, are the most important measure of success in his job.

Read more from Anne Applebaums archive, follow her on Twitter or subscribe to her updates on Facebook.

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Yes, Rex Tillerson, US taxpayers should care about Ukraine. Here's why. - Washington Post

Latest from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), based on information received as of 19:30, 14 … – ReliefWeb

This report is for the media and the general public. ****The Missions next report will be issued on 18 April 2017.

The SMM observed more ceasefire violations in Donetsk region, though fewer explosions, compared with the previous reporting period. It observed fewer ceasefire violations in Luhansk region compared with the previous reporting period. The Mission followed up on reports of a civilian casualty in Pikuzy and damage to houses from gunfire in Sentianivka. The SMM monitored the disengagement areas near Stanytsia Luhanska, Zolote and Petrivske, but its access there and elsewhere remained restricted.* The Mission observed ceasefire violations assessed as inside the disengagement area near Zolote. It observed weapons in violation of withdrawal lines on both sides of the contact line, in Luhansk city and Kalinina. The SMM followed up on reports that an explosion had damaged railway tracks near Orikhove. The Mission visited two border areas currently not controlled by the Government. It monitored the continuation of protests outside some branches of a bank in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Dnipro and Odessa. The SMM continued to monitor the situation in Balakliia (Kharkiv region) following last months fire at an ammunition depot.

In Donetsk region the SMM recorded more ceasefire violations, [1] including, however, fewer explosions (about 475), compared with the previous reporting period (at least 600 explosions).

On the evening of 13 April, the SMM camera in government-controlled Avdiivka (17km north of Donetsk) recorded 18 explosions assessed as impacts of rounds of undetermined weapons and five airbursts, followed by a total of 12 projectiles in flight (11 from south to north, one from west to east), 16 undetermined explosions, and three illumination flares in flight from west to east, all 3-5km east and east-south-east. On 14 April, positioned in Avdiivka, the SMM heard two undetermined explosions 3-6km west and north-west, and 56 undetermined explosions 3-7km at directions ranging from east to south-east.

The same day, positioned in DPR-controlled Yasynuvata (16km north-east of Donetsk), the SMM heard about 170 undetermined explosions, at least 50 bursts and shots of heavy-machine-gun fire and over four hours of intense small-arms fire, all 1-6km at directions ranging from south-west to north. The SMM also heard four undetermined explosions 8-10km west. The SMM camera at the DPR-controlled Oktiabr mine (9km north-west of Donetsk city centre) recorded two explosions assessed as impacts of rounds of undetermined weapons 3-5km north-east.

On the evening of 13 April, while in government-controlled Svitlodarsk (57km north-east of Donetsk), the SMM heard one explosion assessed as an outgoing round of an infantry fighting vehicle (IFV) (BMP-1) cannon (73mm), nine explosions assessed as outgoing rocket-propelled grenades, one explosion assessed as the impact of an automatic-grenade-launcher round, two undetermined explosions, and heavy-machine-gun and small-arms fire, mostly 1-3km south-east. During the day on 14 April, in the same location, the SMM heard 37 undetermined explosions (of which 24 were 5-10km south and 13 were 10km west), as well as heavy-machine-gun and small-arms fire 1-3km south-east.

The same day, positioned 1.6km south-east of government-controlled Kurakhove (40km west of Donetsk), the SMM heard 60 explosions assessed as outgoing artillery rounds 7-10km south-east.

On the night of 13-14 April, the SMM camera in Shyrokyne (20km east of Mariupol) recorded 44 airbursts followed by totals of two undetermined explosions, five rocket-assisted projectiles in flight (two from west to east, one from south-west to north-east, and two from east to west along with an explosion assessed as the subsequent impact of one of the two), 117 tracer rounds in flight (19 from east to west, 45 from east-south-east to west-north-west, four from south to north, five from south-west to north-east, 25 from west to east, and 19 from west-north-west to east-south-east), eight bursts of tracer rounds in flight from south-east to north-west, and one illumination flare in flight from east to west, all at undetermined distances north and north-north-east.

On 14 April, positioned 700m east of government-controlled Sopyne (16km east of Mariupol), the SMM heard 32 undetermined explosions 3-5km north-north-east.

In Luhansk region the SMM recorded fewer ceasefire violations, including about 120 explosions, compared with the previous reporting period (at least 150 explosions). Positioned in Novooleksandrivka (65km west of Luhansk), the SMM heard six explosions assessed as outgoing IFV (BMP-1) cannon fire 3km north-west.

Positioned 3km west of LPR-controlled Kripenskyi (58km south of Luhansk), the SMM heard five explosions assessed as outgoing rounds of multiple-launch rocket systems (MLRS) (BM-21 Grad, 122mm) and six explosions assessed as 152mm artillery rounds, all 9km north-west and assessed as part of a live-fire exercise outside the security zone.

Positioned in LPR-controlled Alchevsk (40km south-east of Luhansk), the SMM heard nine undetermined explosions and three bursts of heavy-machine-gun fire 5km south, assessed as part of a live-fire exercise inside the security zone, in violation of the decision of the Trilateral Contact Group on 3 March 2016 that prohibited conduct of live-fire training (exercises) in the security zone.

The SMM followed up on reports of civilian casualties and damage to houses from gunfire. At a hospital in DPR-controlled Novoazovsk (40km east of Mariupol), the SMM saw a man in his fifties in a wheelchair with bandages on his right side (calf, hip and shoulder), some of which had traces of blood. He told the SMM he was outside his home in DPR-controlled Pikuzy (formerly Kominternove, 23km north-east of Mariupol) at 15:00 on 13 April when he was struck by bullet fragments.

On 13 April, in LPR-controlled Sentianivka (formerly Frunze, 44km west of Luhansk), the SMM saw a fresh impact with a diameter of 30mm in the north-facing wall of a house at 91 First of May Street, and indications of recent repair to north-facing parts of the roof. The SMM assessed that the house was struck by a round of an IFV (BMP-2) cannon (30mm) fired from a northerly direction. A resident (woman, aged about 65) told the SMM that both the wall and the roof were hit on the night of 10-11 April, but that the roof had already been repaired. At 117 First of May Street, the SMM saw two fresh impacts (one hole and one section of broken glass and shrapnel damage) on the north-facing walls of an uninhabited house, assessed as caused by rounds of a 30mm-calibre weapon fired from a northerly direction. About 8m north of the north-facing side of a house at 119 First of May Street, the SMM saw a fresh impact on the ground, assessed as caused by a 30mm-calibre round fired from a northerly direction.

The SMM continued to monitor the disengagement process and to pursue full access to the disengagement areas of Stanytsia Luhanska (16km north-east of Luhansk), Zolote (60km west of Luhansk) and Petrivske (41km south of Donetsk), as foreseen in the Framework Decision of the Trilateral Contact Group relating to disengagement of forces and hardware of 21 September 2016. The SMMs access remained restricted but the Mission was able to partially monitor them.*

Positioned near an LPR checkpoint south of the bridge to government-controlled Stanytsia Luhanska, the SMM heard one undetermined explosion 5km north-north-west, assessed as outside the disengagement area.

Positioned in government-controlled Katerynivka (64km west of Luhansk) the SMM heard two shots of small-arms fire 600-700m south-east, assessed as inside the disengagement area south of government-controlled Zolote. The SMM also heard about 85 undetermined explosions, 15 bursts of heavy-machine-gun fire and six shots of small-arms fire, all 1.5-5km at directions ranging from south to south-west and assessed as outside the disengagement area. Positioned 3km north of LPR-controlled Pervomaisk (58km west of Luhansk), the SMM heard nine undetermined explosions and seven bursts of heavy-machine-gun fire 3km south-west, assessed as outside the disengagement area.

The SMM noted a calm situation while positioned outside the disengagement area near DPR-controlled Petrivske.

The SMM continued to monitor the withdrawal of weapons, in implementation of the Package of Measures, its Addendum, and the Memorandum.[2]

In violation of the respective withdrawal lines in non-government-controlled areas, the SMM again observed seven MLRS (BM-21), seven self-propelled howitzers (2S1 Gvozdika, 122mm), ten towed howitzers (five D-30 Lyagushka, 122mm; and five 2A65 Msta-B, 152mm), and seven tanks (T-72) at an aerodrome in the south-eastern outskirts of Luhansk city. (See SMM Spot Report 5 April 2017.)

In government-controlled areas the SMM saw one self-propelled howitzer (2S1) on a flatbed heading north in Kalinina (68km north of Donetsk).

Beyond withdrawal lines but outside designated storage sites, in non-government-controlled areas the SMM saw at least 27 tanks (type undetermined) near Ternove (57km east of Donetsk).

The SMM observed weapons that could not be verified as withdrawn, as their storage does not comply with the criteria set in the 16 October 2015 notification. In government-controlled areas, the SMM noted as present six MLRS (9A53 Uragan-1M, 220mm), ten self-propelled howitzers (2S3 Akatsiya, 152mm) and, for the first time, 12 anti-tank guns (MT-12 Rapira, 100mm). The SMM noted as missing, as previously observed, 21 self-propelled howitzers (2S3), nine towed howitzers (three D-44, 85mm; and six D-20, 152mm), 30 mortars (2B11 Sani, 120mm) and four surface-to-air missile systems (9K35 Strela-10, 120mm). At sites previously observed as abandoned, the SMM noted as still missing 27 self-propelled howitzers (eight 2S3 and 19 2S1), 24 towed howitzers (2A65), six anti-tank guns (MT-12) and one surface-to-air missile system (9K35). One site was observed as abandoned for the first time, with three anti-tank guns (MT-12) missing.

In non-government-controlled areas, the SMM noted as present 13 towed howitzers (D-30), three of which were observed for the first time. The SMM observed that six towed howitzers (D-30) were missing, as previously observed. At one site previously observed as abandoned, the SMM noted that 15 mortars (PM-38, 120mm) were again absent.

The SMM observed armoured combat vehicles[3] in the security zone. In government-controlled areas the SMM saw one IFV (BMP-1) near Novoluhanske (59km north east of Donetsk). On 11 April, an SMM mid-range unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) spotted an APC (BRDM-variant) near Toretsk (formerly Dzerzhynsk, 43km north of Donetsk), and on 14 April an SMM mid-range UAV spotted two IFVs (BMP-variant) near Orikhove (60km west of Luhansk).

In non-government-controlled areas the SMM saw, on 13 April, one IFV (BMP-2) near Pionerske (19km east of Luhansk), one IFV (BMP-2) towed by a truck heading north-west near Luhansk city; and on 14 April, one IFV (BMP-2) in Donetsk city, seven IFVs (BMP-2) and 17 armoured personnel carriers (ten MT-LB and seven BTR-80) south-east of Luhansk city. On 11 April, an SMM mid-range UAV spotted two IFVs (BMP-variant) near Horlivka (39km north-east of Donetsk).

The SMM followed up on media reports that an explosion had damaged railway tracks on the evening of 12 April near Orikhove. An SMM mid-range UAV spotted a possible crater on the southern side of a railway embankment and debris on the tracks.

The SMM observed the presence of mines and unexploded ordnance (UXO) in the security zone. On 13 April, an SMM mini-UAV spotted 30-40 anti-tank mines (TM-62) arranged in rows south-west of Katerynivka. On 14 April, at sites in DPR-controlled areas near Komuna (56km north-east of Donetsk) and Novohryhorivka (61km north-east of Donetsk), the SMM observed projectile tails assessed to be those of MLRS (9P140 Uragan, 220mm) rockets one at each site lodged in the ground. The first site was at least 300m from the nearest house, while the second was within ten metres of the nearest house. The SMM had previously observed both pieces of UXO on 20 February 2017. (See SMM Daily Report 21 February 2017.)

The SMM monitored adherence to the ceasefire, co-ordinated by the Joint Centre for Control and Co-ordination (JCCC), to enable repair of a water pipeline near Zolote and power lines connected to a water pumping station near LPR-controlled Raivka (16km north-west of Luhansk) that serves Raivka and four other villages in non-government-controlled areas.

The SMM monitored two border areas currently not under Government control. During 40 minutes at a border crossing point near Marynivka (78km east of Donetsk), the SMM observed 30 civilian cars (25 with Ukrainian and five with Russian Federation licence plates) in a queue to exit Ukraine. During 45 minutes at a border crossing point near Uspenka (73km south-east of Donetsk), the SMM observed two civilian cars (licence plates not observed) and 13 trucks with covered cargo areas (ten with Ukrainian licence places, two with Russian Federation licence plates and one with Kazakhstani licence plates) in queues to exit Ukraine, and three civilian cars (licence plates not observed) and five trucks with covered cargo areas (licence plates not observed) entering Ukraine.

The SMM monitored the continuation of protests outside some branches of Sberbank of Russia. (See SMM Daily Report 13 April 2017.) In Kyiv, Kharkiv, Dnipro and Odessa the SMM again observed gatherings of 5-15 people outside branches of the bank, all of which except for the one in Kharkiv remained open. The gatherings were calm.

The SMM continued to monitor the situation in Balakliia (74km south-east of Kharkiv) following the fire at an ammunition depot on 23 March. (See SMM Daily Report 6 April 2017.) The SMM observed five State Emergency Services personnel near the depot marking fields for demining, and 15 workers repairing the roofs of damaged private buildings nearby. Owners of five partly damaged private houses told the Mission that electricity and gas supplies were functioning. The SMM noted that a damaged kindergarten remained closed.

The SMM continued monitoring in Kherson, Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Chernivtsi.

*Restrictions of SMMs freedom of movement or other impediments to fulfilment of its mandate

The SMMs monitoring and freedom of movement are restricted by security hazards and threats, including risks posed by mines, UXO and other impediments which vary from day to day. The SMMs mandate provides for safe and secure access throughout Ukraine. All signatories of the Package of Measures have agreed on the need for this safe and secure access, that restriction of the SMMs freedom of movement constitutes a violation, and on the need for rapid response to these violations. They have also agreed that the JCCC should contribute to such response and co-ordinate mine clearance.

Denial of access:

[1]Please seetheannexed tableforcomplete breakdown of the ceasefire violations as well as map of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions marked with locations featured in this report.

[2]Following renewed commitment made at the meeting of the Trilateral Contact Group on 29 March 2017 according to whichthe sides agreed on full adherence to the ceasefire and the completion of the withdrawal of weapons by 1 April, in the course of 31 March Ukrainian authorities and LPR members provided the SMM with some information related to weapons which they declared as withdrawn. The SMM received some information from DPR members on some weapons which they declared that they intended to withdraw.

[3]This hardware is not proscribed by the provisions of the Minsk agreements on the withdrawal of weapons.

Contacts

Alexandra Taylor Head of Press and Public Information Unit OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine 26 Turhenievska Street 01054 Kyiv Ukraine Mobile: +380 67 650 31 57 alexandra.taylor@osce.org smm-media@osce.org

Mariia Aleksevych Senior Press Assistant OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine 26 Turhenievska Street 01054 Kyiv Ukraine Office: +380 44 392 0832 Mobile: +380 50 381 5192 Mobile: +380 93 691 6790 mariia.aleksevych@osce.org smm-media@osce.org

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Latest from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), based on information received as of 19:30, 14 ... - ReliefWeb