Archive for the ‘Ukraine’ Category

Dutch to Try Suspects in ’14 Downing of Malaysia Airlines Jet Over Ukraine – New York Times

The Netherlands sought to form a United Nations tribunal, but Russia, which denies any involvement in the tragedy, rejected that approach as politicized.

The announcement on Wednesday clarified the plan for prosecutions. The five nations investigating the episode have now decided that the suspects should be prosecuted in the Netherlands, a process that will be rooted in ongoing international cooperation and support, the Dutch foreign minister, Bert Koenders, said in the statement. This means that the teams cooperation will continue into the prosecution phase.

Struck by a missile at cruising altitude, the airliner, a Boeing 777, broke apart and scattered bodies and debris over fields and villages in eastern Ukraine.

The Russian government has denied any involvement in the deployment of the missile system and the fighting in the region more broadly. It has offered alternative theories for the planes demise, including one in which a Ukrainian fighter jet shot it down. The investigators have rejected them.

Any criminal indictments in a Dutch court are very likely only to open a long legal and diplomatic standoff between the Netherlands and Russia, as the Russian Constitution prohibits the extradition of its citizens to stand trial abroad.

It is considered equally unlikely that any suspects would be turned over by the breakaway regions of eastern Ukraine, in the event that some of their soldiers were involved.

A version of this article appears in print on July 6, 2017, on Page A10 of the New York edition with the headline: Dutch to Try Suspects in Downing of Jet Over Ukraine.

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Dutch to Try Suspects in '14 Downing of Malaysia Airlines Jet Over Ukraine - New York Times

What If Putin Makes Another Grab for More of Ukraine? – Newsweek

This article first appeared on the Atlantic Council site.

Will the low-intensity war in the Donbas continue its current course in the coming years? Or will Moscow turn up the heat there, as it occasionally does?

Its hard to say. It all comes down to geopolitics and what Putin wants to do, said Ihor Kozak, an independent Canadian defense and security expert who visited Ukraines frontlines in June, in a recent interview.

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Russia is purposefully building up its military capacity and installations, including a railway line along the Russian-Ukrainian border from Zhuravka to Millerovo new infrastructure that would make possible the quick movement of troops in the region.

Renowned Russian military expert Pavel Felgenhauer, who in June 2008 predicted Russias August 2008 assault on Georgia, warns that this project and the general buildup of the Russian army could lead to an open Russian invasion into mainland Ukraine.

The aim of such a foray could be to create a land connection between the occupied parts of the Donbas and Crimea that runs along the shores of the Azov Sea. This need may become especially acute if the Russian bridge through the Kerch Strait, which is currently under construction, turns out to be impossible to complete.

A tank from the Ukrainian Forces is stationed outside a building in the flashpoint eastern town of Avdiivka just north of the pro-Russian rebels' de facto capital of Donetsk on February 2, 2017. ALEKSEY FILIPPOV/AFP/Getty

In such a case, Putins annexation of Crimea may be questioned by the Russian public if propping up Crimea becomes too expensive. Such a risk may trigger further Russian military aggression against Ukraine, beginning with some engineered incident that would provide a pretext and secure public approval for further action.

With Russian elections slated for next year, Putin could decide he would benefit from a new military stunt to give him an electoral boost. An all-out war would have far-reaching repercussions for European security, including large new refugee flows into the European Union.

In connection with these risks, an intensification of negotiations within the Normandy Format, as one of the few continuing frameworks allowing contact between Ukraine, Germany, France, and Russia, is paramount.

On June 14, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson suggested that the United States doesnt want to be " handcuffed to the Minsk Agreements and wants to maintain flexibility. Yet such an approach could be wrong, if the United States is consumed by internal political strife in the foreseeable future.

The recent rise of Emmanuel Macron in France, and probable confirmation of Angela Merkel as chancellor after Germanys September elections, make the continuation of Minsk the best available path forward. Recent hawkish statements by both Merkel and Macron toward the Kremlin indicate a high likelihood of unity and steadiness of their positions.

Eastern and Central European EU member states have a great interest in a de-escalation of tensions in eastern Ukraine. Therefore, the EU should signal to the Kremlin that it will introduce tougher sanctions if Russia makes new advances into mainland Ukraine or the situation in the Donbas declines.

Brussels should make clear to Moscow its readiness to not only impose, in such a case, more export restrictions, but also to introduce a large-scale embargo on Russias voluminous pipeline oil deliveries into the EU.

In the meantime, European states both inside and outside of the EU should take more resolute individual actions against select members of the Russian political and economic elite. Often, this can be done by simply more consistently applying EU and national anticorruption legislation to Russian holders of bank accounts and property throughout Europe.

The West will also have to think more seriously about the development of additional security structures for Eastern Europeespecially Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia.

The deep structural hole in post-Soviet international relations is a major reason for the current crisis within Europes geopolitical nowhere-land. Without a comprehensive solution to the security problems of Chisinau, Kiev, and Tbilisi, there can be no lasting stability, sustainable peace, or economic prosperity along the eastern borders of the EU and NATO.

As is well known, however, those two organizations are unlikely to enlarge eastward in the next few years. Therefore, Brussels, Washington, Berlin, Paris, Warsaw, and London should find alternative ways to provide at least some inclusion of Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine into the European security system.

A model for a possible solution exists in the 2010 Agreement on Strategic Partnership and Mutual Assistance between Turkey and Azerbaijan. In Article 2 of this ratified treaty between a NATO member and an Eastern Partnership country, both parties agreed to swiftly help each other in case of an armed attack by a third sidesupport that explicitly includes the use of military means and capabilities.

NATO could signal to its eastern member states that they are free to make similar commitments toward Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, if they wish to do so. Ideally, this could lead to a new multilateral security coalition in Eastern Europe that would follow the example of the abortive Intermarium project proposed by Poland after World War I.

It is in the core national interests of all Western states to send louder, clearer, and bolder signals to both the embattled Central and East European nations and to Moscow.

Andreas Umland is a senior research fellow at the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation in Kiev, and general editor of the book series Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, published by ibidem Press in Stuttgart and distributed outside Europe by Columbia University Press .

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What If Putin Makes Another Grab for More of Ukraine? - Newsweek

Watch: Armed Ukrainian cyber-cops raid MeDoc in NotPetya probe – The Register

Image: Cyberpolice Ukraine

Video There's a new wrinkle to the NotPetya story: authorities in Ukraine have seized equipment from MeDoc, the accounting software maker implicated in spreading the malware.

The country's anti-cybercrime unit has seized the developer's servers after saying it had detected new activity, and was acting to immediately stop the uncontrolled proliferation of malware.

Associated Press's Raphael Satter quotes a police spokesperson, Yulia Kvitko, as saying the company's systems had either sent or were preparing to send a new (presumably compromised) update.

The cyber-plod says the company's management and staff fully assisted in the investigation, adding that equipment will be sent for detailed analysis. A video of the armed raid was posted on YouTube by the cops:

Youtube Video

Officers now recommend people stop using the software until further notice, turn off any computers it's installed on, and change their passwords. Cisco's security peeps have also published an analysis of how MeDoc's systems were commandeered to infect victims with NotPetya. ESET has also described in detail how the malware spread via a malicious MeDoc update.

In another twist, Kaspersky Lab analyst Aleks Gostev says the Bitcoin collected in the original attack has been withdrawn and a statement (which Vulture South can't verify) posted to an Onion text site.

The AP story says the Ukrainian infrastructure ministry alone has incurred millions in the costs of the attack, which hit two servers and hundreds of workstations.

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Watch: Armed Ukrainian cyber-cops raid MeDoc in NotPetya probe - The Register

The day a mysterious cyber-attack crippled Ukraine – BBC News


BBC News
The day a mysterious cyber-attack crippled Ukraine
BBC News
This time last week, an online attack brought chaos to Ukraine's banks, hospitals and government, before spreading worldwide. The evidence suggests that money was not the aim the real intention was disguised. Could it be a sign of something more ...

and more »

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The day a mysterious cyber-attack crippled Ukraine - BBC News

Nolan Peterson: What Freedom Means in Ukraine – Newsweek

This article first appeared on The Daily Signal.

Kiev, UkraineI arrived in Ukraine for the first time in July 2014, three years ago this month.

I originally planned to stay for three weeks. I never would have thought then that by Independence Day 2017, three years later, Id still be here, still reporting on the war.

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On that warm summer day of my arrival in Kiev three years ago, the taxi from the airport dropped me off at the top of Institutskaya Street, as it was still called at the time. (Today, it is Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred Street, in honor of the 100 protesters who died in the February 2014 revolution.)

Trees green with summertime leaves lined the cobblestone street as it steeply ascended from the Maidan, Kievs central square and epicenter of the revolution.

Young couples in shorts and flip-flops walked past holding hands. Police officers on their beats acted relaxed, smiling and joking.

Ukrainian soldiers guard a checkpoint on May 14, 2014 in Novatroizk, Ukraine. Pro-Russian militants ambushed Ukrainian troops nearby the day before, killing seven and wounding another eight in the most deadly attack yet on Ukrainian forces. Brendan Hoffman/Getty

On that day, there was little evidence of the barbaric scenes that played out on this street in February 2014, five months prior to my arrival. Yet, beneath the veneer of what could have been a normal summer day in any European capital, there were reminders of what happened there half a year earlier.

At that time, long sections of the brick sidewalk lining then-named Institutskaya Street were stripped bare, revealing earth beneath. Five months earlier, protesters had peeled away the bricks to build a defensive wall against gunfire from a special police force called the Berkut, which deposed Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych had unleashed on the crowds calling for his ouster.

On that day, workers pounded new bricks into the naked soil. Others sprayed water on the black stains that dotted the stone floor of the Maidans open expanse, erasing the traces of Molotov cocktails and the mounds of tires protesters had burned to provide a smokescreen from the snipers.

Of all the sights and sounds I encountered along Institutskaya Street on that day in July 2014, one stood out. I heard English spoken in an American accent. So my ears naturally homed in on the only understandable voice.

Freedom isnt free, the man said.

Just past the Hotel Ukraine, where Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred Street rounds the top of the hill overlooking the Maidan, there is a patch of open ground and a low wall off to one side.

This is a place of mourning. In July 2014, the ground here was covered in framed photos, candles, and flower garlands. Bullet holes scarred the surrounding street signs and trees. The bullet holes are still there today.

On that day in July 2014, my first in Ukraine, a crowd lingered around this otherwise ordinary patch of earth. The mood was quiet and somber. Most people walked around with their arms folded across their chests. Some held a hand over their mouths. It was an unusual break from typical Slavic stoicism.

Two groups of framed photos nestled within beds of flowers and candles were arranged on the ground like a church congregation, with a cross made out of red glass candle holders in the center. The faces on the photos were of the fallen. Old and young, men and women, students and professors. Hardly the neo-Nazi fascists carrying out a CIA-sponsored putsch as Russian media had depicted.

Families paused before the photos. Parents pointed to the memorials, trying to explain to their children what went on here, and, I imagined, what it all meant for their future.

Three years later at this spot, there is now a metal memorial with engraved faces of the dead. A flower garden grows on that patch of earth where so many died three years ago.

Prior to my arrival in 2014, I had watched a YouTube video of what had happened at this place during the revolution. The sky was gray in the video, and the trees were bare.

Snipers hidden in the surrounding rooftops gunned down the protesters one by one as they ascended the street. Some dropped dead in a flash. Others folded to the ground like in slow motion. Eventually, the dead clustered where they had collectively sought shelter in their final moments.

The protesters were unarmed. They wore motorcycle helmets and wielded shields fashioned out of the top of garbage bins and road signs for protection. As sniper fire cut down one wave of protesters at the top of the hill, their comrades would rush up to drag the dead and wounded away.

After depositing the casualties in the nearby Hotel Ukraine lobby, the survivors did something amazing. They turned around and went back.

Its hard to know, of course, the inner motivations of those protesters who walked head-on into sniper fire. Clearly, something powerful was motivating them. It had to be, because moving toward the sound of gunfire is terrifying, and one has to be motivated by something more powerful than the fear of dying to do it.

At lunch in Kiev a few weeks after my arrival in 2014, a Ukrainian friend explained to me the mood in Ukraine. Elena Milovidova, then a 29-year-old journalist, said there was a wave of patriotism throughout the country she had never seen before. She said there was a sense of shared responsibility among Ukrainians to live up to the sacrifices of the protesters.

We dont want it to be for nothing, Milovidova told me about the revolution. Ukrainians are very patriotic now. And if things go back to the way they were before, there will be another Maidan.

Milovidova explained how her family was torn, like many families in Ukraine, due to her mixed Russian-Ukrainian heritage. She was proud to be Ukrainian, though, and she was proud of what the protesters did for her country. Most Russian-speaking Ukrainians felt the same way, Milovidova told me, and the idea that Ukraine was somehow split along ethnic or cultural lines was a fiction created by Moscow.

On the streets of Kiev, signs of the countrys reborn patriotism were subtle, but prolific. Women tied small blue and yellow ribbons (Ukraines national colors) on their purses. The same ribbons were tied to the radio antennas on cars and to tree branches.

On St. Andrews Descent, a culturally eclectic hillside enclave in Kiev not unlike Montmartre in Paris, artists sold paintings of scenes from the revolution. On Khreshchatyk, Kievs main boulevard, sidewalk vendors sold rolls of toilet paper and doormats adorned with the faces of Yanukovych and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Its still like that, by the way, three years later.

Ukraines newfound patriotism was fueled by pride in the courage of its young people. Like Valentyn Onyshchenko, who was 21 years old when he took part in the revolution. He was shot by a 9mm bullet from a pistol. Luckily, the round hit his metal belt buckle, he said, and aside from a nasty bruise, he was left unharmed.

When I fell off the barricade, they were yelling, Another man down, he told me. And then they grabbed my arms and started to pull me away, but I just popped up and told them I was OK. They couldnt believe it.

Onyshchenko had a recurring dream of a man he saw cut down by a sniper during the revolution. In the dream, the man rose up and spoke to Onyshchenko from the grave. His face death gray and a bullet hole in his head.

I was running and this guy was shot in the head by a sniper right in front of me, Onyshchenko said. His brains flew into my face and broke my glasses. But it was crazy, you know, my first thought was, OK, theres a McDonalds right over there, I can go there to wash off my face.

After the revolution, Onyshchenkos friends convinced him to see a psychiatrist. He was resistant to the idea at first, he said. Like most young men who have experienced combat, he was more worried about appearing weak than any physical danger.

The dreams of the dead man have gone away now, Onyshchenko said. I think the psychiatrist really helped me, he confessed.

Over dinner in 2014, Natalia Portier, another Ukrainian friend, told me she was more patriotic than she had ever been. Her job in Kiev was sending her to the U.S., and she had to apply for a visa. I assumed with my reflexive American pride that she would be excited about this.

The truth was, Portier, then 30 years old, felt guilty about leaving her homeland in time of war. She had a brother, she explained, and she was afraid he would be mobilized to fight in the east along with the 60,000 Ukrainian troops currently deployed there at that time. There are, incidentally, still about 60,000 troops serving in the eastern war zone as of July 2017.

The world is so cruel, Portier said to me three years ago. She shook her head, looking past me. But then she beamed when a man walked into the pub wearing a T-shirt with a trident on it, Ukraines national symbol.

Its not so unusual to see that now, she said, smiling. Im so proud of my country and to be Ukrainian. I hope this stupid war ends soon.

As a veteran of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, I know what its like to serve in a war zone. And as someone who was a 19-year-old cadet at the Air Force Academy on Sept. 11, 2001, I also know what inspires young men and women to go to war. Ive been there. I get it.

The young soldiers Ive encountered in Ukraine, destined for the front lines in the east, wear a combined look of fear and youthful exuberance that I remember seeing on young U.S. soldiers in other war zones. And the combination of pride and worry felt by the families those Ukrainian soldiers have left behind is no different than what my own family endured when my brother and I deployed to Afghanistan and Iraq.

After three years of war, most Ukrainians still believe freedom is worth fighting for. Ukrainians know why they have to win the war, they just dont know why they had to fight it.

The revolution was never about Russia, Milovidova explained to me in 2014. It was about making Ukraine better. No one thought this war would happen.

Three years later, the words of that lone voice from my first day in Kiev are still fresh in my mind. Especially on a day like Independence Day, when I reflect on my own countrys virtues, on why my generation spent our youths in war, and on what our sacrifices ultimately accomplished.

As I see a young Ukrainian woman blowing a kiss to a passing convoy of troops. Or, as I see an old woman kiss her fingers and then reach to touch the face of a young boy in one of the photos at the top of Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred Street, I hear those words again: Freedom isnt free.

Ive always known that, and Ive heard the expression countless times. I even fought for it. But until I arrived in Ukraine, I never really understood what it meant.

Nolan Peterson, a former special operations pilot and a combat veteran of Iraq and Afghanistan, is The Daily Signals foreign correspondent based in Ukraine.

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Nolan Peterson: What Freedom Means in Ukraine - Newsweek