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When it comes to abortion, members of Congress are starkly divided by party. Almost all Democrats in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives stand with their party in support of abortion rights, while almost all Republicans reflect their partys position against abortion rights.

Yet the partisan divide among Americans themselves is less stark, according to a 2019 Pew Research Center survey. As is true on many other political issues, sizable minorities of Republicans and Democrats say they do not agree with the dominant position on abortion of the party they identify with or lean toward. And within each partisan coalition, some groups are less likely than others to agree with their party on abortion.

Overall, roughly one-third of Americans who identify as Republican or as Republican-leaning independents do not agree with their party on abortion (35%), including 12% who say they agree with the Democratic Party on abortion and 23% who say they do not agree with either party. Among Democrats and Democrat-leaning independents, three-in-ten do not agree with their party on abortion, including 7% who say they agree with the GOP and 22% who say they dont agree with either party. (The same 2019 survey found that roughly a fifth to a third of Americans dont agree with their party on issues including policies to deal with the economy, health care and illegal immigration.)

To better understand how Americans views on abortion align with partisan identification, we analyzeddata from a previously published survey of 4,175 U.S. adults that was conducted July 22 to Aug. 4, 2019. All respondents to the survey are part of Pew Research Centers American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. For more, seethe ATPs methodology.

Here arethe questions used for this analysis, along with responses, and itsmethodology.

Younger Republicans are less likely to stand with their party on abortion, with 56% of Republicans under 50 saying they agree with the GOP, compared with 71% of those ages 50 and older. Republicans who are religiously unaffiliated also are less likely than other Republicans to agree with their party on abortion. And four-in-ten Republicans who identify as liberal or moderate (41%) say they agree with the GOP on abortion, about half the share of those who identify as conservative (81%).

Among Democrats, 56% of those with a high school diploma or less education agree with their party on abortion, compared with 84% of college graduates who say this. In addition, roughly six-in-ten black (58%) and Hispanic (59%) Democrats support the party on abortion, compared with eight-in-ten white Democrats. And Democrats who identify as conservative or moderate also are much less likely to agree with their party than those who identify as liberal (57% vs. 85%). Those who live in the South (64%) or are affiliated with a religion also are less likely than other Democrats to agree with their party.

Support for abortion rights has increased among Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party over the past decade. And during this years party primaries, some presidential candidates struck different notes on whether abortion opponents have a place in the party. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said being pro-choice is an absolutely essential part of being a Democrat, while Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar said pro-life Democrats are part of our party, and I think we need build a big tent.

Joe Biden, the Democratic Partys presumptive nominee, has changed his views on abortion during his political career. While he has long supported Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court ruling for a constitutional right to abortion in at least the first trimester, Biden also has often backed curbs on abortion. In 2006 he characterized himself as being a little bit of an odd man out in my party on the issue.

President Donald Trump also has expressed different views on abortion over time. In 1999, vying for the Reform Partys presidential candidacy, he characterized himself as pro-choice in every respect. This year, he became the first sitting president to attend the March for Life and told participants: Unborn children have never had a stronger defender in the White House.

Another way to examine intraparty differences on abortion especially since the official stances of both parties have evolved over time is to see how people feel about whether it should be legal.

Most Republicans and their leaners say abortion should be illegal (62%) in all or most cases, with a larger share saying it should be illegal in most cases (45%) than in all cases (17%). Republicans who live in the Northeast and those who identify as moderate or liberal are less likely than other Republicans to say abortion should be illegal in all cases.

Democrats, for their part, are more unified in support of legal abortion than Republicans are against it, with 82% of Democrats saying abortion should be legal all or most of the time. But Democrats are roughly split on whether it should be legal in all cases (40%) or most cases (42%). Democrats who live in the South, those who are ages 65 and older, and those who identify as conservative or moderate are less likely than other Democrats to say abortion should be legal in all cases.

Whether people hold an absolutist stance on abortion is tied to how strongly they support their party on the issue. For example, Republicans and GOP leaners who say abortion should be illegal in all cases are more likely to say they agree strongly with the GOP on abortion than to say they agree somewhat (73% vs. 9%). And Democrats and their leaners who say abortion should be legal in all cases also are more likely to say they agree strongly with their party than to say they agree only somewhat (70% vs. 11%).

Note: Here arethe questions used for this analysis, along with responses, and itsmethodology.

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Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don't agree with their party on abortion - Pew Research Center

Two House Republicans have introduced legislation that would reduce lawmakers' annual office budgets if they vote by proxy during the coronavirus pandemic instead of traveling to Washington to cast votes in person.

The bill introduced Thursday from GOP Reps. Mike JohnsonJames (Mike) Michael JohnsonHouse Republicans call for cutting office budgets of lawmakers who use proxy voting The Hill's Morning Report - Treasury, Fed urge more spending, lending to ease COVID-19 wreckage Floyd's brother urges Congress to take action MORE (La.) and Debbie Lesko (Ariz.) would direct the House Administration Committee cut a lawmaker's annual Member Representational Allowance (MRA) by the amount that would have been spent if they traveled to Washington.

House Democrats adopted rules changes in May that allow lawmakers to cast votes and conduct committee meetings remotely during the coronavirus pandemic to accommodate safety concerns over the risks of congregating closely together in the Capitol. Under the new proxy voting system, lawmakers can authorize colleagues physically present in the Capitol to cast votes on their behalf.

About 70 Democrats voted by proxy for the first time on May 27, while Republicans who have been pushing to reopen the economy as soon as possible have insisted on voting in person. House Republicans have also filed a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the proxy voting system.

"We've challenged their rule in court, but as long as it is in place, it stands to reason that if any member chooses not to travel to D.C. to vote, his or her taxpayer-funded travel allowance should be deducted by the amount that would have been spent on that trip," Johnson said in a statement.

If members are not going to travel for votes and instead rely on proxy voting, they should be required to give the money allocated for travel back to the Treasury. Its only fair," Lesko added.

The size of individual MRAs varies by each lawmaker. Each MRA includes a mileage allowance, which is based on the distance between a lawmaker's district and Washington, that can be used to pay for official travel expenses.

Many of the Democrats who voted by proxy last month hail from districts on the West Coast, meaning that their MRAs would have higher mileage allowances.

Lesko previously offered a similar proposal to cut lawmakers' MRAs if they vote by proxy or attend a proceeding remotely during a House Rules Committee markup of the resolution enacting the rules changes last month. But it was rejected along party lines.

Rep. Jamie RaskinJamin (Jamie) Ben RaskinHouse Republicans call for cutting office budgets of lawmakers who use proxy voting House GOP lawmakers defy new mask requirement Oversight Committee Democrats demand DHS, DOJ investigate white supremacist involvement in protests MORE (D-Md.), a member of the Rules Committee, suggested at the time that such a proposal should also apply to lawmakers who sleep in their offices to save on real estate costs while in Washington.

"What I recommend to the gentlelady and I know she's offered this in all sincerity is that she combine with those people who are saying that members who sleep in their offices should have to return part of their salary to the United States government. Because part of their salary undoubtedly is to cover the costs of their living in Washington when they're here," Raskin said.

House Republicans' lawsuit challenging proxy voting remains ongoing, but President TrumpDonald John TrumpProtesters tear down, burn statue of Confederate general in DC US attorney in NYC who spearheaded probes of Trump allies refuses to leave as DOJ pushes ouster Trump to host 4th of July event despite pleas from lawmakers to cancel MORE has already signed into law two measures that the House passed with proxy votes. The two bipartisan bills concerning enhanced flexibility for loans offered through the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) and sanctions on officials responsible for Chinas forced labor camps targeting Uighur Muslims both passed easily with GOP support.

Trump issued a statement on June 5 after signing the PPP bill urging Congress to "pass the Act anew through traditional in-person voting at the earliest available opportunity." He said that he still signed the bill, despite the ongoing GOP lawsuit, because the measure is "essential to protecting jobs as the nation begins to reopen the economy."

Democrats maintain that proxy voting is constitutional, citing legal precedent finding that each chamber of Congress has the authority to determine its own rules. They also point to precedent in both the House and Senate of proxy voting in committees.

Republicans ended the use of proxy voting in committees in the 1990s under then-Speaker Newt GingrichNewton (Newt) Leroy GingrichMORE (R-Ga.) as part of their reforms to House rules upon winning the majority. But proxy voting is still allowed in Senate committees.

The rules changes adopted by House Democrats only allow proxy voting for 45 days a time, unless Speaker Nancy PelosiNancy PelosiHouse Republicans call for cutting office budgets of lawmakers who use proxy voting The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by Facebook - Trump under fire as SCOTUS, Bolton deal blows Republican rift opens up over qualified immunity for police MORE (D-Calif.) extends it further, and only for the duration of the coronavirus pandemic.

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House Republicans call for cutting office budgets of lawmakers who use proxy voting | TheHill - The Hill

Published: 6/20/2020 12:01:28 AM

Modified: 6/20/2020 12:01:16 AM

Wait. What? Van Moshers open letter to Gov. Chris Sununu threatening to withhold his vote unless he supports Donald Trump? Invoking the Thumper Rule from the Disney movie Bambi, If you cant say something nice, dont say nothing at all. So lets ignore everything that is going terribly wrong (and there is plenty) and just mention that 2.5 million jobs were created in May. Lets not mention that todays economy still has nearly 20 million fewer jobs than it did in February because, well, thats not nice.

The polls show Gov. Sununus approval rating to be far above Trumps. Im doubtful that our governor is worried about Moshers vote. Gov. Sununu is on a short but growing list of Republicans who have the integrity to stand up to the bully in the White House.

I am a solid Democrat but I have respect for Sununu, Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker, Mitt Romney, and others who refuse to knuckle under to this megalomaniacs wrath.

As for Kelly Ayotte, yes, she was popular. She ran a strong race against a very popular Democrat in Gov. Maggie Hassan. If, as Mosher puts it, being a team player requires women to ignore a candidates misogynistic behavior, she should be proud of the stance she took. My advice to Van is to invest in the Disney Channel, remain in the world of fantasy and chill.

SIRI BAKER MOSHER

Bow

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Letter: Respect for Republicans who stand up to Trump - Concord Monitor

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis | Brynn Anderson/AP Photo

TALLAHASSEE Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis on Wednesday took steps to help localities prepare for what could be high voter turnout this year, but stopped short of extending early voting or letting counties consolidate polling places in the battleground amid signs that President Donald Trump's disparagement of mailed ballots could be resonating with Republican voters.

DeSantis called on schools to close during the August primary and November general election to make room for what might be record voter turnout. He also issued an executive order that makes it easier for state employees to work at the polls on Election Day.

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DeSantis, a Republican and Trump ally, has been under pressure for months from local election supervisors, who fear the coronavirus pandemic could affect their ability to recruit poll workers and manage balloting in a presidential year.

The announcements were relayed late Wednesday in a letter from Secretary of State Laurel Lee to the states 67 election supervisors.

The governor acted after rising pressure from Republican allies, who worry that Florida once again could become a national laughing-stock during the 2020 state and presidential elections.

Citing frightened poll workers and a loss of polling locations, the association that represents state election officials first asked DeSantis in early April to grant them flexibility over early voting, polling locations and the time period for sending out mail-in ballots.

Then Georgias primary election was marred by long lines and problems with voting machines, an ominous sign of possible trouble for a state like Florida, which has had its own run of voting calamities, including a chaotic recount that followed the 2000 presidential election.

But the DeSantis administration on Wednesday didn't act on several suggestions from supervisors, including a request to extend the number of early voting days and consolidate polling places.

Instead, the governor urged local school districts to close on Aug. 18 and Nov. 3 to make it easier to use schools as polling places.

Under the executive order, state workers will be allowed to take administrative leave to serve as poll workers. DeSantis also gave counties the ability to begin counting vote-by-mail ballots slightly before the current starting date. The governor also promised that the states emergency management division would provide sanitizers, cleaners and other protective equipment to supervisors.

Its very helpful, Im glad we got a response, Leon County Supervisor of Elections Mark Earley said. It gives us something to work with.

Florida Democratic Party Chair Terrie Rizzo said the governor's moves didn't go far enough.

Its disappointing the governor will not honor those who fought and died for us to have the right to vote by ensuring that Floridians do not have to endanger themselves to exercise their right to vote, Rizzo said in a text message. If the governor was serious about protecting our health and our vote he would expand the executive order to meet the requests of elections supervisors including expanding early voting to reduce lines on Election Day, funding to promote statewide vote-by-mail enrollment and a clear roadmap to conducting free and safe elections.

DeSantis had another reason to act: There are growing signs that the Republican voters Trump needs to win in the battleground state could abandon vote-by-mail as their preferred way to cast ballots. For decades, Florida Republicans have had a robust vote-by-mail operation, but Trump has spent months vilifying the process as rife with fraud.

During the 2018 election, voting in the state was split roughly three ways between voting by mail, early voting in person and casting a ballot in person on Election Day.

But a June poll from The Tyson Group, an organization run by GOP pollster Ryan Tyson, shows a growing number of Republican voters plan to vote on Election Day while Democrats say they plan to cast their ballots by mail.

The poll, conducted June 7-11, found that 49 percent of likely Republican voters surveyed plan to vote on Election Day itself, compared to 28 percent of Democrats.

Forty percent of Democrats said they plan to vote by mail, compared to 23 percent of Republicans. The Tyson Group interviewed 1,000 registered voters who are expected to or said they would vote in 2020. The margin of error in the poll is plus or minus 3.1 percent.

The governors action also comes as he and Florida election officials fight a lawsuit that was filed in the U.S. District Court for Northern Florida by a group of Florida voters, Democratic super PAC Priorities USA and other Democratic-leaning organizations.

The case seeks to throw out state ballot-return deadlines and laws that limit who is allowed to collect vote-by-mail ballots and return them to local election offices. The lawsuit also wants local election officials to pick up the postage cost for returning ballots, something that 17 counties including urban locales such as Broward and Orange were already planning to do.

Many election supervisors, both Democrats and Republicans, have opposed the lawsuit, which will go before a judge in late July.

The Republican National Committee and the Republican Party of Florida are also fighting the lawsuit.

DeSantis announced his plan a day after the state Division of Elections told county supervisors it would distribute more than $20.2 million to them on July 1 to take precautions against the coronavirus. Congress provided $400 million in the CARES Act to help states prepare for elections during the outbreak.

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DeSantis offers Election Day help as Republicans say they'll cast ballots in person - POLITICO

Public opinion is now in favor of the protesters who have spent the last three weeks advocating for police reform in response to the death of George Floyd, a black man killed by a police officer in Minneapolis.

This is notable, because public opinion around the protests was initially split. But as the protests have grown larger and spread to more parts of the country, theres evidence they have become more popular. For instance, in a Morning Consult survey conducted June 10-12, 64 percent of Americans said they supported the protests, up 10 percentage points from the first time the pollster asked in late May and early June.

[Related: Theres A Huge Gap In How Republicans And Democrats See Discrimination]

In fact, the protests are so popular that theyre now supported by majorities of Democrats and Republicans. But this bipartisan support masks some of the enormous differences that still exist between the two parties on issues of race and discrimination.

For starters, theres a pretty big gap in just how strongly Democrats and Republicans back the protests. In last weeks Economist/YouGov poll, for instance, 73 percent of Democrats said they strongly approve of the nonviolent protests, compared with just 27 percent of Republicans. And according to the most recent Yahoo News/YouGov poll, Democrats and Republicans are also fairly split on how peaceful the protests have been, how long they should last and whats driving them. In that poll, Democrats were 40 points more likely than Republicans to say that the protests have been mostly peaceful and three-quarters of Republicans said they wanted the protests to stop now, compared to less than one-quarter of Democrats. Republicans were also 44 points more likely than Democrats to say the protests were primarily motivated by long-standing biases against the police, whereas most Democrats said the protests were motivated by a genuine desire to hold police accountable.

The fact that Democrats and Republicans are so polarized when it comes to the motives driving the protests is important because it conveys just how differently Republicans and Democrats view racism in America.

In its polling, YouGov asked respondents a number of questions on whether systemic racism was a problem or whether police killings signaled a bigger issue within American life. As you can see in the chart below, Democrats and Republicans are divided, with as much as a 60-point gap separating them on some of these issues. Recent surveys by CBS, CNN and Monmouth University have found equally large partisan divides on race and policing as well.

The thing is, public opinion about race hasnt always been this polarized.

In fact, some attitudes about race were entirely unrelated to partisanship before Barack Obama was elected president in 2008. But after he was elected, racial attitudes and party identification became increasingly intertwined to the extent that by 2012, opposition to interracial relationships or overtly negative views of African Americans predicted whether someone identified as Republican for the first time in decades.

[Related: Do You Know How Divided White And Black Americans Are On Racism?]

Of course, Donald Trumps political rise took this growing partisan polarization over race to new heights. Democrats, in particular, quickly consolidated their views in reaction to Trumps offensive statements about racial and ethnic minorities.

CBS News polls from the last 10 years underscore just how much Democrats have changed their opinion of systemic racism in a relatively short period of time. As you can see in the chart below, it wasnt that long ago when Democrats and Republicans responded pretty similarly to the question of whether white Americans had an easier time of getting ahead.

Democrats, however, are now much more likely to agree that societal advantages exist for white Americans than they were five years ago. A similar shift has happened on questions of police brutality and institutional racism within the criminal justice system. For instance, the percentage of Democrats who think that the police disproportionately use deadly force against black Americans increased by more than 30 points since CBS News first asked the question in August 2014. Meanwhile, Republicans views have remained steady just 24 percent think the police disproportionately use deadly force against African Americans.

Its certainly not surprising, then, that Democrats and Republicans are so divided over race and policing after Floyds death. The upshot of this growing polarization is that Democrats and Republicans increasingly inhabit separate realities about race in America, worlds apart on everything from the causes of racial inequality to the Confederate flags meaning to the N-words offensiveness to the value of teaching black history in schools.

[Related: How Black Americans View Their Racial Identity]

The current partisan divide over race may be predictable, but its still incredibly important especially considering this is a presidential election year. Race has long been an effective wedge issue for the Republican Party, as demonstrated by the 2016 election, when Republicans split up the Democrats diverse coalition of nonwhite voters, white racially liberal voters and racially conservative white voters. But after 12 years of Obama and Trump, racially conservative Democrats have mostly defected or converted. That means Democrats are now united about many of the racial issues that once splintered the party.

Take the Black Lives Matter movement, for example. In a June 2016 Pew Research Center poll, only 64 percent of white Democrats and 20 percent of white Republicans supported the Black Lives Matter movement. Those numbers are now up to 92 percent among white Democrats and 37 percent among white Republicans in the latest Pew survey.

[Related: Public Opinion Of The Black Lives Matter Movement Has Shifted. What Happens Next?]

The fact that Republicans experienced a nearly 20-point increase in support since 2014 doesnt bode well for them either, considering polls at this point indicate that it is Democrats and not Republicans who are now more unified on many issues of race. In fact, congressional Democrats efforts to pass sweeping legislation to help remedy some of the racial biases in the criminal justice system could even be an effective racial wedge issue for the Democratic Party heading into November.

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Republicans And Democrats Agree On The Protests But Not Why People Are Protesting - FiveThirtyEight