Archive for the ‘Socialism’ Category

Socialism – Investopedia

What is 'Socialism'

Socialism is a populist economic and political system based on the public ownership (also known as collective or common ownership) of the means of production. Those means include the machinery, tools and factories used to produce goods that aim to directly satisfy human needs.

In a purely socialist system, all legal production and distribution decisions are made by the government, and individuals rely on the state for everything from food to healthcare. The government determines output and pricing levels of these goods and services.

Socialists contend that shared ownership of resources and central planning provide a more equal distribution of goods and services, and a more equitable society.

Common ownership under socialism may take shape through technocratic, oligarchic, totalitarian, democratic or even voluntary rule. Prominent historical examples of socialist countries include the Soviet Union andNaziGermany. Contemporary examples include Cuba, Venezuela and China.

Due to its practical challenges and poor track record, socialism is sometimes referred to as a utopian or post-scarcity system, although modern adherents believe it could work if only properly implemented. They argue socialism creates equality and provides security a workers value comes from the amount of time he or she works, not in the value of what he or she produces while capitalism exploits workers for the benefit of the wealthy.

Socialist ideals include production for use, rather than for profit; an equitable distribution of wealth and material resources among all people; no more competitive buying and selling in the market; and free access to goods and services. Or, as an old socialist slogan puts it, from each according to ability, to each according to need.

Socialism developed in opposition to the excesses and abuses to liberal individualism and capitalism. Under early capitalist economies during the late 18th and 19th centuries, western European countries experienced industrial production and compound economic growth at a rapid pace. Some individuals and families rose to riches quickly, while others sank into poverty, creating income inequality and other social concerns.

The most famous early socialist thinkers were Robert Owen, Henri de Saint-Simon, Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. It was primarily Lenin who expounded on the ideas of earlier socialists and helped bring socialist planning to the national level after the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.

Following the failure of socialist central planning in the Soviet Union and Maoist China during the 20th century, many modern socialists adjusted to a highly regulatory and redistributive system, sometimes referred to as market socialism or democratic socialism.

Capitalist economies (also known as free-market or market economies) and socialist economies differ by their logical underpinnings, stated or implied objectives, and structures of ownership and production. Socialists and free-market economists tend to agree on fundamental economics the supply and demand framework, for instance while disagreeing about its proper adaptation. Several philosophical questions also lie at the heart of the debate between socialism and capitalism: What is the role of government? What constitutes a human right? What roles should equality and justice play in a society?

Functionally, socialism and free-market capitalism can be divided on property rights and control of production. In a capitalist economy, private individuals and enterprises own the means of production and the right to profit from them; private property rights are taken very seriously and apply to nearly everything. In a socialist economy, the government owns and controls the means of production; personal property is sometimes allowed, but only in the form of consumer goods.

In a socialist economy, public officials control producers, consumers, savers, borrowers and investors by taking over and regulating trade, the flow of capital and other resources. In a free-market economy, trade is performed on a voluntary, or nonregulated, basis.

Market economies rely on the separate actions of self-determining individuals to determine production, distribution and consumption. Decisions about what, when and how to produce are made privately and coordinated through a spontaneously developed price system, and prices are determined by the laws of supply and demand. Proponents say that freely floating market prices direct resources towards their most efficient ends. Profits are encouraged and drive future production.

Socialist economies rely on either the government or worker cooperatives to drive production and distribution. Consumption is regulated, but it is still partially left up to individuals. The state determines how main resources are used and taxes wealth for redistributive efforts. Socialist economic thinkers consider many private economic activities to be irrational, such as arbitrage or leverage, because they do not create immediate consumption or use.

There are many points of contention between these two systems. Socialists consider capitalism and the free market to be unfair and possibly unsustainable. For example, most socialists contend that market capitalism is incapable of providing enough subsistence to the lower classes. They contend that greedy owners suppress wages and seek to retain profits for themselves.

Proponents of market capitalism counter that it is impossible for socialist economies to allocate scarce resources efficiently without real market prices. They claim the resultant shortages, surpluses and political corruption will lead to more poverty, not less.Overall, they say, that socialism is impractical and inefficient, suffering in particular from two major challenges.

The first, widely called the incentive problem, says nobody wants to be a sanitation worker or wash skyscraper windows. That is, socialist planners cannot incentivize laborers to accept dangerous or uncomfortable jobs without violating the equality of outcomes.

Far more serious is the calculation problem, a concept stemmng from economist Ludwig von Mises 1920 article Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth. Socialists, said Mises, are unable to perform any real economic calculation without a pricing mechanism. Without accurate factor costs, no true accounting may take place. Without futures markets, capital can never reorganize efficiently over time.

While socialism and capitalism seem diametrically opposed, most capitalist economies today have some socialist aspects. Elements of a market economy and a socialist economy can be combined into a mixed economy. And in fact, most modern countries operate with a mixed economic system; government and private individuals both influence production and distribution.

Economist and social theorist Hans Herman Hoppe wrote that there are only two archetypes in economic affairs socialism and capitalism and that every real system is a combination of these archetypes. But because of the archetypes' differences, there is an inherent challenge in the philosophy of a mixed economy, and it becomes a never-ending balancing act between predictable obedience to the state and the unpredictable consequences of individual behavior.

Mixed economies are still relatively young, and theories around them have only recently codified. "The Wealth of Nations," Adam Smith's pioneering economic treatise, argued that markets were spontaneous and that the state could not direct them, or the economy. Later economists including John-Baptiste Say, F.A. Hayek, Milton Friedman and Joseph Schumpeter would expand on this idea. However, in 1985, political economy theorists Wolfgang Streeck and Philippe Schmitter introduced the term "economic governance" to describe markets that are not spontaneous but have to be created and maintained by institutions. The state, to pursue its objectives, needs to create a market that follows its rules.

Historically, mixed economies have followed two types of trajectories. The first type assumes that private individuals have the right to own property, produce and trade. State intervention has developed gradually, usually in the name of protecting consumers, supporting industries crucial to the public good (in fields like energy or communications) providing welfare or other aspects of the social safety net. Most western democracies, such as the United States, follow this model.

The second trajectory involves states that evolved from pure collectivist or totalitarian regimes. Individuals' interests are considered a distant second to state interests, but elements of capitalism are adopted to promote economic growth. China and Russia are examples of the second model.

A nation needs to transfer the means of production to transition from socialism to free markets. The process of transferring functions and assets from central authorities to private individuals is known as privatization.

Privatization occurs whenever ownership rights transfer from a coercive public authority to a private actor, whether it is a company or an individual. Different forms of privatization include contracting out to private firms, awarding franchises and the outright sale of government assets, or divestiture.

In some cases, privatization is not really privatization. Case in point: private prisons. Rather than completely ceding a service to competitive markets and the influence of supply and demand, private prisons in the United States are actually just a contracted-out government monopoly. The scope of functions that form the prison is largely controlled by government laws and executed by government policy. It is important to remember that not all transfers of government control result in a free market.

Some nation-wide privatization efforts have been relatively mild, while others have been dramatic. The most striking examples include the former satellite nations of the Soviet Bloc after the collapse of the U.S.S.R. and the modernization of the post-Mao Chinese government.

The privatization process involves several different kinds of reforms, not all of them completely economic. Enterprises need to be deregulated and prices need to be allowed to flow based on microeconomic considerations; tariffs and import/export barriers need to be removed; state-owned enterprises need to be sold; investment restrictions must be relaxed; and the state authorities must relinquish their individual interests in the means of production.The logistical problems associated with these actions have not been fully resolved, and several differing theories and practices have been offered throughout history.

Should these transfers be gradual or immediate? What are the impacts of shocking an economy built around central control? Can firms be effectively depoliticized? As the struggles in Eastern Europe in the 1990s show, it can be very difficult for a population to adjust from complete state control to suddenly having political and economic freedoms.

In Romania, for example, the National Agency for Privatization was charged with the goal of privatizing commercial activity in a controlled manner. Private ownership funds, or POFs, were created in 1991. The state ownership fund, or SOF, was to sell 10% of the state's shares each year to the POFs, allowing prices and markets to adjust to a new economic process. But initial efforts failed as progress was slow and politicization compromised many transitions. Further control was given to more government agencies and, over the course of the next decade, bureaucracy took over what should have been a private market.

These failures are indicative of the primary problem with gradual transitions: when political actors control the process, economic decisions continue to be made based on noneconomic justifications. A quick transition may result in the greatest initial shock and the most initial displacement, but it results in the fastest reallocation of resources toward the most valued, market-based ends.

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Socialism - Investopedia

What Is Socialism? – YouTube

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What do Scandinavia, Bernie Sanders, and the Soviet Union have in common? Arguably the most misused theory of all time: socialism. So what exactly is Socialism?

Learn More:Socialism it's meaning and promisehttp://www.slp.org/res_state_htm/soci... "Many people believe that socialism means government or state ownership and control."

How Socialism Workshttp://money.howstuffworks.com/social... "True socialists advocate a completely classless society, where the government controls all means of production and distribution of goods."

A Fascinating Map of the Worst Countries for Modern Slaveryhttp://www.theatlantic.com/internatio... "China, Russia, and Uzbekistan are among the countries that face sanctions for their lack of progress on human trafficking."

Basics on Social Democracyhttp://www.fesghana.org/uploads/PDF/B... "The theory of social democracy mainly arose in central Europe and especially in Germany during the 19th century. "

Watch More:Political Ideologies Playlisthttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qElx_...

Who Is Bernie Sandershttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sE4Q5...

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What Is Socialism? - YouTube

Bill Gates: We Need Socialism To Save The Planet – Your …

Bill Gates has said that capitalism isnt working, and that socialism is our only hope in order to save the planet.

During an interview with The Atlantic, the Microsoft founder said that the private sector is too selfish to produce clean and economical alternatives to fossil fuels, and announced his intentions to spend $2 billion of his own money on green energy.

The Independent reports:

The Microsoft founder called on fellow billionaires to help make the US fossil-free by 2050 with similar philanthropy.

He said:

Theres no fortune to be made. Even if you have a new energy source that costs the same as todays and emits no CO2, it will be uncertain compared with whats tried-and-true and already operating at unbelievable scale and has gotten through all the regulatory problems.

Without a substantial carbon tax, theres no incentive for innovators or plant buyers to switch.

Since World War II, US-government R&D has defined the state of the art in almost every area. The private sector is in general inept.

The climate problem has to be solved in the rich countries. China and the US and Europe have to solve CO2 emissions, and when they do, hopefully theyll make it cheap enough for everyone else.

In recent years, China has surged ahead of the US and Europe in green investment, despite remaining the worlds most polluting country in terms of fossil fuels.

Between 2000 and 2012, Chinas solar energy output rose from 3 to 21,000 megawatts, rising 67 per cent between 2013 and 2014. In 2014 the countrys CO2 emissions decreased 1 per cent.

Meanwhile, Germanys greenhouse emissions are at the lowest point since 1990, and the UK has seen a decrease of 13.35 per cent in emissions over the last five years, according to official quarterly statistics from the Department of Energy & Climate Change.

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Bill Gates: We Need Socialism To Save The Planet - Your ...

The Socialism America Needs Now | New Republic – New Republic

Marx saw socialism as a new mode of production that would follow capitalism the same way that capitalism had followed feudalism. It would represent a break, a rupture, and would likely come about through a revolution like the one in France. Socialism, and its ultimate form of communism, would incorporate in modified form certain elements of capitalismnamely popular democracybut abandon others, like capitalist ownership of the means of production. In Engels later formation, the working class, having won power, would own and control the countrys industry through their control of the state.

Before World War I, and to some extent afterward, many Marxist socialists saw capitalism becoming, in effect, a giant system of factories in which a small capitalist class ruled over the countrys rapidly expanding ranks of industrial workers. Through labor organizing and a socialist political party, the working class would seize power and displace the capitalist class. A dissenting group of revisionists, led by Eduard Bernstein, foresaw the growth of a new middle class and the attempt by the capitalist class to meet some of the demands that Marxist socialists believed would precipitate revolution.

But the debate between Marxists and revisionists was diverted by the Russian and Chinese revolutions. None of the pre-World War I socialists in the West believed that a country without a developed working class or the experience of parliamentary democracy could create socialism. But the leaders of the Soviet and Chinese revolutions insisted that they had done just that. As a result, the socialist debate for many years was waged over whether these countries were really socialist. That carried through to the new left of the Sixties when radicals describing themselves as communists adopted Cuba or China or even North Korea as models. (Acommune in Berkeley called the Red Family extolled the achievements of Kim Il Sung.) Their critics on the left, some of whom flocked to NAM, saw Debs socialism as a model. Debs believed in elections and democracy, but he also envisaged socialism as workers ownership and control of (repeat after me) the means of production. So what should have been a debate between Marxist and liberal socialists became a debate between self-styled communists and Marxist socialists.

In Western Europe, however, where many of the socialist, social-democratic, and labor parties entered government, socialists were forced to define their objectives more clearly. And what has emerged is a liberal conception of socialism. It has found itself under attack not from communistswho have disappeared after the fall of the Soviet Unionbut from Christian Democrats, Conservatives, and other center-right parties that continue to put the imperatives of the private market first. To some extent, too, that debate has crept into the socialist and social-democratic parties themselves through the advocacy of neoliberal politicians like Tony Blair in the United Kingdom, Gerhard Schroeder in Germany, Felipe Gonzalez in Spain and Francois Hollande in France.

In all its different varieties, you can still mark some clear lines between this Western European socialism and Marxist socialismand also distinguish pretty clearly between it and the neo-liberalism or market-liberalism that came to dominate the Democratic Party here. In practice, social democracy has probably reached its acme in the Nordic countries, where the left has ruled governments for most of last half-century. In these countries, the publics interest takes precedence over private interests of capital. Governments oversee the relations between employers and employees. Workers rights are enforced. In Sweden, the government conducts negotiations between labor and capital. In Germany, union representatives sit on corporate boards.

In some countries, key public service industries are nationalized; in others, they are strictly regulated in a way that goes well beyond our palsied agencies. Britains health service is state-run. (In Switzerland, the government sets rules for non-profit private firms to provide universal insurance.) In France, there are guarantees against arbitrary dismissal from a job. In Denmark and the Netherlands, it is easier for companies to hire and fire, but the government also provides very generous employment insurance. In Denmark, unemployment can last as long as four years and cover as much as 90 percent of what a worker had been earning. In most of these countries, college education is free and workers can also enjoy free retraining programs.

Thats not Marxs vision of socialism, or even Debs. In Europe, workers have significant say in what companies do. They dont control or own them. Private property endures. But within these parameters, families dont have to fear going hungry, losing their home, losing health insurance, and being unable to send their kids to decent schools just because somebodys job is automated or their company made bad investments.

Theres an implicit trade-off in this kind of social democracy. Private capital is given leave to gain profits through higher productivity, even if that results in layoffs and bankruptcies. But the government is able to extract a large share of the economic surplus that these firms create in order to fund a full-blown welfare state that alleviates the daily anxiety that workers feel. Nordic and Dutch social-democratic parties were among the first to make this trade-off soon after World War II, and the terms of it are still being fought over throughout Western Europe and Canada.

By the standards of Marxist socialism, this kind of social democracy appears to be nothing more than an attenuated form of capitalism. In the 60s, we scoffed at the very notion of Sweden as a socialist country.But the older version is not remotely viable. As the Soviet experiment with blanket nationalization showed, it cant adjust to the rapid changes in industry created by the introduction of automation and information technology. For non-vital services, the market is a better indicator of prices than government planning. And as the American Max Eastman pointed out after World War I, the older Marxist model of socialism may not even be compatible with popular democracy. By concentrating economic power in the state (or even in American states), it would lay the basis for authoritarian rule. In other words, Marxist socialism may not be viable or desirable.

Social democracy or liberal socialism, while lacking in utopian appeal, does provide a vision that goes very far beyond the status quo in the United States. It would bring immeasurable benefit to ordinary Americans. A good watchword is economic security something that is very lacking to all except the wealthiest Americans. It is the next step beyond the industrial capitalism that Marx and Engels believed was doomed. What politics and economics look like beyond that is simply unknowable. Its like speculating on whether there is human life on other planets.

Whats the difference between this kind of socialist politics and garden-variety liberalism? Not much. But I do think it defines a leftwing version of liberalism, and one that differs in some respects from the current variety and could provide an outer horizon for a liberal politics as the socialism of the 1930s did for the New Deal liberalism of the time.

Contemporary liberalism has lost that horizon. It has drawn back from a focus on the economics of the average American and became increasingly identified with social causes. It has incorporated the economic priorities of those segments of Wall Street and Silicon Valley that support the partys stand on social issues. Sanders campaign showed what that had wrought in terms of Democratic ideology: Party leaders and pundits reflexively dismissed as utopian, or simply undesirable, his focus on free college tuition or Medicare for all, or his call for a political revolution in how election outcomes are determined. His positions were attacked because they wouldnt past the current Congress or might even causeGod forbida political upheaval. But they gave a meaning to politicsa relationship between means and endsthat Hillary Clintons laundry lists of incremental proposals, and her appeals to identity groups (Its her turn), lacked.

There is, of course, a larger argument to be made about whether a socialist politics of this kind is politically viable in the United States. I always believed that if Sanders had won the nomination, he would have been pinioned as a proponent of big government and higher taxes. In November 2016, a proposal in Colorado for a single-payer health insurance system that Sanders campaigned lost by 80 to 20 percent. Sanders would have had trouble with Trump, but in retrospect, he might not have lost some of those Midwestern states that cost Clinton the election. Well never know.

What does seem clear to me is that American capitalismand that goes for Western Europehas entered a period of upheaval, where voters are looking for alternatives beyond what the major parties are offering. It wasnt just Sanders results in the U.S.; it was Melenchon in France and Corbyn in the U.K. and Pablo Iglesias and Podemos in Spain. These might not be the greatest candidates, and socialistsor left-liberalsmay not be able to get their candidates elected or even nominated, but through participating in organized politics, they can begin an important discussion of where these countries should be headed.

I cant really comment except in a very general way on DSA or on other current socialist groups. I like DSA because it is committed to working within the Democratic party rather than trying to perform Nader-like surgery on our two-party system. We are stuck with two major parties, and if socialists (or their right-wing counterparts) want to influence the countrys future, they are going to have to work through them. I also like DSA because, unlike many Washington-based organizations, whose members consist of people who clicked on a link, or unlike political organizations that depend on wealthy donors and foundations, DSA is based on a dues-paying membership that works through chapters. Unlike Indivisible, it is not bound by the politics of the moment.

And much of what DSA chapters have done pretty much conforms to what a social-democratic group would do. They were big supporters of Sanders campaign in 2016 and have echoed his kind of concerns this year. Theyre focused on local elections and organizing, along with health-care battles at the state level, and theyve been organizing against white supremacists Summer of Hate rallies. But they face the same problem that plagued social democrats in the 1960s and 1970sthey haventyet developed a viable idea of what American socialism should and (at this historical moment) can be.

The DSA fails to recognize how far-reaching and, in a way revolutionary, are the reforms that liberal socialism can advocate.

In its Resistance Rising strategy document, the DSA defines its aim as as the radical democratization of all areas of life, not least of which is the economy. Under socialism, it says, democracy would be expanded beyond the election of political officials to include the democratic management of all businesses by the workers who comprise them and by the communities in which they operate.

The platform goes into some detail about different sectors of the economy. Very large, strategically important sectors of the economysuch as housing, utilities and heavy industrywould be subject to democratic planning outside the market, while a market sector consisting of worker-owned and -operated firms would be developed for the production and distribution of many consumer goods. It is hard to parse this out, but it suggests that the large firms that make goods that go into producing other goods, or raw materials, would operate outside the market presumably through central planning. These would include, it seems, firms like Intel, while consumer- goods businesses like Apple would operate within the market, but would be under worker control. Which would mean what?(Im experiencing flashbacks just asking these questions.)

If the problem with current liberalism is that it is too timid and too grounded in the current deadlock between the parties, the problem with the socialism of the DSA is that it fails to recognize how far-reaching and, in a way revolutionary, are the reforms that a liberal socialism could advocate. American socialists need to do what the Europeans did after World War II and bid goodbye to the Marxist vision of democratic control and ownership of the means of production. They need to recognize that what is necessary nowand alsoconceivableis not to abolish capitalism, but to create socialism within it.

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The Socialism America Needs Now | New Republic - New Republic

Starvation: It’s a Small Price to Pay for Socialism! | Power Line – Power Line (blog)

This video is pretty entertaining. Ami Horowitz interviewed New York millennials, asking about their views on the all-important question of income equality. Actually, anyone who thinks about the subject for two minutes should be able to figure out that a society without income inequality would scarcely be worth living in. But these people are without a clue.

Horowitz continues with questions about Venezuela, where starving people are fighting over dead rats. New York millennials (the ones in the video, anyway) claim to believe that poverty is a small price to pay for socialism. My guess, though, is that a few days of eating dead rats for dinnerif theyre luckywould change their views on socialism. Here it is:

My one quibble is the assumption that Venezuela exemplifies income equality along with socialism. In fact, relatives and friends of the Chavez/Maduro regime have made off with billions while the majority went hungry. Socialism always leads to this kind of stark inequality. As I wrote at the link:

[T]hat is what socialism is all about: great wealth and power for a handful, poverty and humiliation for the vast majority.

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Starvation: It's a Small Price to Pay for Socialism! | Power Line - Power Line (blog)