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By:UNHCR staff in Stanytsia Luhanska, Ukraine |14 June 2017

Mykola Ivanovych, who worked as a bus driver for 54 years, must present himself at the state-run bank in Stanytsia Luhanska, which checks his identity to allow him to receive his monthly payment of USD$53.

Inside the bank, he waits patiently while his wife joins the queue to carry out the verification process.

Mykola Ivanovych, who is his 70s, suffered two strokes after his son was killed by an artillery shell in 2014 the first year of the Ukraine conflict, which has cost nearly 10,000 lives.

For hundreds of thousands of elderly and disabled people in the conflict-torn Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, the state pension is their only means of support. However, some 160,000 retired people lost this income after the government limited access to state pensions for residents of the area outside its control in December 2014.

Further restrictive measures introduced last year led to an additional 400,000 peoplelosing access to their pensions.

Currently, people livingin non-government controlled areas are required to register as internally displaced persons with the Ukrainian authorities in order to continue to access their rightful pension benefits.

Pensions are an acquired right of all citizens and should not be connected to their IDP registration.

Payment of pensions should be resumed to all retired people, regardless of their place of residence, whether they are registered as IDPs (internally displaced persons) or reside at their homes, said Pablo Mateu, UNHCR representative in Ukraine. Pensions are an acquired right of all citizens and should not be connected to their IDP registration and the fact of displacement.

Olena Grekova, head of the Severodonetsk-based office of Right to Protection, a UNHCR partner NGO that helps internally displaced persons in Ukraine, said many bedridden people had received no pension payments since the start of the conflict because they were unable to travel to government offices for identification.

People who live in the conflict-torn Donbas region of eastern Ukraine cross a damaged bridge into government-controlled territory so that they can receive their pension. OSCE SMM/Evgeniy Maloletka

Some have lost their payments because of mistakes. Tetiana Kovalenko, 83, had to leave the city of Donetsk after her house was bombed. Since 2015, she has lived in government-controlled Myrnograd and is registered as an internally displaced person..

Kovalenko, a former mine worker, stopped receiving her pension of USD$73 per month in April after the social security service decided that she lives in non-government-controlled territory.

This is my pension, which I earned. Why do I have to feel like a second-rate person?

Another woman, Olga Burkalo, 38, who has suffered from a severe form of diabetes since the age of 11, has up to 10 injections of insulin daily and needs her pension of USD$50 per month to pay for her treatment.

Tetiana Kovalenko, 83, fled Donetsk city after her house was bombed. Since 2015, she has lived in Myrnograd and is registered as an internally displaced person. In April, she stopped receiving her pension. UNHCR/David Gasparyan

Social security inspectors visited her in December and March to check if she lives at her address in government-controlled Selidove. In February, she underwent an identification process at a bank.

However, in April she stopped receiving her pension. She was mistakenly suspected of living in non-government controlled territory when, in fact, she had not been there for more than a year.

Burkalo, who trained as a biology teacher, is now too weak to work.

I used to work, I paid taxes, she said. This is my pension, which I earned. Why do I have to feel like a second-rate person?

* Surname withheld for protection reasons

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Thousands in eastern Ukraine lose access to pensions - UNHCR

( CNN ) It's one of the biggest countries in Europe, but even when it isn't hosting the annual song spectacle that is the Eurovision Song Contest, Ukraine struggles to attract visitors.

Recent political, territorial and economic difficulties have done little to burnish the image of a former Soviet nation struggling to find its identity between Russian and western European influences.

Nevertheless, Ukraine is home to a host of beautiful places with a great range of tourist activities. And while some regions are advised as off-limits due to separatist clashes, most of this vast country is open for business.

Vibrant cities, ancient castles, stunning countryside, diversity of landscapes and a welcoming attitude all help make it a special destination, regardless of its troubles.

The lack of mass tourism lends Ukraine a charm and authenticity often missing elsewhere.

Here are 11 places that will make you fall in love with this eastern European country.

The Black Stone House, built in 1588, is one of Lviv's most famous buildings.

Seen as Ukraine's cultural capital, Lviv has the most western architecture of all the country's cities.

It boasts a splendid UNESCO-protected Old Town renowned for beautiful narrow streets, magnificent churches, fascinating museums and charming atmosphere.

It's cozy and welcoming, offering a wide range of themed restaurants, cool bars and great nightlife.

No matter the season, it's popular with Ukrainians who come here for a weekend to feel the Old Town vibes.

Nicknamed Little Vienna for the rich Austro-Hungarian architectural heritage, Chernivtsi is one of the gems of western Ukraine.

Lovers of Art Nouveau architecture can explore the elegant frescoes and beautiful interiors of the Chernivtsi Museum of Art (Teatralna Square, 10, Chernivtsi; +380 3722 26071).

With a history of multiculturalism and constantly changing jurisdictions, the city is one of the most interesting destinations in the country.

It was founded by Polish noble Stanisaw Potocki as a birthday gift to his wife Sofia.

The extensive park is home to waterfalls, lakes, statues, fountains, antique grottoes and artificial ruins, and is a perfect place to enjoy a relaxing walk surrounded by natural beauty.

Ukraine extra: Another picturesque example of 18th-century landscape design is Olexandriya Park in Bila Tserkva, a small town near Kiev.

Kiev, Ukraine's capital, is a vibrant destination filled with golden-domed churches.

Golden domes of superb churches, a long and rich history, eclectic architecture and nonstop city life make Kiev a go-to spot for all travelers visiting Ukraine.

There's also the Andriyivskyy Descent -- a steep and historic street paved with cobblestones -- and the awe-inspiring and gargoyle-smothered Art Nouveau-style House with chimaeras.

Ukraine extra: A good authentic local street snack is perepichka -- a fried bun with sausage inside. It's served from the window on Bohdana Khmelnytskoho Street, easily recognized by the long line (Kyivska Perepichka, Bohdana Khmelnytskoho St, 3, Kiev).

This charming little destination in the western Zakarpattia region has a compact old town full of Austro-Hungarian architecture overlooked by the impressive castle that stands on a nearby hill.

Once one of the most important fortresses in the kingdom of Hungary, Palanok Castle is now a highlight of Ukrainian tourism.

Mukacheve is also a great starting point for exploring the natural wonders of the Carpathian mountains, including Synevir Lake and picturesque Shypit waterfall.

Ukraine extra: Dessert with a coffee at Bondarenko Confectionery House will complete any Mukacheve experience. (Dostoyevskoho St, 11, Mukacheve)

Often referred to as the City of Museums, Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi, about 50 miles southwest of Kiev, is home to no fewer than 24 venues hosting a wide variety of artifacts.

Among them are the Museum of Bread, the Museum of Rushnyk (traditional Ukrainian ritual cloth), the Museum of Space and the Museum of Ukrainian National Dress.

But the most impressive of them all is a large open-air Museum of Folk Architecture and Rural Life exhibiting unique objects from ancient times until the beginning of the 20th century.

Ukraine extra: Across the mighty Dnieper River that divides east and west Ukraine sits the little city of Kaniv.

Here can be found the Shevchenko National Reserve, devoted to one of the greatest Ukrainian writers Taras Shevchenko. The hills of the reserve offer breathtaking views over the river.

The Mirror Stream is a UNESCO-protected site in Kharkiv surrounded by a picturesque park.

Once the capital of Ukraine and now its second city, Kharkiv is a city of students who drive the thriving restaurant and bar scene.

There are enough museums and culture to make Kharkiv an interesting eastern Ukrainian destination.

Freedom Square is one of the largest squares in Europe, while the Derzhprom building is one of the most famous examples of constructivist architecture.

Completed in 1928, it was the most spacious single structure in the world at the time.

Chernihiv is one of the oldest cities in Ukraine, and was once a prospering and important center of medieval Kievan Rus, the first East Slavic state.

There are unique examples of medieval Slavic ecclesiastical architecture, and one of the oldest churches in Ukraine -- the Transfiguration Cathedral, which was completed in the 11th century and features stunning frescoes and ancient interiors.

Chernihiv is home to a third of all the eastern European historic landmarks period before the Mongol invasion.

Ukraine extra: One of the best places to try varenyky (traditional Ukrainian filled dumplings) is the Varenychna restaurant.

The 18th-century Kachanivka Palace is a popular excursion from either Chernihiv or Kyiv. It's a beautiful neoclassical mansion surrounded by well-preserved English gardens with a lake and artificial antique ruins.

Varenychna, Myru Ave, 21, Chernihiv, Ukraine

Odessa celebrates the Humorina Carnival, or festival of humor, each year on April 1.

As one of Ukraine's largest seaports and trade hubs with a beautiful historic district, Odessa has plenty of treasures waiting to be discovered.

The central part of the city is packed with sights, while architecture lovers can admire the splendid palaces and unique blend of building styles.

For sea enthusiasts, Odessa offers kilometers of Black Sea beaches and lots of entertainment both during the day and night.

This little city right on the border with Slovakia has belonged to five different countries in the last 100 years.

Its historical affiliations can be seen throughout Uzhhorod's central district where you'll find Czech functionalist buildings standing next to classical Hungarian mansions, or Russian Orthodox, Catholic and Greek-Catholic churches in close proximity.

Uzhhorod is the vibrant hub of the Zakarpattia region and the gateway to the Carpathian mountains, easily reached from the major central European cities.

For spectacular views and cozy old-town vibes, Kamianets-Podilskyi is worth further exploration.

This little town in the western part of the country has one of the most breathtaking fortresses in eastern Europe. It stands majestically on an island surrounded by a canyon and encircled by the Smotrych River. Apart from the castle, Kamianets-Podilskyi is famous for the festival of hot-air balloons that is usually held in the late spring.

Original post:
Ukraine: 11 best places to visit - CNN

Overview

Despite daily hostilities along the contact line, over one million individual crossings through all five operational Exit/Entrance Checkpoints (EECPs) were recorded in May. This is the highest number recorded since late 2015, representing a 38 per cent increase comparing to the same period of 2016. The trend is largely characterized by continuation of the mandatory verification processes of IDPs and pensioners residing in non-Government controlled areas (NGCA) to claim their benefits in the Government-controlled areas (GCA). At the same time, seasonal holidays in the first half of the month have also contributed to such increase in crossings. At times, capacities of these checkpoints to facilitate the increased number of crossings were exhausted, which meant that people had to wait long hours, often in harsh conditions with limited access to basic service facilities. With rising summer temperatures, conditions of people waiting, especially the most vulnerable, including the elderly, start to aggravate, as long waiting hours impact their health. Challenges remain in upgrading the conditions of the EECPs to ensure safe and dignified environment despite continuous efforts by humanitarian partners. These multifaceted challenges also further exacerbate protection concerns. In addition, people waiting at all EECPs continue to expose themselves to fatal risks as a result of ongoing combat activities in and around the checkpoints. At least two cases of shelling were recorded in May alone near Hnutove and Marinka EECPs during the operational hours, resulting in a temporary suspension of operations. However, the introduction of extended (summer) operations of all EECPs by 1.5 hours is a welcome development. As of 1 June 2017, all EECPs will be open from 06:00 till 20:00 hrs.

Read the original post:
Ukraine: Checkpoints - Humanitarian Snapshot (as of 13 June 2017) - ReliefWeb

The European Union and Ukraine held their annual Human Rights Dialogue on 13 June 2017 in Kyiv, the third time since the signing of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. In the Association Agreement, the European Union and Ukraine express their mutual commitment to common values, in particular full respect for democratic principles, rule of law, good governance, human rights and fundamental freedoms.

The meeting was held in an open and constructive atmosphere, allowing a thorough exchange of views on the current human rights situation in Ukraine and on progress since the last dialogue, held in July 2016.

The EU and Ukraine expressed grave concern over the further deterioration of the human rights situation on the Crimean peninsula, including the situation of Crimean Tatars, following its illegal annexation by the Russian Federation. The EU and Ukraine condemned the human rights violations and abuses in the areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, which are not under the full effective control of the Government of Ukraine. They also called for the immediate release of illegally detained Ukrainian citizens in Russia and the Crimean peninsula.

The EU and Ukraine raised ways to mitigate the humanitarian impact on civilians of the illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula, and the conflict in the east of Ukraine. They also discussed the ways to protect the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs). The work of the Ministry for Temporary Occupied Territories and IDPs and the Action Plan for certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk, adopted by the Government of Ukraine, were welcomed.

The EU and Ukraine discussed the prevention of ill-treatment and torture and thecontribution that the ongoing reforms in the area of law enforcement continue to have in strengthening human rights in Ukraine. The EU also called for further progress to be made in the investigations into the crimes committed during the EuroMaidan protests, and the violent events in Odesa on 2 May 2014, emphasising the need to address the shortcomings identified by the International Advisory Panel of the Council of Europe and to bring to justice those responsible.

The EU highlighted the importance of harmonising electoral legislation and the appointment of members of the Central Election Commission whose mandate has expired.

Both sides highlighted the importance of free and independent media and discussed ways to advance the safety of journalists and media outlets, including the steps taken to address publication of journalists' private data on Ukrainian websites. The decision to block a number of Russia-based online services was also addressed.

Also on the agenda of the Dialogue was non-discrimination policy, including the rights of LGBTI persons and those belonging to ethnic, linguistic, religious and national minorities, and the rights of the child. Gender equality and women's rights, especially domestic violence, were raised and the EU encouraged Ukraine to ratify the Istanbul Convention.

The EU and Ukraine cooperate well in international fora in the field of human rights. The European Union recalled that Ukraine has committed to the ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

The EU delegation was led by Mr Dirk Schuebel, Head of Division for bilateral relations with the Eastern Partnership countries in the European External Action Service. The Ukrainian delegation was led by Mr Sergui Petukhov, Deputy Minister of Justice of Ukraine. In line with usual practice, the EU held consultations with representatives of Ukrainian civil society and international organisations prior to the dialogue. In March 2017, human rights organisations from Ukraine and the EU held a civil society seminar on human rights. The recommendations of that seminar were also discussed in the dialogue.

The dialogue was planned to coincide with the Justice, Freedom and Security subcommittee to be held on 14 June.

The next Human Rights Dialogue meeting between Ukraine and the EU is scheduled to take place in the summer of 2018.

See the article here:
EU-Ukraine Human Rights Dialogue - ReliefWeb

Kyiv's Friendship of Arch, temporarily renamed the Arch of Diversity in honour of the 2017 EuroVision Song Contest. (c) NurPhoto/SIPA USA/PA Images. All rights reserved.Since war broke out in 2014, Ukraine has experienced a difficult period both for its citizens and liberal values, which are the bedrock of any democratic state. The war has affected almost everybody in the country, and the conflict has become a justification for illiberal initiatives undertaken by Ukraines state apparatus. For Ukrainian society, the choice in favour of liberal freedoms is becoming more and more difficult. At first glance, restricting them seems to be necessary.

In December last year, Fareed Zakaria wrote in the Washington Post about the coming of illiberal democracy to America. He cites the examples of Hungary, Iraq, Philippines, Russia and Turkey as states where some form of democracy is maintained, but where a range of liberal freedoms is disappearing. Its not enough to strengthen provisions for the rule of law, the rights of minorities, freedom of speech in national legislation these norms should be put into practice. As Zakaria writes, today, Americas culture of liberal democracy is weakening, and this process should concern both Republicans and Democrats.

These worrying trends are visible across the Atlantic ocean, from Ukraine. Indeed, Ukrainian citizens support the women who come out to protest, Muslims who face discrimination and suspicion, and the newspapers whose correspondents have been refused entry to presidential press conferences. But this support seems to reflect an opportunity to observe the crisis of liberal democracy elsewhere. And this begs the question: are liberal values merely an object to be observed at a distance for Ukraine? Is this just an opportunity to sympathise with the crisis of democracy in Europe and America?

Itd be wrong to say that Ukrainian citizens cannot see illiberal tendencies in their country. But there is one factor that restrains our reaction to them: the external threat. In discussions of liberal democracy from freedom of speech to the right to peaceful assembly the importance of observing human rights is not placed first.

Are liberal values merely an object to be observed at a distance for Ukraine? Is this just an opportunity to sympathise with the crisis of democracy in Europe and America?

Theres an expression in Ukrainian ne na chasi, which means literally not the time. The expression doesnt imply that something isnt necessary, but that it should be postponed for a certain period. In Ukraines case, this time will come after the war ends. When the issue of the countrys security is solved, thats when different groups in society will be able to talk about various issues.

These non-governmental institutions and informal groups criticise and correct the agenda of Ukraines state institutions, to ensure they follow the interests of the entire society. But as Cas Mudde writes in No, we are NOT all Charlie (and thats a problem), this criticism can also be selective and subject to self-censorship. Writing a few days after the attack on the Charlie Hebdo office in Paris in 2015, Mudde argued that its easier to speak in the name of an entire society than to speak as an individual. Back then, the media campaigns that called for solidarity with Charlie Hebdo in the name of liberal values attracted people who, prior to the attack, would have refrained from criticising or supporting the magazines staff.

In February 2017, a situation similar to the Charlie Hebdo attack took place at Kyivs Center for Visual Culture. Members of a far-right nationalist organisation attacked an exhibition by anarchist artist David Chichkan. But here, Ukrainian society made no large-scale demonstration of solidarity in support of freedom of expression.

David Chichkan's exhibition "Lost Opportunity" after it was attacked in February 2017. Source: Political Critique. Far-right activists smashed windows, ripped up Chichkans pictures and sprayed slogans accusing him of separatism and playing up to Moscow. In this exhibition (Lost opportunity), Chichkan demonstrated his attitude to the chance for reforming the Ukrainian state that he believes Ukrainian citizens had lost after EuroMaidan. The artist believes that opportunities for change have been substituted with a nationalist programme and policy carried out by the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, which is based on the extreme right-wing ideology of Ukrainian nationalists during the 1930s and 1940s.

Ukrainian societys consensus of justification towards people who have turned patriotism into vandalism is becoming more and more tangible. Indeed, when a country is at war, and the border with the aggressor state remains open, right-wing politicians offer a clear understanding of the situation. This picture is simplified, and is based exclusively on the national idea and ethnocentrism. And its possible that right-wing vision of the situation at hand are incompatible with the Constitution, and stretch our understanding of freedom of speech. But they give people an opportunity to solve the problems facing the country and society via very simple methods.

There is no universal formula that would show how nationalist organisations influence politics. Indeed, electoral support at presidential or parliamentary campaigns doesnt always reflect this influence

Since EuroMaidan, historians and other researchers have been discussing the extent to which the far-right were involved in the 2014 protest, and whether they were the driving force. There is no universal formula that would show how nationalist organisations influence politics. Indeed, electoral support at presidential or parliamentary campaigns doesnt always reflect this influence. When a country is basically at war, this situation raises patriotic feelings and makes certain slogans (otherwise the exclusive domain of the rightwing) more visible. This is how society turns to the right. Im talking about those ideas that are to the right of the centre, and which arent compatible with liberal values, but which arent a direct expression of far-right political views.

In Ukraine, political parties, apart from the obviously nationalist ones, dont have much in the way of ideology. They rely on their leaders personal charisma. This is why its easy for Ukrainian politicians to pick up slogans that appeal to their electorate. According to recent surveys carried out by Kiev International Institute of Sociology, Ukrainians name the war, living standards, economic situation and security as the issues that are most important to them. And if the Ukrainian electorate wants to build a wall with Russia, then the refusal to use Russian social networks could be the prototype it doesnt necessarily have to be made out of bricks.

A public exhibition detailing casualties and deaths at the frontline of the Donbas conflict. (c) NurPhoto/SIPA USA/PA Images. All rights reserved.On 16 May, President Petro Poroshenko signed a decree on the decision by Ukraines National Security and Defence Council on applying special personalised economic and other limiting measures. Among others, the popular Russian social media websites VKontake and Odnoklassniki fell under these sanctions. And given that these websites were named economically unsafe only in the third year of the Russian-Ukrainian war, it raises questions about why this step wasnt taken earlier. The ban on social networks (which are used mostly for mobilisation or entertainment) became more prominent than the educational campaigns about why signing over personal information to Russian social networks might be risky for users.

There were no prominent protests against this decree. The debate about whether freedom of speech can be limited during wartime has divided Ukrainian society between those who are ready to forego human rights under conditions of war, and those who arent. Indeed, Ukrainian journalists, public figures and human rights defenders are among those who supported the ban against Russian social media.

In Ukraine, the limits of the permissible, which can be violated by the state, are becoming less and less clear. And it is no less hard for a society traumatised by war to resist simplifications and ignore the destruction of something valuable before its very eyes.

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Liberal democracy: a hard choice for Ukraine - Open Democracy