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A red light for low-wage workers in St. Louis.

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On Aug. 28, St. Louis may become the first city in the United States to see its minimum wage fall, from $10 an hour to $7.70 an hour, as the Missouri statehouse enables a pay cut for some 35,000 workers.

Henry Grabar is a staff writer for Slates Moneybox.

Thats the date when a new state pre-emption law, drafted specifically to target St. Louis, is scheduled to take effect. The Missouri measure will override the citys own minimum wage increase, which was implemented in May after a two-year court battle, and end a three-month period during which fast food, retail, and other workers in the city were required to be paid hundreds of dollars in additional income.

Republican-run states forcing Democrat-run cities to not raise the minimum wage is a story weve seen before, of course. Alabama thwarted Birminghams efforts in February of last year; Ohio stopped Cleveland in December. More than a dozen other states have passed pre-emptive pre-emptions, abolishing municipal wage laws before any cities or counties consider them. GOP politicians usually say minimum wage ordinances wont actually help workers, but they also defend the pre-emptions in principle, because they preserve a uniform regulatory environment.

St. Louis is a unique case. Shortly after the city passed its minimum wage law in 2015, the Legislature passedover the veto of then-Gov. Jay Nixon, a Democrata pre-emption law to abolish all municipal wage laws not in effect onAug. 28, 2015, the exact day the city passed the ordinance.* But it was immediately enjoined in a lawsuit filed by local business interests that went all the way to the state Supreme Court. In May, that body decided St. Louis did have the authority to enact a wage law.

So the Missouri Legislature went back and drafted a more specific law that would squash the local ordinance. The idea was to fast-track it in March, before the local wage hike took effect. Thanks to the quirky practices of Jefferson City, though, Democratic state senators managed to stall the measure, forcing Republicans to use a procedural measure to jam the bill through in the waning hours of the session last week.

The St. Louis policy was projected to give an immediate raise of about $2,400 a year to approximately 35,000 workers, before $10 went up to $11 on Jan. 1, 2018. Broadly speaking, theres a lot of debate over how local wage floors affect employment markets, worker income, hiring, and hours. (Read my colleague Jordan Weissmanns piece on the complex effects of Seattles $12 to $13 minimum wage.)

One thing is clear, though: Minimum wage hikes are popular. More than half of all registered voters supported a $15 wage floor in 2016, according to Pew, much higher than what St. Louis had targeted. And the idea of taking away a raise that has already been given seems particularly cruel; Missouri Gov. Eric Greitens, a Republican who believes the local ordinance will kill jobs, will not attach his signature to the bill, allowing it instead to pass without it. (There is no pocket veto in Missouri.)

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Local control is most important, except when the locality is doing what you don't want. More...

A template for St. Louis progressives going forward? Deep-red Arizona, where Gov. Doug Ducey, a Republican, threatened in January of 2016 to withhold funding from cities like Tempe, Tucson, Flagstaff, and Phoenix that had considered or passed various types of worker protections. In November, Arizona voterswhile voting for a Republican senator and for Donald Trumpopted to enact a statewide minimum wage increase at the ballot, tying Duceys hands.Now thats a uniform regulatory environment.

*Correction, July 9, 2017: This post originally misspelled Jay Nixons last name.

View post:
St. Louis Gave Workers a Wage Hike. Missouri Republicans Are Taking it Away. - Slate Magazine (blog)

And these numbers translate into dramatic positive impacts on real lives. A few days ago the Indiana G.O.P. asked residents to share their Obamacare horror stories; what it got instead were thousands of testimonials from people whom the A.C.A. has saved from financial ruin or even death.

How do Republicans argue against this success? You can get a good overview by looking at the Twitter feed of Tom Price, President Trumps secretary of health and human services a feed that is, in its own way, almost as horrifying as that of the tweeter in chief. Price points repeatedly to two misleading numbers.

First, he points to the fact that fewer people than expected have signed up on the exchanges Obamacares insurance marketplaces and portrays this as a sign of dire failure. But a lot of this shortfall is the result of good news: Fewer employers than predicted chose to drop coverage and shift their workers onto exchange plans. So exchange enrollment has come in below forecast, but it mostly consists of people who wouldnt otherwise have been insured and as I said, there have been large gains in overall coverage.

Second, he points to the 28 million U.S. residents who remain uninsured as if this were some huge, unanticipated failure. But nobody expected Obamacare to cover everyone; indeed, the Congressional Budget Office always projected that more than 20 million people would, for various reasons, be left out. And you have to wonder how Price can look himself in the mirror after condemning the A.C.A. for missing some people when his own partys plans would vastly increase the number of uninsured.

Which brings us to Republicans efforts to obscure the nature of their own plans.

The main story here is very simple: In order to free up money for tax cuts, G.O.P. plans would drastically cut Medicaid spending relative to current law, and they would also cut insurance subsidies, making private insurance unaffordable for many people not eligible for Medicaid.

Republicans could try to make a case for this policy shift; they could try to explain why tax cuts for a wealthy few are more important than health care for tens of millions. Instead, however, theyre engaging in shameless denial.

On one side, they claim that a cut is not a cut, because dollar spending on Medicaid would still rise over time. What about the need to spend more to keep up with the needs of an aging population? (Most Medicaid spending goes to the elderly or disabled.) La, la, la, we cant hear you.

On the other side even I was shocked by this one senior Republicans like Paul Ryan dismiss declines in the number of people with coverage as no big deal, because they would represent voluntary choices not to buy insurance.

How is this supposed to apply to the 15 million people the C.B.O. predicts would lose Medicaid? Wouldnt many people drop coverage, not as an exercise in personal freedom, but in response to what the Kaiser Family Foundation estimates would be an average 74 percent increase in after-tax premiums? Never mind.

O.K., so the selling of Trumpcare is deeply dishonest. But isnt that what politics is always like? No. Political spin used to have its limits: Politicians who wanted to be taken seriously wouldnt go around claiming that up is down and black is white.

Yet todays Republicans hardly ever do anything else. Its not just Donald Trump: The whole G.O.P. has become a post-truth party. And I see no sign that it will ever improve.

The rest is here:
Attack of the Republican Decepticons - New York Times

Welcometo Clout Street: Morning Spin, our weekday feature to catch you up with what's going on in government and politics from Chicago to Springfield. Subscribehere.

Topspin

The Illinois Republican Party heavily funded by Gov. Bruce Rauner has worked for years to tell voters that Democrats wanted to raise state taxes.

Then a bunch of the party's own lawmakers voted for a tax hike and bucked the governor's override. Shortly after, Rauner's hand-picked state GOP chairman released a statement sharply critical of them.

After all we have accomplished together, it is astonishing that these legislators would now turn their backs on taxpayers across the state, the statement from party Chairman Tim Schneider read in part. I am confident voters will hold those politicians accountable for choosing Mike Madigan over the people of Illinois.

Assuming Schneider isn't suggesting he wants Democrats to defeat those Republicans, the statement suggests those GOP lawmakers could face primary opponents next spring.

On Sunday, 15 House Republicans voted for the tax hike. By Thursday's override, there were 10. In the meantime, Rauner had vowed to do"everything possible"to prevent the override.

To make up for the Republicans that changed their minds, four Democrats who had originally voted to reject the tax hike changed theirs. The GOP lawmakers that jumped off the proposalcited talks with constituents.

The more than one thousand calls, emails and Facebook messages I have received have been about 10 to 1 opposed to any more taxes. The message from my constituents has been loud and clear that they do not want a tax increase so I had to oppose this plan with a permanent tax increase, state Rep. John Cavaletto, R-Salem, said in a statement.

Republican Rep. C.D. Davidsmeyer of Jacksonville said that since the first vote he "had many conversations with constituents and laid out the facts as well as the possible ramifications of not having a budget."

At least one of the Republicans who voted for both the tax hike and the override anticipated a primary challenge immediately.

"For me right here today, right here, right now, this is the sword that I'm willing to die on," Rep. Michael Unes, a Republican from East Peoria, said after the first vote. "And if it costs me my seat, so be it."

What's on tap

*Mayor Rahm Emanuel's schedule says he'll be out in the morningto talk about progressin separating the lakefront bike and pedestrian trails.

*Gov. Rauner has no public schedule.

*State lawmakers have gone home after overriding the governor's budget veto.

From the notebook

*Emanuel doesn't engage McCarthy:Mayor Emanuel wouldnt engage directly Thursday with the possibility former Police Supt. Garry McCarthy could run against him for mayor.

Emanuel was leaving a brief news conference when he was asked about a potential McCarthy challenge following a Tribune story noting McCarthy supporters are passing out campaign buttonsfor him. McCarthy, who the mayor fired in late 2015 during the fallout from the Laquan McDonald police shooting video, did notrule out taking on Emanuel in 2019.

The mayor returned to the mic, but immediately pivoted to talking about his goals for the remainder of his second term.

Look, heres my thing. I know what my job is, in the next two years, to make sure theres more thriving community and neighborhood investments, make sure that we have education investments like this that have not only (a) rising graduation rate but every child is 100 percent college-ready and 100 percent college-bound, Emanuel said after handing out grants to small-business owners at a school in Back of the Yards. Those are my priorities, those are my focus; and thats what Im going to focus on. And theres nothing else really to say. Thanks. (John Byrne)

*Quick spins: State Sen. Daniel Biss' campaign for governor announced an endorsement from fellow Sen. David Koehler of Peoria. ... From the Champaign News-Gazette: Longtime Illinois House fixture former state Rep. Bill Black of Danville is considering a return to politics. ... The Illinois Campaign for Political Reform announced an event it's holding July 12 in Chicago called"Illinois: A state divided?"

*On the Sunday Spin: ChicagoTribune political reporter Rick Pearsons guests are state Rep. Steve Andersson of Geneva, the Republican House floor leader; Democratic Rep. Carol Sente of Vernon Hills; and Christopher Mooney, director of the Institute of Government and Public Affairs for the University of Illinois. The Sunday Spin airs from 7to 9 a.m. on WGN 720-AM.

Read more from the original source:
Morning Spin: Will Republicans who bucked Rauner face primary challenges? - Chicago Tribune

CORALVILLE Its not often a candidate tells Johnson County Republicans shes counting on them, but Gov. Kim Reynolds said shes expecting big things from the minority party in the one Iowa county that never supported her previous boss, former Gov. Terry Branstad.

Despite that record, Reynolds reminded Johnson County GOP activists at their party fundraiser Thursday evening Branstads vote total there grew from less than 18,000 in 2010 to more than 20,000 four years later. And given the 10 percent increase in the number of registered Republicans in Johnson County, I expect even bigger numbers in 2018.

Thats when Reynolds anticipates being at the top of a Republican ticket trying to hold onto not just the governors office but both chambers of the Iowa Legislature a goal the party has been chasing for two decades.

She wont be running alone, Reynolds said. Shell be running on the accomplishments of the Branstad-Reynolds administration over the past 6-1/2 years. She noted Iowas 16-year low unemployment rate of 3.1 percent and the largest investment in our classrooms.

Were not done yet. Im never satisfied with status quo, she told about 75 Republicans at the Coralville Radisson. I see a lot of opportunity to build on what weve put in place over the last six years.

Reynolds didnt mention the biggest issue in state government at the moment the possibility of a $350 million revenue shortfall in the current budget year until a former lawmaker asked.

Iowa lawmakers already made nearly $118 million in cuts and transfers and wrote $131 million in IOUs by borrowing from the states reserve funds. Now the nonpartisan Legislative Services Agency says the state may collect $350 million less than anticipated.

Reynolds has authority to transfer $50 million from the reserves to cover the shortfall, but the Legislative Services Agency suggested it may take twice that by the time the states books are closed Sept. 30. If thats the case, Reynolds likely will call lawmakers to Des Moines for a special session.

Making budget cuts in a special session was the hardest vote she ever took, former Sen. Sandy Greiner of Keota told Reynolds.

The governor acknowledged that likelihood, but said its important to understand Iowas economy is growing, but its just not as robust as projected by the Revenue Estimating Conference, the state panel that projects revenue collections.

The shortfall is a combination of things, she said, adding the sluggish agriculture economy is having rippling effect on all other areas of our economy.

Its not the only reason, but (farmers) are not purchasing like they normally do when input costs are above the price of corn and livestock, she said.

Also, 70 percent of the softening has been in sales tax collections as Iowans increase their online purchasing, Reynolds said.

Reynolds expressed confidence the Iowans who stood up and showed up to elect President Donald Trump and Statehouse Republicans in 2016 will be back in 2018 to support her and the GOP legislative majorities that delivered on their promises.

Republican Party of Chairman Jeff Kaufmann added his voice, saying he hasnt seen GOP enthusiasm waning since the last election.

I got to tell you, theres a roar out there still, he said. By every measure, Republicans know whats up for grabs. Republicans know what we have to do and dont want to lose what were gaining.

If anyone doubts that, Kaufmann said, Talk to new voters, the people Trump brought in. They know whats at stake here.

Go here to see the original:
Reynolds looks to Johnson County Republicans - Waterloo Cedar Falls Courier

CORALVILLE Its not often a candidate tells Johnson County Republicans shes counting on them, but Gov. Kim Reynolds said shes expecting big things from the minority party in the one Iowa county that never supported her previous boss, former Gov. Terry Branstad.

Despite that record, Reynolds reminded Johnson County GOP activists at their party fundraiser Thursday evening that Branstads vote total there grew from less than 18,000 in 2010 to more than 20,000 four years later. And given the 10 percent increase in the number of registered Republicans in Johnson County, I expect even bigger numbers in 2018.

Thats when Reynolds anticipates being at the top of a Republican ticket trying to hold onto not just the governors office but both chambers of the Iowa Legislature a goal the party has been chasing for two decades.

She wont be running alone, Reynolds said. Shell be running on the accomplishments of the Branstad-Reynolds administration over the past 6-1/2 years. She noted Iowas 16-year low unemployment rate of 3.1 percent and the largest investment in our classrooms.

Were not done yet. Im never satisfied with status quo, she told about 75 Republicans at the Coralville Radisson. I see a lot of opportunity to build on what weve put in place over the last six years.

Reynolds didnt mention the biggest issue in state government at the moment the possibility of a $350 million revenue shortfall in the current budget year until a former lawmaker asked.

Iowa lawmakers already made nearly $118 million in cuts and transfers and wrote $131 million in IOUs by borrowing from the states reserve funds. Now the nonpartisan Legislative Services Agency says the state may collect $350 million less than anticipated.

Reynolds has authority to transfer $50 million from the reserves to cover the shortfall, but the Legislative Services Agency suggested it may take twice that by the time the states books are closed Sept. 30. If thats the case, Reynolds likely will call lawmakers to Des Moines for a special session.

Making budget cuts in a special session was the hardest vote she ever took, former Sen. Sandy Greiner of Keota told Reynolds.

The governor acknowledged that likelihood, but said its important to understand Iowas economy is growing, but its just not as robust as projected by the Revenue Estimating Conference, a state panel that projects revenue collections.

The shortfall is a combination of things, she said, adding the sluggish agriculture economy is having rippling effect on all other areas of our economy.

Its not the only reason, but (farmers) are not purchasing like they normally do when input costs are above the price of corn and livestock, she said.

Also, 70 percent of the softening has been in sales tax collections as Iowans increase their online purchasing, Reynolds said.

Reynolds expressed confidence the Iowans who stood up and showed up to elect President Donald Trump and Statehouse Republicans in 2016 will be back in 2018 to support her and the GOP legislative majorities that delivered on their promises.

Republican Party of Chairman Jeff Kaufmann added his voice, saying that he hasnt seen GOP enthusiasm waning since the last election.

I got to tell you, theres a roar out there still, he said. By every measure, Republicans know whats up for grabs. Republicans know what we have to do and dont want to lose what were gaining.

If anyone doubts that, Kaufmann said, Talk to new voters, the people Trump brought in. They know whats at stake here.

Read more:
Reynolds looks to Johnson County Republicans - Quad City Times