Socialism For Our Children!
Communism is an international movement and wont happen in our lifetime, but what we can do is create socialism in our nations to give our children the best l...
By: JUCHE REVOLUTION
Originally posted here:
Socialism For Our Children! - Video
Pyongyang, February 27 (KCNA) -- The Central Committee of the Nepal Worker-Peasant Party made public a statement on Feb. 16, the Day of the Shining Star (birth anniversary of leader Kim Jong Il).
The statement said:
February 16 marks the 73rd birth anniversary of Kim Jong Il, the great leader of the Korean people and outstanding leader of the world movement for socialism.
The DPRK is dignified as a great country thanks to the great leaders.
President Kim Il Sung led his people to liberate the country from the Japanese imperialists' military occupation and beat back the U.S. imperialists in the war and built a powerful independent and sovereign state in Korea.
It is attributable to the great, outstanding leaders that socialism in the DPRK advances by its own efforts and its people lead a worthy life.
Korean socialism founded and led by Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il is now advancing vigorously under the outstanding leadership of Marshal Kim Jong Un.
The U.S. imperialists have stationed huge armed forces in south Korea and persistently resorted to economic sanctions and blockade and military threat against the DPRK.
However, the U.S. imperialists suffered setback and socialism in the DPRK has been safeguarded thanks to the great leaders.
The Nepalese people take this opportunity to extend warm congratulations to Kim Jong Un and the Korean people.
Read more here:
Day of Shining Star Marked by Nepali Political Party
Pakistan Be Based Upon Islamic Socialism
Quaid-e-Azam (RA): Pakistan be Based upon Islamic Socialism! http://youtu.be/1amv88mFWQ0.
By: EYE ON PAK
See more here:
Pakistan Be Based Upon Islamic Socialism - Video
With the Syriza-led government locked in no-blink negotiations with Greece's creditors, especially Germany, it might be time to revive an old slogan of the left: Rosa Luxemburg's "socialism or barbarism." Restated for the 21st century, "socialism" simply means that a people's judgments about its own economic life -- the kind of work people do, the kind of security they enjoy, the kind of dignity they feel -- come before the supposedly iron rules of the international economy. It would also be fair to call it "economic democracy."
The condescending view of the Greeks as somehow not understanding economic reason and the direction of history writes off this kind of economic democracy as infeasible, archaic, and probably senseless. Alexis Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, the anti-austerity party at the head of Greece's new government, has described its "mission" as "the radical transformation of society across Europe, based on socialism and democracy." All of this convinces many observers that Syriza is a symptom of fantasy. Sometimes the diagnosis is directed at the Greeks themselves ("Don't they know socialism is over?"), sometimes to their admirers in Western Europe and the U.S. ("When will they stop idealizing other people's revolutions?"). More sympathetic commentators praise Syriza for being more realistic than it sounds and seeking a "responsible" way to finesse Brussels, Berlin, and Greek's creditors and ease the country out of a punishing austerity without changing the ground rules.
Syriza's government has a chance to reverse the lens. Economic democracy (or, as Syriza calls it, socialism) is politics that puts human needs first and accepts that market-based destabilization, impoverishment, and humiliation are not natural disasters or comeuppance for bad behavior but forms of political violence.
* * *
Syriza has an extraordinary uphill fight, both institutionally and ideologically. Their humane program sounds utopian to most ears. The "socialist" parties of Europe have committed themselves to the European project, which they, like Polanyi's old idealists, believe is the key to peace and prosperity -- so much that they are willing to double down on it at the cost of poverty and antagonism. And the interdependence of European fiscal rules, banking regimes, and so forth creates an obstacle course with a series of tripwires that could sink Greece's domestic banks or otherwise make things even worse.
Syriza is often described as an anti-austerity party, which sounds merely reactive. It is true that the party's support is a response to the disruption, insecurity, and humiliation that budget cuts and unemployment have visited on ordinary Greeks. When Tsipras talks about "an economy that will focus on people's needs" and "a welfare state that ensures education, health, and dignity for all," these rather abstract ideals have very concrete opposites: unemployed young people desperate to flee the country, pensioners pawning their coats and digging through trash for food, taxpayers whose money leaves the country in the form of debt service. Doesn't Syriza's "socialism" just mean "Not this!" -- as it did for many socialists in the 19th century, reacting against the fresh hell of the factory economy?
Maybe. But understanding the Greek situation this way prejudges practically every important question. It treats the current fiscal arrangements of Europe as hard facts, economic logic as hard rationality, and the impulse toward a different social world as a feeling, an emotional response to hard times. In that world, when Syriza declares itself a socialist party, it is announcing that it is unqualified to handle real power and responsibility. On this take, Syriza's voters are, almost by definition, emotional and reactive.
* * *
To see the world differently, it helps to go back to a tradition of thinking that developed before the total dominance of today's conventional economics. That tradition is long and rich, though any effort to use it today requires updating.
Partly by chance, in the week of Syriza's victory, I was rereading and teaching economic historian Karl Polanyi's 1944 classic, The Great Transformation, a touchstone work of non-Marxist democratic socialism. Polanyi asked how Europe had gone mad and bloodthirsty in the 1930s. His answer: For decades, the spread and rigorous enforcement of laissez-faire capitalism had been destabilizing communities, endangering and humiliating works, and despoiling the natural world. Under the artificial and draconian partial economic integration that the gold standard put in place, countries saw these crises amplified while their governments' power to address their crises was diminished. Humiliated, bewildered, and alienated, national populations struck back, either scrambling to recover a lost (and idealized) past or straining toward an imagined (often unattainable) future. Fascism was the worst product of this episode, which Polanyi described as spontaneous self-defense by "society."
Read the original here:
Jedediah Purdy: Socialism or barbarism? Syriza, economics and democracy
Heaven on Earth:The Rise and Fall of Socialism - :
By: Ar-Riham Production
See original here:
Heaven on Earth:The Rise and Fall of Socialism - : - Video