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The ideologically fractured House Republican conference has spent the past year debating what it takes to govern. Now that fight is spilling onto the campaign trail.

Members from the far-right and more traditional wings of the conference are campaigning against their colleagues in hopes of persuading primary voters to kick out incumbents and replace them with Republicans each group believes will better serve its political interests.

The unusual primary interventions are a result of an ongoing intraparty dispute over what or who can bring about a governing majority. Republicans razor-thin majority in the House has empowered all factions to push their demands, at times jeopardizing conservative consensus and, some argue, weakening the hand of Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) in negotiations with a Democratic-led Senate and White House. And the disputes over policy are becoming increasingly personal.

On one side, hard-right members are supporting candidates they believe will push back against colleagues whom they see as too quick to compromise instead of fighting for long-term conservative wins, even if those fights lead to shutting down the government. On the other side, rank-and-file conservatives want to oust hard-liners they consider roadblocks to policymaking who instead prioritize political spectacle for example, using the narrow majority to oust a House speaker, sink procedural votes and force Republicans to rely on Democrats to advance must-pass legislation.

If either flank could just grow its ranks, the thinking goes, it could govern more effectively.

Traditional Republicans got a win Tuesday night when Rep. Mike Bost (R-Ill.) edged out a challenger, Darren Bailey, who had been endorsed by far-right Reps. Mary E. Miller (R-Ill.) and Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.). The Florida firebrand had stumped for Bailey as he attempted to unseat Bost a five-term congressman who chairs the Veterans Affairs Committee and says his efforts paid off because of how close the primary race was, even if Bost had the tailwind of Donald Trumps endorsement.

I hope Mike Bost wins the election in November. But the momentum that were demonstrating to challenge incumbents is ascendant. It is growing, Gaetz said.

Bost, upon arriving in Washington on Wednesday, said he was a little frustrated by Gaetz interfering but attributed his win to knowing his district. He added that Gaetz targeting him was personal, which Gaetz denied. Several Republicans pointed to tensions between the two men that have lingered since Bost shouted down Gaetz during the marathon election of Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) as speaker in early 2023; Bost later lunged at Gaetz behind closed doors when McCarthy was ousted months later.

Gaetz, who initiated the effort to remove McCarthy, is spearheading the far rights push to elect more MAGA Republicans to Congress. Last week, he stumped in San Antonio for Brandon Herrera, who is challenging two-term Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Tex.). Gonzaless offense, according to Gaetz and Herrera, was being one of 14 House Republicans who supported a bipartisan gun bill. The bill came in response to the killing of 19 children and two teachers at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, which is in Gonzaless district. Though Gonzales has often voted with the hard-right flank, his opponents also point to his vote codifying same-sex marriage protections and his fervent pushback against border legislation introduced by Rep. Chip Roy (R-Tex.).

My big gripe is that you elected a Republican majority in the House of Representatives, and I think we ought to take it out for a spin every once in a while. I think we actually got to use it. We ought to apply leverage, Gaetz said at the San Antonio rally. We have the House of Representatives as our sole node of power right now, and increasingly we are willing to just surrender more, to do less, to advance the Biden administration agenda.

Gonzales said he understands that his constituents are restless because they feel worse off than they were a few years ago, but he blamed Gaetz and Herrera for trying to capitalize on that sentiment.

A lot of these guys, you know some of them up here, theyre frauds. Theyre complete and total frauds. They stand for nothing, Gonzales said. A lot of it is about likes. Its about retweets. Its about camera time. Theyre selfish individuals.

Many pragmatic Republicans have privately echoed Gonzales, pinning the blame for their majoritys inability to govern on hard-liners unwillingness to compromise with members of their own conference. Johnson himself has accepted in recent weeksthat many on the right will not relent until they get everything they want, contributing to his decision to move past them in government funding negotiations.

As House majority whip, responsible for counting votes, Rep. Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) has often faced the brunt of personal disagreements between members and acknowledges that people are going to not necessarily like each other. He has tried to convince lawmakers that attacking one another only hinders progress.

If you take out your Republican colleagues, then youll have no one to help you move the needle that you came here to move, Emmer recalled telling one Republican who was adamant that colleagues had to fight harder to make impactful policy changes. If you want to change the way the place works, then you have to do the hard work of building those relationships and gaining that respect. As you do, you move the needle.

Rep. Richard Hudson (N.C.), who chairs the National Republican Congressional Committee, said he doesnt think member involvement in primaries is helpful for the team and encouraged colleagues to spend their time and energy behind beating Democrats.

But hard-liners have not shied away from publicly condemning colleagues for accepting incremental change rather than delivering fully on the conservative campaign promises that swayed voters to hand them the majority during the midterms. Democrats have taken advantage, pushing out ads that use Republicans own words to make their case that the party cannot govern.

I wish that I could pour every bit into the battle against the Democrats, Gaetz told Herrera supporters. But if we have Republicans who are going to vote like Democrats and act like Democrats and dress up like Democrats in drag, then I will lead the fight against them, too.

While Gaetz was campaigning for Gonzaless opponent last week, Johnson bluntly told a group of Republicans gathered at their annual retreat in West Virginia that they should avoid campaigning against colleagues, which he considered wrong and unproductive, according to multiple people in the room who spoke on the condition of anonymity to detail private conversations.

Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) said he would welcome a conversation with Speaker Johnson about why he believes Republicans should not be campaigning against one another given the shape were in, arguing, Where has competition hurt anybody?

Norman informed Rep. William Timmons (R-S.C.), who is backed by Trump, that he planned to endorse Adam Morgan, a South Carolina state representative who serves as the states Freedom Caucus chairman. Norman told Timmons that while he does have a conservative record, he has gone along with the status quo. Rep. Josh Brecheen (R-Okla.), another member of the Freedom Caucus, also endorsed Morgan.

Anytime you can improve on a conservative voting record with somebody that will take a stand, I think you do that; whether its football teams, basketball teams, you make improvements, Norman said. I firmly believe that if we dont have a change in people, then our country, our constitutional republic, will not exist.

Luke Byars, a senior adviser to Timmons for Congress, acknowledged that the knives are out for members like Representative Timmons who work to support and defend President Trump. He called Timmonss opponents empty-suit Republicans.

What far-right Republicans say would help strengthen their fight is what other rank-and-file lawmakers believe impedes the conference from legislating. Early in their majority Republicans were able to pass several conservative bills through the House, knowing that a Democratic Senate would not take them up. But when it came to legislation that required passing the Senate and being signed by President Biden, hard-liners often complicated the process.

Were trying to change the status quo, and in order to do that in divided government you need to be willing to accept incremental progress along the way. Get, as we say in football, a few first downs. Move the ball, said Rep. Steve Womack (R-Ark.), a pragmatic conservative who recently defeated a right-wing primary challenger. But we are unwilling, apparently, to accept anything less than what we want to do in total.

Other Republicans have targeted Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), the chairman of the House Freedom Caucus, for continually voting against the majority and supporting McCarthys ouster. The Main Street Partnership, the campaign arm for conservatives in the Main Street Caucus, has invested $500,000 to back John J. McGuire against Good in the June primary. Sarah Chamberlain, president and chief executive of the partnership, said McGuire a former Navy SEAL who attended the Jan. 6, 2021, pro-Trump rally on the National Mall justified the investment as necessary to build a governing majority.

We want to pass more than 29 bills. We want to govern, but were getting blocked, Chamberlain said. Good is a no on everything.

In response, Good defended his actions, saying that Republicans should stop doing things that are worth saying no to. He also wished roughly a dozen lawmakers attending a fundraiser for McGuire good luck and dared them to campaign publicly for his opponent, which Good predicted would really help me.

The Main Street Partnership is not currently targeting other incumbents, but it helped elect Michael Rulli as the GOP nominee for an open House seat in Ohio against a more MAGA candidate, Reggie Stoltzfus. The groups members have also moved to help protect incumbents by talking to Trump about publicly supporting Republicans the far right has mulled targeting, including 13-term Rep. Mike Simpson (R-Idaho). Johnson and Hudson also asked Trump to endorse Bost while visiting Mar-a-Lago last month, according to multiple people familiar with the ask.

Though McCarthy is no longer in office, he has become a litmus test, with both flanks asking candidates: Would you have voted to oust McCarthy as speaker?

Chamberlain says its a question shes posed to McGuire and other candidates the group backs, along with whether they would vote with a majority of the conference.

Norman said he asked Timmons whether he would have ever voted to remove McCarthy. Though Norman did not vote to oust the speaker, he expressed concern that Timmons said no and accused the eight who supported removing McCarthy of doing it for personal gain.

Republicans who wish the intraparty attacks would stop say members are able to get away with such behavior because there is a lack of punishment from leadership. But lawmakers and leaders privately acknowledge that such penalties would only embolden far-right members, who can survive elections without needing to serve on committees or depending on national fundraising arms.

The infighting is only expected to continue. Womack sighed, saying the reality is that the fights are just a reflection of the divisions that were having in our country right now, and the House is a reflection of that.

I think, ultimately, the real test is going to be coming in November, when the electorate is going to decide whether or not we deserve to have this majority. And thats going to be based on the perception, I guess, that America has as to whether or not weve done well with the majority weve been given, he said. I think we have fallen very well short of Americas expectations by failing to function as a true governing majority. Thats why we have elections. Well sort these things out.

Leigh Ann Caldwell, Theodoric Meyer and Patrick Svitek contributed to this report.

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Republicans are airing out their inability to govern on 2024 campaign trail - The Washington Post

Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.) announced Friday he will resign effective April 19, leaving the slim House GOP majority with a one-vote margin that will make it even harder to pass legislation.

Under Wisconsin law, Gallaghers seat is likely to remain vacant until January, with the November general election to determine who wins his seat.

When Gallagher leaves, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) will be able to suffer only one defection from his side on party-line votes. The realities of the thin majority were on full display earlier Friday, as the House passed a $1.2 trillion spending bill by a narrow margin.

Gallagher had already announced last month that he would not seek reelection. He said Friday that he made the decision to resign in April after conversations with his family. Gallagher, who chairs the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party, said in an interview with The Washington Post that he considers himself to be going out on a high note because of that assignment.

Ive worked closely with House Republican leadership on this timeline and look forward to seeing Speaker Johnson appoint a new chair to carry out the important mission of the committee, Gallagher said in a statement.

Gallagher informed House GOP leaders of his desire to leave early weeks ago, and they worked with him on his resignation timeline, according to a source familiar with Gallaghers plans who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private deliberations. Members of the GOP leadership acknowledged that his decision would affect their already small majority. But they signaled they have learned how to govern within those parameters, the source said, because most legislation is now passed with a two-thirds rather than a simple majority.

Republicans currently have a five-seat majority after Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.) resigned Friday, leaving the House earlier than he initially anticipated because he found his majority to be unproductive. Like Gallagher, Buck had also announced he would not seek reelection and then decided to call it quits early.

Currently, only two Republicans can defect to pass any conservative legislation through the chamber on a party-line vote. Once Gallagher leaves in mid-April, that margin goes down to one.

The majority will narrow even further once a Democrat is elected to replace former congressman Brian Higgins (D-N.Y.), who also resigned earlier this year. Republicans will not get a reprieve until a Republican is sworn in following a May runoff election to assume the seat former speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) held for more than a decade.

The difficulties of the slim majority came to light again with the House votes on the latest spending package. It received 286 votes 101 from Republicans and the rest from Democrats. Even then, Johnson had to move the bill through suspension of the rules, which require a two-thirds majority to pass, to work around anticipated resistance.

Gallagher has represented Wisconsins 8th Congressional District since 2017. The district in northeastern Wisconsin is solidly Republican.

Gallagher announced in February that he would not run for another term, saying in a statement that electoral politics was never supposed to be a career and, trust me, Congress is no place to grow old.

Earlier in February, Gallagher upset fellow Republicans by opposing the impeachment of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, which narrowly failed on the first attempt.

Gallagher said in the Post interview that he made his decision to not seek reelection long before the Mayorkas vote.

We have two young daughters and we want to have more kids, and this lifestyle sucks for a young family, Gallagher said. That was the main thing.

The source familiar with Gallaghers plan said he felt comfortable leaving early after successfully shepherding a bill through the House that could ban TikTok, the Chinese-owned social media platform. He also received assurances from Johnson that the China committee will continue based on the foundations he set.

In picking April 19 as his resignation date, Gallagher appears to avoid triggering a special election to finish his term. Wisconsin law says that election-year congressional vacancies can be filled in a special election if they happen before the second Tuesday in April, which is April 9 this year.

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Rep. Mike Gallagher to resign in April, narrowing House GOP vote margin to 1 - The Washington Post

Juries will or, perhaps, may decide whether former president Donald Trump committed serious federal crimes. He faces trial in Washington, D.C., and Florida on felony charges, and, unless hes reelected to the presidency or cuts a deal with prosecutors, those will result in verdicts adjudicating his guilt.

Most Americans, though, already think he has committed serious federal crimes. A poll conducted by Siena College for the New York Times found that more than half of registered voters thought hed done so. That includes more independents, nearly all Democrats and even a fifth of Republicans.

It also includes a fifth of people who say they plan to vote for him in November.

In other words, a fifth of Trumps support in a general election rematch against President Biden thinks their preferred candidate committed a serious crime.

A political observer airdropping into 2024 with no knowledge of the preceding 20 years or so would undoubtedly find this remarkable. How could someone viewed as a criminal earn so much support for serving as president? But weve all been here for the past 20 years and we know the answer: because he is the beneficiary of a fervent, loyal base of support and because he is the beneficiary of a media universe that has effectively muted the difference between him and his opponent.

A Fox News poll released this past weekend shows how that has worked. Respondents were asked to evaluate whether Biden and Trump were honest and trustworthy. Less than half said each man was; the overall difference between the two was only seven percentage points. Republicans were less willing to say Trump was honest than Democrats were to say that Biden was. Independents, too, were more willing to describe Biden that way. Among members of the opposite party, though, views of each candidate were in the single digits.

The Fox News poll (which, unlike the news channels coverage, can be considered reliably objective) also asked if each candidate was more inclined to do whats best for himself or whats best for the country. Respondents were more likely to say Trump focused on what was best for himself but more than half of respondents (including independents) said that Biden, too, mostly did what was best for himself.

It is not new that Biden is viewed as being only slightly less tainted than Trump. A September Fox News poll also found that Trump was more likely to be identified as corrupt but, again, not by much.

A lot of this is driven by views among Republicans, which generally sit at the polar opposite of views held by Democrats. Democrats, for example, see the charges Trump faces as legitimate. Republicans, by contrast, see the impeachment inquiry targeting Biden that way, which ehhhh.

But the differences here are subtle overall and among partisans. The effort to portray Biden as ethically compromised has been largely, though not entirely successful. A fifth of Republicans think Trump committed a crime but will vote for him anyway, probably in part because they dont care about the crimes Trump committed (like trying to retain power despite losing in 2020). In part, its probably because they have convinced themselves that Biden isnt any better.

Here, Fox News (the pollsters) are in part measuring the effectiveness of Fox News (the right-wing media channel). Much of the networks coverage last year centered on a now-discredited claim that Biden had taken a bribe. It has energetically promoted the impeachment inquiry as serious and legitimate. Coverage has been unwavering, as it usually is.

Democrats do not build their own echo chambers the way Republicans do, former Republican strategist Sarah Longwell said in an interview with the New Yorker. She added, Having spent a long time on the Republican side, I am constantly flabbergasted by the inability of Democrats to prosecute a case against Republicans relentlessly, with a knife in their teeth.

Trumps politics have been rooted in whataboutism since the outset. For every allegation against him, he and his supporters have a well, what about counterexample drawing an often unfair comparison with someone on the left. The House Republicans effort to impeach Biden may not have been specifically initiated to reduce the implied condemnation of impeachment or even to cast Biden as unethical. There are a lot of Republicans, it seems, who are unable to recognize the flimsiness of the existing case.

Whether that outcome was intentional or not, those have been the outcomes. Criticizing politicians as unethical is, of course, a low-friction rhetorical path. But that this rhetoric has resulted in Biden being seen as only slightly less unethical than Trump is unquestionably a remarkable achievement for the right.

So much so that a fifth of those who support the likely Republican nominee view him as criminal. But, they would argue: at least he isnt Biden.

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Analysis | A fifth of Trump supporters think he committed a serious crime - The Washington Post

The refusal of House Republicans to fund aid for Ukraine, their insistence on pursuing a bogus impeachment scheme hatched by an indicted Russian FBI source in contact with Russian intelligence services and their unfailing loyalty to an anti-democratic demagogue infatuated with Russian President Vladimir Putin will further aggravate the existential threat facing democracy around the globe. MAGA Republicans recent conduct will only hasten the dangerous trend toward authoritarianism spelled out in Freedom Houses recent report Freedom in the World 2024: The Mounting Damage of Flawed Elections and Armed Conflict.

Global freedom declined for the 18th consecutive year in 2023, Freedom House reported. The breadth and depth of the deterioration were extensive. Political rights and civil liberties were diminished in 52 countries, while only 21 countries made improvements. Flawed elections and armed conflict contributed to the decline, endangering freedom and causing severe human suffering.

The threat from right-wing groups and ideologies rejecting democratic values such as diversity, the rule of law, free speech, equality and tolerance the very same values the MAGA movement targets are at the root of the worldwide phenomenon. Almost everywhere, the downturn in rights was driven by attacks on pluralism the peaceful coexistence of people with different political ideas, religions, or ethnic identities that harmed elections and sowed violence, Freedom House observed. These intensifying assaults on a core feature of democracy reinforce the urgent need to support the groups and individuals, including human rights defenders and journalists, who are on the front lines of the struggle for freedom worldwide.

The role of the United States in bolstering democracies, just as it did in World War II and the Cold War, has never been more critical. As it has for decades, the United States can play a vital role in the expansion of global freedom, the report reiterated. But much depends on whether the November 2024 presidential election reinforces or weakens Americas democratic values, processes, and institutions, along with its will to uphold the cause of democracy around the world.

The United States remains vulnerable at home, where harassment and intimidation of federal, state, and local politicians, election administrators, and judges pose a serious challenge to the conduct of Novembers presidential election. Moreover, still haunted by the January 2021 attack on the Capitol and related court cases, Americans are heading into a decisive election starkly divided, with some questioning the very utility of fundamental democratic institutions.

As the worlds only true superpower, the only country that can summon a global alliance and the historic exemplar of democratic values, the United States must take the lead in defending democracies against internal and external threats. If governments, donors, and the private sector do not deepen their solidarity with front-line allies, hold dictators accountable for rights abuses and corruption, and invest in democratic institutions at home and abroad, democracy will continue its downward trajectory, the report said. If the United States sacrifices core principles for the sake of illusory short-term interests, then we will lose a global order in which democratic norms prevail and that deliver liberty, prosperity, and security for those living now and for future generations.

Military defense of democracies continues to be an essential part of protecting our alliances facing aggression from authoritarian regimes such as the Kremlins full-scale invasion of Ukraine [that] continued for a second year, further degrading basic rights in occupied areas and prompting more intense repression in Russia itself. But the question remains if the United States has the will to do so.

We recently witnessed how perilously close the United States is to frittering away our democratic leadership in the world. When the Republican presidential front-runner espouses fondness for fascist ideas and displays a determination to destroy NATO, and his minions rely on Russian-hatched conspiracies to impeach a president and seem willing to let Ukraine go under, we can imagine the threats to democracy here and abroad reaching the point of no return.

Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D-N.J.), a nine-year veteran of the Navy and three-term congresswoman who recently returned from the Munich Conference, expressed to me her dismay at Republicans irresponsibility in defending democracy at a critical moment. She pointed at four-times-indicted former president Donald Trump and his party for undermining and walking away from our alliances.

She explained, The rules-based order benefits not just the U.S. but other countries, yet Republicans want to blow up the system. Republicans seem not to care that we depend on an alliance of democratic allies to do everything from protecting the seaways to confronting Chinas aggression, she noted. She said there is a military phrase: We never fight alone. And yet we will find ourselves isolated, vulnerable and saddled with higher defense costs if Republicans persist in enabling Putin and destroying our democratic alliances.

We are at an inflection point, Sherrill said, echoing the Freedom House report and speaking with obvious emotion. I cannot accept that the country I have given my life to, the country [for which] I cannot count the number of oaths I have taken, the country I have fought for, I cannot accept that we cannot stand with Ukraine.

And yet if Republicans have their way denying Ukraine a lifeline, doing the bidding of Putin internationally and lifting a Putin pawn to the U.S. presidency democracys backsliding will become an avalanche. Imagine if the only country capable of reinforcing the rules-based order and preventing tyrannical regimes from overwhelming vulnerable countries stood with the authoritarians. Under such circumstances, democracy in the United States and around the world would be unlikely to survive.

Its hard to quibble with the argument that the upcoming election is the most important in our history and in the history of Western democracies. The world will be watching.

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Opinion | Democracy is imperiled globally. Republicans aren't helping. - The Washington Post - The Washington Post

WASHINGTONU.S. Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), Chairman of the U.S. Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security, on Thursday spoke on the U.S. Senate floor on Republicans refusal to work with Democrats to address the crisis at the border they pretend to care about because they would rather help Trumps re-election.

Murphy explained why Republicans blocked his bipartisan legislation with U.S. Senator James Lankford (R-Okla.) to address the crisis at the border: Because Republicans do not wantto fix the border.The secret's out. ForRepublicans, the border is amoneymaking grievance machine.And if we passed our border billand fixed the problem,Republicans literally wouldn'tknow what for do with theirdays.Fox would lose ratings.Republican Senators would loseclicks and donors. Donald Trumpwould lose an issue to campaignon.What would some of my Republican Senatecolleagues do with theirweekends if they couldn't godown to the border and dress upas border patrol officers andscream about fake outrage?If the border bill passed, ifthe border was under control,Republicans might have to gethobbies. If the bipartisan bill tocontrol our border had passed,our border would be moreorderly.Our immigration system would bevastly improved.America would be better off andmore secure.But, yes, Republicans would losetheir moneymaking grievancemachine: the broken border.That's what happened. Republicans killed the toughestbipartisan border bill that theyhave ever seen because theydon't want to fix the border.They want to keep it a messbecause they think it helps thempolitically.

Murphy compared President Bidens intentions with Donald Trumps desire to exploit the border as a political issue: You know who does want to fixthe border?President Joe Biden, Democratsin Congress.Joe Biden asked for thoseadditional resources to hiremore patrol agents, to buildmore detention capacity, to installmore technology at the border tointerrupt the fentanyl trade.Joe Biden helped write thebipartisan border bill whichgave him those new powers Italked about. And today, Joe Bidenis going to be at the border totalk about his agenda to putborder security first, but alsoto make other badly neededchanges to our immigrationsystem, like improving ourasylum system and getting apathway to citizenship forpeople who have been living inthe shadows of our society forfar too long.Donald Trump is going to be atthe border today, too, but for adifferent reason.Donald Trump does not see theborder as a problem that needsto be fixed.Donald Trump sees the border asa problem to be exploited.He openly brags aboutinstructing his followers herein the United States Senate tokill the bipartisan border billbecause its passage would havebeen good for Joe Biden and thecountry.

Murphy concluded: For Joe Biden the border is aserious issue that he wants tofix.He has a plan to do it.For Donald Trump and theRepublicans, the border is justa moneymaking grievance machinethat they refuse to solve.

A full transcript of Murphys remarks can be found below:

So, here's a snapshot ofwhat happened.Republicans said that fixing theborder was their top priority.They appointed a hardlineconservative, my friend Senator James Lankford, to come up with a bipartisan bill to fix the border. They said if Lankford can get the deal, they'd support it.

We got that deal.If it passed, it would have beenthe toughest border securitybill in our lifetime.Arguably, it would have been thetoughest border security billever.$20 billion for border security, more detention beds, more patrolofficers, more asylum officers,more equipment to interceptfentanyl, a new power for the president toclose parts of the border whencrossings get too high.An end to the era in which anasylum applicant could spend tenyears in the country beforetheir application was heard.

It was tough.It would have helped to fix theborder.It was a compromise.Get this: it was supported by theconservative pro-Trump BorderPatrol Union and theleft-leaning Association ofImmigration Attorneys. TheWashington Post was for it, andThe Wall Street Journal wasfor it.It was a true compromise.

But within hours of the bill'srelease, Republicans killed it.When it came to the floor, onlyfour Republicans voted for thebill they asked for.It has now been 22 days sinceRepublicans killed the toughestborder security bill of ourlifetime a bipartisan bill thatwould have helped us control theborder.

Why did Republicans do this?Because Republicans do not wantto fix the border.The secret's out. ForRepublicans, the border is amoneymaking grievance machine.

And if we passed our border billand fixed the problem,Republicans literally wouldn'tknow what for do with theirdays.Fox would lose ratings.Republican Senators would loseclicks and donors. Donald Trumpwould lose an issue to campaignon.

What would some of my Republican Senatecolleagues do with theirweekends if they couldn't godown to the border and dress upas border patrol officers andscream about fake outrage?If the border bill passed, ifthe border was under control,Republicans might have to gethobbies.

If the bipartisan bill tocontrol our border had passed,our border would be moreorderly.Our immigration system would bevastly improved.America would be better off andmore secure.But, yes, Republicans would losetheir moneymaking grievancemachine: the broken border.

That's what happened. Republicans killed the toughestbipartisan border bill that theyhave ever seen because theydon't want to fix the border.They want to keep it a messbecause they think it helps thempolitically.

22 days since Republicans killedthe toughest bipartisan bordersecurity bill in over a decade.

You know who does want to fixthe border?President Joe Biden, Democratsin Congress.Joe Biden asked for thoseadditional resources to hiremore patrol agents, to buildmore detention capacity, to installmore technology at the border tointerrupt the fentanyl trade.

Joe Biden helped write thebipartisan border bill whichgave him those new powers Italked about. And today, Joe Bidenis going to be at the border totalk about his agenda to putborder security first, but alsoto make other badly neededchanges to our immigrationsystem, like improving ourasylum system and getting apathway to citizenship forpeople who have been living inthe shadows of our society forfar too long.

Donald Trump is going to be atthe border today, too, but for adifferent reason.Donald Trump does not see theborder as a problem that needsto be fixed.Donald Trump sees the border asa problem to be exploited.He openly brags aboutinstructing his followers herein the United States Senate tokill the bipartisan border billbecause its passage would havebeen good for Joe Biden and thecountry.

For Joe Biden the border is aserious issue that he wants tofix.He has a plan to do it.For Donald Trump and theRepublicans, the border is justa moneymaking grievance machinethat they refuse to solve.

The problem is that nothing can passin Washington without Republicansupport.I know there are Republicans whovoted for the bipartisan bill. Only four, but the rule is that Republicansrefuse to support moreresources, more patrol officers,more detention beds, and therule is that they will voteagainst any bipartisanlegislation to make the bordermore secure.

So, [it has been] 22 days since Republicanskilled the toughest bordersecurity bill during our time inthe Senate, and unfortunately theborder is going to remainunresolved so long as Republicans dont want to solve it.

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Murphy: For Donald Trump And The Republicans, The Border Is Just A Moneymaking Grievance Machine That They ... - Senator Chris Murphy