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WARSAW The first thing a Ukrainian would notice entering Poland last year was volunteer groups welcoming exhausted refugees with warm food, clothing, offers of rooms and buses to transport them for free to cities across Poland.

Now, the first thing Ukrainians notice is an immense line of trucks waiting to cross the Dorohusk border checkpoint thanks to a blockade by Polish truckers that began on November 6.

More than 3,000 trucks are now stuck at four border crossings; waiting times are as long as three weeks and at least one driver has died while trapped. Protesters are camped out in tents dusted with snow, warming themselves by fires in open barrels, while drivers, dressed in hi-viz vests, stand by their trucks, many of them smoking and looking on at the flashing blue lights of police cars monitoring the situation.

Drivers are forced to wait in an open field with no proper food supplies and no proper restrooms, Ukraines Deputy Infrastructure Minister Serhiy Derkach told POLITICO. He added the government is preparing to evacuate hundreds of trapped drivers.

For Kyiv's relations with Europe, the border blockade is a major crisis, and gives a bitter foretaste of the impending challenges of integrating Ukraine, with its huge farming sector and cheap but well-educated workers, into the EU's common market.

Cross-border trade flows are imperative to keep Ukraine's economy ticking over in a time of war, but Polish truckers see Ukrainian drivers as low-cost rivals who are undercutting their business. They've been joined by Polish farmers, outraged that Ukrainian grain imports are hurting them by cratering domestic prices.

It's not just Kyiv that's angry.

The European Commission issued a blistering criticism on Wednesday of Warsaw's complete lack of involvement," in ending the crisis.

"The Polish authorities are the ones who are supposed to enforce the law at that border," Transport Commissioner Adina Vlean said in Brussels. "While I support the right of people to protest, the entire EU not to mention Ukraine, a country currently at war cannot be taken hostage by blocking our external borders. Its as simple as that."

Vlean warned that if Poland doesn't act, the Commission could hit Warsaw with an infringement for "not respecting the rules or not applying the law."

But Poland is having a difficult time reacting thanks to the political uncertainty unleashed by last month's parliamentary election.

Infrastructure Minister Andrzej Adamczyk wrote an appeal on Monday to his Ukrainian counterpart, calling on Kyiv to meet truckers' demands. What the Polish drivers want is for the EU to roll back the favorable treatment it granted Ukrainian hauliers after the war broke out allowing them to take loads from Ukraine to anywhere in the bloc with almost no formalities; the same rule applies to EU companies taking goods to Ukraine.

Adamczyk wants Vlean to study the possibility of reinstating international transport permits for Ukrainian hauliers, and Poland plans to raise the issue at the December 4 Transport Council.

But Monday was Adamczyk's last day on the job. He was replaced as infrastructure minister by Alvin Gajadhur in a Cabinet that is only expected to last for two weeks before a new opposition-led government headed by former PM Donald Tusk takes office.

Tusk denounced the government's inability to resolve the issue.

"Since they pretend to have formed a real government, they could pretend to deal with real problems," he said on Tuesday.

Instability in Warsaw is opening the door to activists from Polands far-right Confederation party.

Ukrainians used to carry out 160,000 trucking operations before the war. This year to date its been nearly 1 million, said Rafa Mekler, owner of a trucking company from Midzyrzec Podlaski in eastern Poland.

But Mekler isnt simply a rank-and-file trucker. He's also a Confederation politician who has been heavily involved in organizing the border protests. His Facebook page is rife with criticism of Ukraine, and his party is Poland's most skeptical of the alliance with Kyiv.

In one of the posts, Mekler likened Ukraine to a spoiled brat.

We are fighting for our transport [business], not against Ukraine. But Ukraine has dug its heels in and wont budge an inch, giving us this emotional rhetoric about the war and how we are blocking medicines from going through, Mekler said.

Even though the Polish protesters claim they are letting essential and military cargoes pass, Derkach said that's very difficult in practice as he saw trucks carrying fuel and humanitarian aid shipments unable to break through the logjam.

They let some 30 trucks a day pass the border. How can we even say they have the right to do it? What is this, a siege of a war-torn country? said Oleksiy Davydenko, owner of a Ukrainian medical supply chain called Medtechnika.

Poland's new Agriculture Minister Anna Gembickasaid allegations that humanitarian and military is being held up were "not true."

She blamed the problems on the border on Russia's invasion and on the "irresponsible" policy of the EU "which does not see the problems of Poland and [other] border countries." She added she wants to meet with Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis to explain the Polish viewpoint.

Kyiv says two Ukrainian drivers have died while waiting; Polish police say one has.

So far the Ukrainian government isn't backing down on its demand that the EU stick to the deal last year that its drivers should be allowed in.

One of the central bugbears for the Poles is that Ukraine uses an electronic tagging system for all trucks queuing up at border crossings. The Poles want their empty trucks exempted from that queuing scheme so they can pass through border controls more quickly.

We offered [Polish truckers] to open more checkpoints and create special road lines for the empty Polish trucks. But they do not want to register in an electronic queue system like everyone else. It would be unfair to other countries if we offer a special treatment, Derkach said.

We also cant return to the permits system as we lost all our other borders for our export, Derkach added, complaining that the Polish truckers were unwilling to talk. They didnt want to listen to that we have to keep the economy running during the war. Some of them said they already helped enough and now they had to feed their families. So they just stood up and left the negotiations.

The importance of Ukraine's border with Poland surged after Russia's invasion last year, which cut off the country's easy access its Black Sea ports.

Initially, Poland welcomed millions of refugees, led the way in supplying weapons to Ukraine and backed its speedy admission to the EU.

But as the costs of those policies rose, so did political tensions.

Poland, along with Hungary and Slovakia, closed its market to Ukrainian grain imports, despite an EU-Ukraine trade deal and in violation of the rules of the European Union's single market.

Now it's the turn of Polish truck drivers. Slovak and Hungarian truckers are threatening similar protests. Ironically, Central European hauliers are making similar grievances to West European trucking firms which complained bitterly about being undercut when those countries joined the EU.

The truckers have been joined by farmers, who on Monday launched a 24-hour blockade of the Medyka border crossing in southeastern Poland.

Ukrainians are biting the hand we have extended to them," farm protest organizer Roman Kondrw told the Polish Press Agency.

The protests have cost Ukraine's economy more than 400 million, Volodymyr Balin, vice president of the Association of International Motor Carriers, said at a briefing in Kyiv.

I think our mistake was to rely on Poland so much. We moved our businesses, we pay taxes logistics fees we used to pay in Ukraine to Poland now. We thought we had our backs covered, Medtechnikas Davydenko said.Maybe if we were a bit more cautious, we would not be dependent on Poland so much..

Veronika Melkozerova reported from Kyiv.

See more here:
Truck chaos on Polish border signals tensions over integrating Ukraine into EU - POLITICO Europe

With Republicans in Congress stalling on granting Ukraine more military aid, NATOs top diplomat warned on Tuesday that it would be dangerous to curtail support to the war, as member countries tried to pin down the United States on its commitments to Kyiv and as the conflict in Gaza sapped Washingtons attention.

As foreign ministers gathered Tuesday at the military alliances headquarters, the NATO secretary general, Jens Stoltenberg, insisted that Ukraine would remain a top priority. He predicted that U.S. assistance would continue not only to protect American security interests but also because its what we have agreed.

Its our obligation to ensure that we provide Ukraine with the weapons they need, because it will be a tragedy for Ukrainians if President Putin wins, Mr. Stoltenberg told journalists in Brussels at the start of two days of meetings of the military alliance. It will also be dangerous for us.

The challenge now is that we need to sustain the support, Mr. Stoltenberg said. He added: We just have to stay the course.

The plea for continued military assistance for Ukraine came as several European states announced they would boycott an upcoming summit of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe because it would include Sergey V. Lavrov, the Russian foreign minister. Russia is a member of the OSCE, but the foreign ministers of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania said its planned attendance this week belied its war of aggression and atrocities against its sovereign and peaceful neighbor Ukraine.

Ukraine said it would also boycott the OSCE meeting in Skopje, North Macedonia. The U.S. secretary of state, Antony J. Blinken, is expected to attend, as is Josep Borrell Fontelles, the European Unions chief diplomat.

We have to go, we are members of this organization, and we have to present our views and counter the views of Russia, Mr. Borrell said on Tuesday at a separate meeting in Brussels with Ukraines foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba. State Department officials have given no indication that Mr. Blinken wants or expects to have contact with Mr. Lavrov, whom he last met in a brief encounter on the sidelines of a Group of 20 meeting in March.

At NATO, Mr. Blinken tried to assuage concerns about dwindling American support for Ukraine. A White House proposal to send Ukraine about $61.4 billion in additional emergency aid out of an overall $105 billion plan has stalled in the Republican-led House. That has left the United States with less than $5 billion available to contribute to the war. American military aid to Ukraine has so far totaled about $45 billion in weapons and equipment.

We will be strongly reaffirming our support for Ukraine as it continues to face Russias war of aggression, Mr. Blinken said as he headed into Tuesdays meetings.

The pointed remarks underscored NATOs attempts to deter Russia as its war in Ukraine approaches the two-year mark and as all indications suggest the conflict is likely to drag out for far longer.

What was once a resounding show of unity within the military alliance has given way to fears that top Republicans in the United States will back away from continuing to support the surge of weapons the West has been sending to Ukraine since Russia invaded in February 2022. At the same time, NATOs plans to include Sweden as a full member remain snarled within the alliance, upending efforts to project a common front among alliance members.

A senior administration official said that maintaining the Wests support was particularly important given that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia shows no signs of relenting. The official said that Mr. Putin is awaiting the outcome of the November 2024 U.S. presidential election and is unlikely to entertain the possibility of a meaningful peace settlement before then. Former President Donald J. Trump, the current Republican presidential front-runner, has spoken skeptically about U.S. aid to Kyiv.

The Biden administration, eager to support Ukraine and remain a reliable partner within NATO, has predicted that the war funding will be approved by years end.

It is critical for U.S. security, for alliance security, and for our key partners to feel secure, that we provide the assistance thats requested, James OBrien, the assistant secretary of state for European policy, told journalists on the eve of the meetings in Brussels.

But Representative Mike Turner, Republican of Ohio and chairman of the House intelligence committee, said of war funding in an interview on NBCs Meet The Press on Sunday that itd be very difficult to get it done by the end of the year, given an current mood in Congress.

NATOs assurances are particularly critical as Ukraine heads into an uncertain winter, with dwindling stockpiles of ammunition and other weapons as it tries to protect its power grids and advance an offensive that has struggled to gain ground in the countrys south and east.

Mr. Stoltenberg acknowledged that Ukraine had not pushed the front lines drastically farther into Russian-held territory over the last year. But he said its forces were holding their own against Russias much larger army.

The intense fighting continues, he said.

Perhaps mindful of the uncertainty of allied support for Ukraine, several diplomats said on Tuesday that the alliance should pin down long-term security commitments, with Mariya Gabriel, Bulgarias foreign minister, saying NATO should define together what are the next steps in order not to create expectations that we will be not able to fulfill.

Canadas foreign minister, Mlanie Joly, echoed that concern.

While what is happening in the Middle East is taking a lot of our attention, we need to make sure that we are always focused on Ukraine, Ms. Joly said.

Ukraine has a lot, but needs more, she added. Theres been lots of words. We need even more action, and that is why well be talking about the implementation of our commitments.

Looming over Tuesdays meetings was a still-unfulfilled pledge by Turkey and Hungary to ratify Sweden as NATOs 32nd member state, as was proposed 18 months ago.

The parliaments of both countries have stalled in approving Swedens membership. Turkey has raised concerns about Stockholms human rights protections of Kurdish P.K.K. militants, whom much of the West considers terrorists. And Hungary is largely waiting for Turkey to move on approving Sweden.

A slew of foreign ministers expressed disappointment on Tuesday that Swedens application remained stalled.

The membership of Sweden is highly crucial for the entire alliance, said Elina Valtonen, the foreign minister of Finland, which joined NATO as a full member this past April, discarding years of neutrality after Russians invasion.

The Turkish foreign minister, Hakan Fidan, did not make any promises.

I am sure we will have very frank and open discussions, Mr. Fidan said ahead of a private meeting with Mr. Blinken.

After the day's conclusion, the senior administration official said that Mr. Fidan had privately indicated that Turkeys parliament would approve Swedens membership by the end of the year. But Turkish officials have made previous assurances about the process that proved hollow.

Michael Crowley contributed reporting from Brussels.

Read more here:
NATO Leaders Try to Pin Down U.S. on Ukraine Aid as Republicans Waver - The New York Times

Displaced older people with disabilities in Ukraine are physically and financially unable to access adequate housing and care amid Russias ongoing invasion, sometimes leaving few alternatives to being placed in residential institutions, Amnesty International said in a new report today ahead of the International Day of Persons with Disabilities.

The report, They Live in the Dark: Older peoples isolation and inadequate access to housing amid Russias invasion of Ukraine, documents how Russias full-scale invasion, which began in February 2022, has placed unprecedented strain on Ukraines already overburdened care system. As a result, many older people, including older people with disabilities, have been separated from their families, leading to their segregation and isolation.

Russias continuing indiscriminate attacks, many of which amount to war crimes, have displaced millions of Ukrainian civilians from their homes. Ukraine has one of the highest proportions of older people in the world: nearly 10 million of its population of about 41 million, almost a quarter, were aged over 60 before February 2022. Even after being displaced to safer parts of Ukraine, older people, particularly those with disabilities, are still facing enormous difficulties in rebuilding a dignified life, struggling to access adequate housing, support services and healthcare, said Laura Mills, researcher on older people and people with disabilities at Amnesty International.

Russias invasion has placed an immense strain on Ukraines already struggling social care system

Russias invasion has placed an immense strain on Ukraines already struggling social care system. The humanitarian response is failing to meet this urgent need for accessible housing and support services, and as a result thousands of older people with disabilities are being segregated in institutions, far from their loved ones and isolated from their communities.

Institutions should not be seen as the default option for displaced older people, including older people with disabilities. There are simple changes such as building ramps in temporary shelters that can be made to ensure families are kept together, which would vastly improve the quality of life for people who require mobility support.

Amnesty International interviewed 159 people between May and September 2023 for this report, including 89 older people, many of whom had disabilities, and 22 social or healthcare workers. Researchers also visited 24 temporary shelters. Amnesty International recognizes that the fastest way to protect the rights of all civilians in Ukraine, including older people, is for Russia to end its war of aggression.

While most displaced people in Ukraine are living in rented accommodation, extremely low pensions and high rent costs render this type of housing unaffordable for many older people.

As a result, older people often live in large numbers in temporary shelters for displaced people in schools, dormitories, and other public buildings.

However, almost all shelters that Amnesty International visited were partially or completely inaccessible to people with physical disabilities. Many lacked ramps to enter the building, elevators, grab bars to make toilets accessible, or enough space for a wheelchair user to make a full turn.

People in wheelchairs came to us. But we couldnt even take them in for the night; we had to turn them away

A director of a youth camp in Koviahy, Kharkiv region, which had been converted into a shelter, told Amnesty International: People in wheelchairs came to us. But we couldnt even take them in for the night; we had to turn them away. We dont have a ramp in front of the building.

Ukraine is a state party to the Convention on the Right of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), meaning the Ukrainian government is required to ensure that people with disabilities have access to their physical environment on an equal basis, including during situations of armed conflict. International partners should support Ukraine, including through financing and providing materials to make shelters physically accessible.

Amnesty International researchers were repeatedly told that the lack of physically accessible shelters meant shelter staff felt they had no option but to send older people with disabilities into institutions.

Shrapnel flew into my yard. I lost consciousnessBefore I walked with only one cane, now I need two. Nina Melnychenko, 85 from Mykolaiv region

Nina Melnychenko, 85, described suffering lasting injuries after an explosion near her home in Mykolaiv region: Shrapnel flew into my yard. I lost consciousness I cant see from my left eye anymore Before I walked with only one cane, now I need two.

Older people with disabilities, including the growing number who have conflict-related disabilities, are often unable to access disability-related services or healthcare. This lack of care and support is compounded by the fact that many younger relatives who would have previously supported older people with their care needs have either fled abroad or to other parts of Ukraine or have been enlisted into the military.

As a result, social workers who provide home-based care are completely overwhelmed, unable to meet the needs of or provide adequate support to all the older people who require it. The lack of sufficient social workers has contributed to the institutionalization of older people with disabilities, as they are unable to remain in their homes without specialized support.

Older people with disabilities who have been placed in institutions are often separated from relatives who live in shelters for the general population. Separating people with disabilities into institutional settings which can include long-term stays in hospitals, where many displaced older people are also living is a form of segregation, according to the CRPD Committee.

Institutionalization can lead to numerous human rights violations, including physical abuse, neglect, and detrimental impacts on right to health. As one social worker explained, many older people in Ukraine now live in the dark.

Life lying down is unbearable. The hardest thing is you have no social interactions. . . I was never a bedridden person, I was always able to use my wheelchair

Halyna Dmitriieva, 52, has cerebral palsy, and was not put in her wheelchair for several months whilst living in an institution. She said: Life lying down is unbearable. The hardest thing is you have no social interactions. I was never a bedridden person, I was always able to use my wheelchair.

Older people with dementia or other cognitive disabilities appeared particularly at risk of getting lost in the institutional system after losing contact with relatives during the conflict.

An 83-year-old woman with dementia was placed in an institution in Odesa after being displaced, and lost contact with her son. She said: I dont know how to look for him. There is no way to telephone him I have nowhere else to go.

Many older people expressed feelings of isolation after being separated from younger relatives who had fled abroad or moved to other parts of the country.

Foreign donors and humanitarian organizations must provide financial and technical support to help relieve the workload of social care providers who are courageously putting their lives at risk, and help to increase their capacity, said Laura Mills.

The costs and logistics of an inclusive response that ensures all older people can live independently with dignity in the community should not have to be met by Ukraine alone.

Amnesty International commissioned a 15-minute documentary film by Ukrainian independent director Marina Chankova. Dreaming in the Shadows, which features three older people in Ukraine who have been displaced or are still living in areas directly impacted by the war, can be watched here.

Amnesty International has been documenting war crimes and other serious violations of international humanitarian law since the beginning of Russias full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This includes the December 2022 report, I used to have a home: Older peoples experience of war, displacement, and access to housing in Ukraine.

For more on Amnesty Internationals work on the rights of older people, visit https://www.amnesty.org/en/what-we-do/older-people/.

Read the rest here:
Ukraine: Russian invasion has forced older people with disabilities ... - Amnesty International

With the failure of the Ukrainian offensive, the Biden administration now seems to realize that Ukrainian victory is highly unlikely, and that at some point there will need to be negotiations. However, it hopes to defer this problem until after the next elections, when it can no longer harm Biden at the pollsor it becomes a Republican administrations worry, which, at present, most likely means a Trump administration. Echoing the Biden administrations stance, all other major players involved in the war in Ukraine also seem to be waiting for the next U.S. presidential election.

It is of course a long time until the next U.S. presidential election, and much may happen in that time both in the U.S. and Ukraine, but, at present, opinion polls suggest both that Donald Trump will be the Republican presidential candidate and that he stands a good chance of beating Joe Biden.Asecond Trump presidency seems likely to mean greatly reduced support for Ukraine, possibly combined with a U.S. push for a peace settlement. Without very high levels of U.S. military aid ($61.4 billion to date), it will be impossible for Ukraine to continue the fight.

A second Trump administration is a prospect that European governments dread, but that they cannot influence. Nor do they have the ability, unity or will either to initiate negotiations themselves, or to substitute for U.S. military aid to Ukraine. They are therefore alsoin waiting mode.

Meanwhile, the Ukrainian establishment is in a state of great confusion and division. Awareness is dawning that the chances of complete victory are slight, and time is not on Ukraines side; but the government has declared so often and so publicly that a compromise peace is unacceptable (especially concerning even a temporary territorial compromise during a ceasefire) that it will be extremely difficult for them to agree to talks, unless they come under massive public pressure from Washington or suffer a severe military defeat.

As for the Russian government, it senses that time is on its side, and also appears willing to wait in the hope that Russias far greater reserves of manpower and ammunition combined with Western and Ukrainian war weariness will eventually force Ukraine to accept Russian terms (albeit ones that would probably be far less than Moscow hoped for when it launched the war). Vladimir Putinwho is poised to run for reelection in the springalso hopes that a Trump administration would promote such a settlement.

Russian hopes are, however, qualified by the previous Trump administrations actual record in office. TheMueller andDurham reports have debunked the allegations both of covert links between Trump and Vladimir Putin, and that Russian interference played a critical role in the 2016 elections. Even more importantly, the Trump administration did nothing at all in practical terms to seek a new relationship with Russia.

On the contrary: during Trumps term, the offer (however deferred) of NATO membership to Ukraine was not withdrawn; the United States went on arming and training the Ukrainian armed forces; and, accusing Russia of cheating, Trump withdrew from the 1987 Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty signed by Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev. Trump made friendly statements about Putin, but these led to no practical results whatsoever. In part, this is because economic sanctions on Russia are controlled by the U.S. Senate, and Trump has never had the attention, the skill or the influence to seriously sway Senate votes. A Trump promise to lift sanctions on Russiahighly important to the success of any peace settlementwould therefore very likely be blocked.

It can of course be argued that Trump was so uninterested in actual policy, and his administration so dysfunctional and chaotic, that his senior officials acted in direct contravention of the presidents wishes. Certainly, if Trump had really wished for compromise with Russia, to appoint Mike Pompeo, John Bolton and Gen. H.R. McMaster to his team was nothing short of lunacy on his part. There is therefore concern in Moscow that a future Trump administration would simply not be able to deliver a peace settlement, let alone one that would stick. Trump has stated publicly that as president, he would end the Ukraine war in 24 hours, but he has provided no details at all about how he would do this.

The question therefore arises whether a second Trump administration will be more disciplined and united,and there are efforts in the conservative camplike Project 2025, which provides a blueprint for conservative control over the different branches of federal bureaucracyto ensure just this outcome. Should Trump, if elected, appoint someone like Sen. J.D. Vance to a top position, this would obviously create a strong voice in his administration for compromise with Russia. This would be even more so if Trumps legal troubles keep him from running and instead he supports someone like Vance as president.

Then again, given the deep divisions within the Republican establishment, and the bitter hostility to Trump on the part of the U.S. bipartisan foreign and security establishment as a whole, it would be extremely difficult for a Trump administration to find people with the qualifications to serve in senior foreign and security policy positions. Some former officials who would in principle support compromise with Russia over Ukraine have already indicated in private that they would never serve in a Trump administration.

On the other hand, it is possible that U.S. establishment thinking will also shift over the course of the next year. Indeed, as is clear from articles and remarks acknowledging the failure of the Ukrainian offensive, this process has already begun. If the existing stalemate continues, or Russia makes significant new gains, the United States will ultimately be faced with a choice between either accepting a settlement, or intervening directly on the side of Ukrainesomething that President Joe Biden and the vast majority of U.S. politicians have explicitly ruled out.

U.S. problems elsewhere may also increase the view presently held by a Realist section of the Republican Party that the United States is dangerously over-extended, and that it is necessary to seek compromise with Russia in order to concentrate on the greater threat from China, and on support for Israel. Growing conflict in the Middle East could strengthen this view in Washington. So could a new crisis with China over Taiwan or a new major terrorist attack on the United States.

A frightening escalation of nuclear tension with Russia as a result of some unintended clash between Russian and NATO forces could also shock Americans into a desire to bring the Ukraine conflict to an end. In any of these situations, a President Trump might find quite strong support for an effort at a peace settlement in Ukraine. He would also of course face bitter opposition, within the United States, from some European governments, and from many Ukrainians.

Any peace settlement based on the existing battle lines in Ukraine, even if it included Ukrainian neutrality, would fall far short of what the Russian government hoped for when it launched its invasion in February 2022. By far the greater part of Ukraine would remain independent of Moscow and closely aligned with the West. It would also of course fall far short of Ukrainian hopes of defeating Russia completely and recovering all territory lost since 2014.

For a hypothetical future Trump administration to achieve a peace agreement minimally acceptable to both Kyiv and Moscow, it would take exceptionally skillful diplomacy, as well as a U.S. readiness to accept China as an equal partner in the peace process, and to reach out to India and other countries of the Global South for help. These are not features that have been characteristic of U.S. policy in recent yearsleast of all the last Trump administration. Therefore, for Ukraine, the most likely result of a Trump administration may simply be radically diminished U.S. support, causing Russia to make new gains on the battlefield and, perhaps, leading to an imposed peace.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily represent those of the Quincy Institute. Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead shared in the public domain.

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What Would a Trump Administration Mean for the War in Ukraine? - Russia Matters

War destruction offers a chance to rebuild Ukraine in a way that considers its changing identity and with special attention for people with disabilities such as soldiers and amputees, writes Anna Romandash.

Anna Romandash is the Fourth Freedom Forums first Howard S. Brembeck Fellow, an award-winning journalist from Ukraine, and the author ofWomen of Ukraine: Reportages from the War and Beyond.

Russia continues waging its war and missiles keep falling on Ukrainian cities. Destruction and deaths are regular occurrences across the country, which has been dealing with the Russian aggression for nearly ten years.

Yet, Ukraine is rebuilding itself as we speak. Neither the government nor the civil society are waiting for the war to end. Instead, people are already restoring whats been damaged or lost and are trying to put as much normalcy into the war-affected areas as possible, given the situation.

In many cases, destruction offers a chance to rebuild Ukraine in a way that considers its changing identity such as without any of the clichs and influences of the Soviet occupation or colonial past. A lot of reconstruction is also influenced by the ongoing war such as building schools underground for safety reasons and upgrading security requirements for new projects.

Yet, what about inclusive reconstruction? Are the buildings, roads, and other infrastructure barriers free and friendly to those with disabilities? Is the Ukrainian reconstruction project adapted to the need to serve the people who have special needs and whose rights have been deprived for many years, primarily due to the Soviet legacy of keeping people with disabilities inside, invisible to their communities?

In reality, Ukraine can no longer ignore people with disabilities. Before the full-scale invasion, there were nearly three million Ukrainians who had a disability almost 10% of the population. Now, with the continuous aggression, explosions, and attacks, the number of disabled individuals is likely to grow and it is expected to explode when the majority of the soldiers return from the war and go through rehabilitation processes.

The government of Ukraine recognises the need to rebuild the country inclusively and there are platforms and spaces for discussion with relevant civil society organisations and activists working on disability rights. Civil forums and government-community exchanges enable more cooperation on an inclusive strategy for rebuilding Ukraine.

Further, there are pilot projects with civil society consulting the government and local communities to ensure the reconstruction in different localities is disability-friendly.

So the reality is somewhat hopeful because the rights and needs of people with disabilities are at least taken into account now. Before, these groups were mostly invisible and marginalised, so this large percentage of Ukraines population had no say in the vision of their countrys future.

This discussion is at least happening amid the war and chaos, which is already a big step forward. Politicians and policymakers are aware of the need for inclusive reconstruction, and average Ukrainians are increasingly more knowledgeable and receptive toward disability rights.

This is not enough, however. Inclusive reconstruction is not about giving privileges to people with disabilities because equal access and human rights empower society as a whole and not only a selected few.

Throughout the entire Russian aggression in Ukraine, people with disability had to rely on themselves to get to safety as there were no accessible shelters and few options for fleeing from insecure areas on their own.

As Ive been reporting on the Russian war, Ive talked to many people with disabilities who had to evacuate themselves on inaccessible trains, rely on peoples kindness, ask others to tell them what was happening when they could not hear or read the urgent information, and face the terrifying reality of being abandoned.

People were often left to their own devices amid the state of highest panic during the early days of the full-scale invasion. There are lots of closed institutions for people with mental disabilities which were not evacuated on time when Russia occupied Ukrainian territories.

Often, when people with mental disabilities managed to flee the occupation, they did so all alone, without any accompaniment. When they arrived in Ukraine-controlled areas, they struggled to get accessible information or help.

There are many failures when it comes to caring for recently disabled people such as soldiers-amputees returning from the frontlines, or civilians hurt as a result of the invasion. The Ukrainian state cannot serve them all and provide adequate medical and other support and this task is often outsourced to civil society organisations and international partners.

Yet, there are things where civil society cannot replace the state such as an actual infrastructure update and fixing and constructing roads, buildings, and other spaces that are accessible and disability-friendly.

Civil society is also not the one which determines Ukraines education system such as launching inclusive educational programs and making sure that children with disability have access to regular schools and get to socialise with their peers.

These and other fundamental tasks are the states responsibility and it is crucial that the Ukrainian government prioritises inclusiveness and makes it a national policy. This goes beyond ramps on the pedestrian walkways, enabling more access to information for people with special needs, more visibility and representation in policymaking, and a shift in education.

Ukraine is undergoing rapid decolonisation by freeing itself from the remains of the Soviet past. It was a Soviet approach of locking people with disabilities in their homes or closed institutions as second-class citizens.

Now, Ukraine has a unique opportunity not only to rebuild itself but to do it right so Ukraines reconstruction caters to all communities. As Ukraine strives to become an EU member state, it should borrow some of the better practices from its Western neighbours so its reconstruction is disability-friendly and genuinely inclusive.

People with disabilities shared different experiences during the Russian war. Many became volunteers rescuing others from the most dangerous areas. Some were forced to flee the country. There are also people with disabilities serving in Ukraines Armed Forces. Regardless of each experience, people with disabilities are no longer invisible in Ukrainian society and they need to have the equal rights and accessibility they deserve.

Link:
Inclusive reconstruction of Ukraine: What's at stake? - EURACTIV