Archive for the ‘Republican’ Category

Republican prosecutor appeals Wisconsin abortion ruling – Madison.com

The Republican prosecutor in Sheboygan County has appealed a Dane County judges ruling that an 1849 law widely interpreted as a near-complete ban on abortions only applies to feticide and not consensual abortions.

But shortly after he filed the appeal with a state district court Wednesday, Sheboygan County District Attorney Joel Urmanski said he plans to also file a petition in the next few weeks to have the liberal-majority Wisconsin Supreme Court hear the case directly.

He said a direct appeal to the states highest court could provide the speedy and conclusive end to this dispute that I believe our citizens want, according to a statement first reported by WisPolitics.com. I believe it would be in the best interests of the State as a whole for this issue to be considered and resolved by our Supreme Court immediately.

Urmanskis petition before the 2nd District Court of Appeals asks the court to overturn a 1994 case that led to the determination that the law only applies to feticide. Additionally, he questions whether Democratic Attorney General Josh Kaul had standing to bring the lawsuit that led to the Dane County ruling.

Urmanski didnt respond to a request for comment asking whether hell withdraw his appeal if and when he goes directly to the Wisconsin Supreme Court.

Urmanskis appeal seeks to reanimate a 19th century criminal abortion ban, taking away peoples abilities to make decisions about their own lives and futures, said Michelle Velasquez, chief strategy officer for Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin.

She said the organization will continue offering abortions in Milwaukee and Madison and will follow through with its plans to reopen its Sheboygan abortion clinic.

Kaul told the Wisconsin State Journal that he was confident the law is on his side.

Reproductive health care decisions should be made by women, not by the government, he said. As this case moves forward, we will continue standing up for access to safe and legal abortion in Wisconsin.

Dane County Judge Diane Schlippers preliminary ruling in July clarifying the scope of the 1849 law led to the resumption of abortion services in Wisconsin two months later. She issued a final ruling in the case earlier this month.

Abortions were stopped in Wisconsin after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in June 2022 because many legal experts and abortion providers assumed the 1849 law banned virtually all abortions.

In his lawsuit filed days after that decision, Kaul argued the 1849 law conflicted with later, more permissive abortion bans.

Doctors joined the case late last year to argue that the 174-year-old law didnt apply to abortions at all, but rather only to feticide. They pointed to a 1994 Wisconsin Supreme Court case that found that the law only applied to somebody killing a fetus by assaulting its mother, not consensual abortions.

Its not clear why Kaul didnt initially mention the 1994 case, or why abortion providers closed in June 2022 given the determination in that case.

Kaul initially filed the case against Republican legislative leaders, but he later named as defendants the prosecutors in Dane, Milwaukee and Sheboygan counties, which were home to abortion clinics before Roe was overturned.

"I believe it would be in the best interests of the State as a whole for this issue to be considered and resolved by our Supreme Court immediately."

Joel Urmanski, district attorney for Sheboygan County

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Republican prosecutor appeals Wisconsin abortion ruling - Madison.com

Education used to be a policy issue. Now schools are a culture war battleground – NPR

Perhaps no presidential candidate has leaned more into talking about schools than Florida Governor Ron DeSantis. Scott Olson/Getty Images hide caption

Perhaps no presidential candidate has leaned more into talking about schools than Florida Governor Ron DeSantis.

Talking about schools is a reliable applause line for Republican candidates. In Cedar Rapids, Iowa, former President Donald Trump got a roar of approval when he talked about race and sexuality in schools.

"On day one, I will sign a new executive order to cut federal funding for any school pushing critical race theory, transgender insanity and other inappropriate racial, sexual or political content on our children," he pledged.

Schools are even more central to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis's campaign, and he used the topic to fire up the crowd in November at the Machine Shed restaurant in Davenport, Iowa.

"As the father of a six, five and a three-year-old, I believe that kids should be able to go to school, watch cartoons, just be kids without having an agenda shoved down their throat," he said, to cheers.

The issue of how gender and race are taught in schools has been a major focus for Republican candidates this entire campaign cycle, even while the issue may not really drive votes.

Indeed, it's hard to really tell how much voters care about the topic. When pollsters ask Republican voters their top priorities, the economy tends to come out on top. Immigration is also up there. Foreign policy, sometimes. Often, education is toward the bottom, if it ranks at all.

"People confuse the yelling for the priorities. They confuse passion for prioritization," said Frank Luntz, a Republican strategist who has conducted many voter focus groups.

"Yes, transgender and all of that gets people to yell. But that's not what people really care about," he added.

First, an important distinction: in this primary, talking about schools and talking about education are often different things.

A lot of the Republicans' campaign rhetoric hasn't been about student achievement, school choice or standardized testing. Rather, it's about playing out culture wars on the battleground of K-12 schools.

And while that may not be the issue pushing voters toward one candidate or another, schools nevertheless play an important role for candidates. The topic of schools is a powerful tool for the candidates to tell voters the story of who they are.

Trump, for example, uses the topic of schools as a way of telling his crowds that so-called "political correctness" and "wokeism" have gone too far. His argument is that he is the man to stop the excesses of what he calls "the radical left."

DeSantis takes a similar tack, but leans into the issue harder than Trump, using it as an opportunity to tell voters about his record as governor of Florida to show them that he's doing the work of reining in liberals.

In that Davenport speech, for example, he laid out his record: "We enacted a parent's bill of rights. We protected women's sports in Florida. We banned the transgender surgeries for the minor kids in Florida. We enacted universal school choice. We eliminated the ideology, the CRT and the gender ideology in schools."

For former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, it's about presenting herself as no-nonsense, as well as emphasizing her role as the sole woman in the Republican field.

In a stump speech in Waukee, Iowa this month, Haley did address weaknesses in the U.S. education system: "Only 31% of eighth graders are proficient in reading. Thirty-one percent. Only 27% of eighth graders are proficient in math. We don't do something about this, we're going to be in a world of hurt ten years from now."

She also later stressed transgender girls playing girls' sports a topic she has called "the women's issue of our time."

"Strong girls become strong women. Strong women become strong leaders. None of that happens if you have biological boys playing in women's sports. We've got to cut that out," she said.

That line got big applause.

Focusing on cultural issues in schools may fire up the base, but to Luntz, talking about actual educational achievement could win more voters. Luntz points to DeSantis as the candidate he thinks is getting this the most wrong.

"He's using it as a surrogate for the culture wars, and that's not the way to approach education. The public wants to take partisan politics out of education," Luntz explained.

The story of Republican candidates talking about schools goes back to school closures during the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, says Luntz. In addition to worrying about learning loss, parents also got a view of school curricula, and some didn't like what they saw whether it was about culture or simply about how reading and math were taught.

All of that may be true, but according to Heather Harding, schools also got weaponized for political purposes. Harding is educational director of the Campaign for Our Shared Future, which focuses on equity in education.

"I do think that the nation went through a very challenging time during the global pandemic," she said. "I think that the political strategists then leveraged that fear and discontent to really gin up a lot of things in misinformation."

In conversations with Iowa voters over the last few months, few brought up education or schools as a top priority. However, when asked about the issue directly, many did have strong opinions.

Dave Meggers is a farmer who came out to see Trump in Davenport in September. He said the price of fuel is his top concern. But when asked about schools, he talked about working with other parents to influence this local district.

"We're tough on our school board down there on different such situations," he explained. "One thing was, you know, the books in school and stuff like that. And we we were one of the first ones down there to get our kids out of masks, too."

Lori Tiangco was volunteering for DeSantis at a November rally in Des Moines. Unlike Meggers - and many Republican voters - cultural issues in schools are a top priority for her. She spoke about her grandson and how his parents reacted to the school's teaching about LGBT issues.

"They pulled him out and homeschooled him because they didn't want that be enforced on them, which goes against our, you know, the Christian moral values that we have," she said.

But there's a wide range of opinions. At a recent Nikki Haley event in Clear Lake, Stacey Doughan the president of the city's Chamber of Commerce said the focus on culture war issues leaves her cold.

"I think that when you take it down to race and gender, you're really missing the point," she said. "Whatever we need to do to make it so our kids are able to go to school, to enjoy going to school and to learn what they need to learn to be competitive in an international market today is what's really important."

Indeed, that Haley event had at least one voter who disagrees on a key Republican culture war issue.

"This is my only point of contention that I have with her," said Michelle Garland, a psychology professor at nearby Waldorf University, of Haley. "The suicide rate among gay teens is the highest of all groups, and they have a right to be called by whatever gender they prefer to be called by. It's not our business to tell somebody who they are."

That makes Garland unusual among GOP primary voters. But then, this is the thing about prioritization trans kids aren't her top priority. Israel is. And she likes where Haley stands on Israel.

Moreover, Garland is, simply put, a Nikki Haley superfan.

"I fell in love with Nikki the first time she spoke from the U.N.," she remembered. "And then when she announced she was running for president, it just made my day."

So to the extent that Haley is using education to tell voters who she is, voters like Garland don't need to hear it. Garland already liked her from the start.

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Education used to be a policy issue. Now schools are a culture war battleground - NPR

12/20/23 – Haley Ties DeSantis For First Time In GOP Primary, While Trump Still Dominates, With Biggest Lead To Date … – Quinnipiac University Poll

As the 2024 presidential race draws closer to primaries and caucuses getting underway, former President Donald Trump holds a commanding lead over his competitors, while former United States Ambassador and South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley moves to second place, tied with Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, according to a Quinnipiac (KWIN-uh-pea-ack) University national poll of registered voters released today.

Among Republican and Republican leaning voters, 67 percent support Trump, 11 percent support DeSantis, 11 percent support Haley, 4 percent support entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, and 3 percent support former New Jersey Governor Chris Christie.

This is both Trump's and Haley's highest levels of support since the Quinnipiac University Poll started national surveys on the 2024 GOP presidential primary race in February 2023 and this is DeSantis' lowest score of the year. In February, he received 36 percent support.

Among Republican and Republican leaning voters who support a candidate in the 2024 Republican presidential primary, 50 percent say they might change their candidate choice depending on what happens leading up to the Republican primary, while 48 percent say they are firmly set on their choice for the Republican nomination no matter what happens leading up to the Republican primary.

President Biden receives 75 percent support among Democratic and Democratic leaning voters, author Marianne Williamson receives 13 percent support, and U.S. Representative from Minnesota Dean Phillips receives 5 percent support.

Among Democratic and Democratic leaning voters who support a candidate in the 2024 Democratic presidential primary, a majority (57 percent) say they might change their candidate choice depending on what happens leading up to the Democratic primary, while 40 percent say they are firmly set on their choice for the Democratic nomination no matter what happens leading up to the Democratic primary.

In a hypothetical 2024 general election matchup, President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump are in a virtual dead heat, with 47 percent supporting Biden and 46 percent supporting Trump.

Democrats (94 - 5 percent) support Biden, while Republicans (93 - 4 percent) support Trump. Among independents, 46 percent support Biden and 40 percent support Trump.

In a three-person hypothetical 2024 general election matchup adding independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Biden receives 38 percent support, Trump receives 36 percent support, and Kennedy receives 22 percent support.

In a five-person hypothetical 2024 general election matchup adding independent candidate Cornel West and Green Party candidate Jill Stein, Trump receives 38 percent support, Biden receives 36 percent support, Kennedy receives 16 percent support, and West and Stein each receive 3 percent support.

Voters give President Biden a negative 38 - 58 percent job approval rating, largely unchanged from a November 15 Quinnipiac University poll when he received a negative 37 - 59 percent job approval rating.

Voters were asked about Biden's handling of...

Voters are divided on the House of Representatives beginning a formal impeachment inquiry to determine whether or not to bring impeachment charges against President Biden, as 46 percent approve and 49 percent disapprove.

Democrats (85 - 10 percent) disapprove, while Republicans (80 - 17 percent) approve. Independents are split, with 48 percent approving and 47 percent disapproving.

Seven in 10 voters (70 percent) say they are following news about the Justice Department's investigations into President Biden's son Hunter Biden either very closely (28 percent) or somewhat closely (42 percent), while 29 percent say they are following it not too closely.

More than 4 in 10 voters (44 percent) say the Justice Department's treatment of Hunter Biden has been not tough enough, while 28 percent say it has been fair, and 15 percent say it has been too tough.

A majority of voters (53 percent) say they are concerned by a recent comment former President Donald Trump made saying he wants to be a dictator for one day if he wins the 2024 presidential election, while 44 percent say they are not concerned.

Democrats (90 - 9 percent) and independents (57 - 40 percent) say they are concerned, while Republicans (84 - 13 percent) say they are not concerned.

More than two months after the October 7th Hamas terrorist attack on Israel, voters are split on whether the United States should send more military aid to Israel for their efforts in the war with Hamas, with 45 percent supporting it and 46 percent opposing it.

This is a drop from majority support (54 - 39 percent) for the United States sending more military aid to Israel in Quinnipiac University's November 16 poll.

In today's poll, there are wide gaps by political party, age, and race.

Republicans (65 - 28 percent) support the United States sending more military aid to Israel, while Democrats (58 - 36 percent) oppose it. Among independents, 41 percent support it and 48 percent oppose it.

Voters 65 years of age and over (63 - 28 percent) and voters ages 50 - 64 years old (55 - 36 percent) support the United States sending more military aid to Israel, while voters 18 - 34 years old (72 - 21 percent) and voters 35 - 49 years old (53 - 38 percent) oppose it.

White voters (51 - 40 percent) support the United States sending more military aid to Israel, while Hispanic voters (60 - 36 percent) and Black voters (56 - 35 percent) oppose it.

A majority of voters (69 percent) think supporting Israel is in the national interest of the United States, while 23 percent think it is not in the national interest of the United States.

When it comes to the relationship between the United States and Israel, 29 percent of voters think the U.S. is too supportive of Israel, while 17 percent think the U.S. is not supportive enough of Israel, and 45 percent think the U.S. support of Israel is about right.

Voters are split on the way Israel is responding to the October 7th Hamas terrorist attack, with 43 percent approving and 42 percent disapproving. This compares to a November 16 poll when 46 percent approved and 40 percent disapproved of Israel's response.

Voters were asked whether their sympathies lie more with the Israelis or more with the Palestinians based on what they know about the situation in the Middle East. Forty-nine percent of voters say the Israelis, while 24 percent say the Palestinians. This compares to mid-November when 54 percent said the Israelis and 24 percent said the Palestinians.

Republicans (77 - 6 percent) and independents (48 - 24 percent) say their sympathies lie more with the Israelis, while Democrats (40 - 30 percent) say their sympathies lie more with the Palestinians.

Voters (55 - 38 percent) support the United States sending more military aid to Ukraine for their efforts in the war with Russia, largely unchanged from a mid-November survey.

There is a big gap by party identification.

Democrats (77 - 17 percent) and independents (51 - 42 percent) support the United States sending more military aid to Ukraine, while Republicans (51 - 42 percent) oppose it.

A majority of voters (69 percent) think supporting Ukraine is in the national interest of the United States, while 25 percent think it is not in the national interest of the United States.

Nearly one-third of voters (32 percent) think the United States is doing too much to help Ukraine, 25 percent think the U.S. is doing too little, and 35 percent think the U.S. is doing about the right amount to help Ukraine.

Just under half of voters (48 percent) say they plan to spend about the same amount on gifts this holiday season compared to last year, 39 percent say they plan to spend less, and 12 percent say they plan to spend more.

As for next year, a plurality of voters (48 percent) think the nation's economy will be better, while 39 percent think it will be worse.

More than 6 in 10 voters (62 percent) think 2024 will be better than 2023 for them personally, while 20 percent think it will be worse than 2023 for them personally.

1,647 self-identified registered voters nationwide were surveyed from December 14th - 18th with a margin of error of +/- 2.4 percentage points. The survey included 702 Republican and Republican leaning voters with a margin of error of +/- 3.7 percentage points. The survey included 683 Democratic and Democratic leaning voters with a margin of error of +/- 3.8 percentage points.

The Quinnipiac University Poll, directed by Doug Schwartz, Ph.D. since 1994, conducts independent, non-partisan national and state polls on politics and issues. Surveys adhere to industry best practices and are based on random samples of adults using random digit dialing with live interviewers calling landlines and cell phones.

Visit poll.qu.edu or http://www.facebook.com/quinnipiacpoll

Email poll@qu.edu, or follow us on Twitter @QuinnipiacPoll.

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12/20/23 - Haley Ties DeSantis For First Time In GOP Primary, While Trump Still Dominates, With Biggest Lead To Date ... - Quinnipiac University Poll

Colorado GOP threatens to withdraw from or ignore state’s presidential primary if Trump isn’t on the ballot – The Colorado Sun

The Colorado GOP is threatening to try to withdraw from Colorados Republican presidential primary in March or ignore the results if Donald Trump isnt on the ballot, heaping uncertainty onto the fast-approaching contest and setting up a possible legal showdown with state elections officials.

The Colorado Supreme Court ruled Tuesday that Trump cant appear on the ballot because he engaged in an insurrection on Jan. 6, 2021, at the U.S. Capitol and therefore is disqualified from holding office again. The decision will be appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, but theres little time for a resolution before the Jan. 5 state deadline to set the ballot. Ballots start being mailed to military and overseas voters on Jan. 20. Election Day is March 5.

Colorado GOP Chairman Dave Williams told The Colorado Sun on Tuesday night that if Trump isnt on the ballot, the party would ask the state to cancel the Republican presidential primary. Instead, Republican voters would caucus to select delegates to the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee next year.

There are 37 delegates up for grabs from the state.

Im not going to let these sons of bitches dictate who were going to nominate, Williams said in an X Spaces event Tuesday night on the site formerly known as Twitter.

Williams told The Sun that if Trump isnt on the ballot and the Colorado Secretary of States Office wont cancel the Republican presidential primary, we will ignore the primary results.

The Colorado Secretary of States Office said the Colorado GOP couldnt withdraw from the presidential primary and that it has doubts about whether the party can ignore the primary results.

Colorado law does not allow a presidential primary election to be canceled at the request of a political party, the office said in a written statement Wednesday. If the Colorado Republican Party attempts to withdraw from the presidential primary or ignore the results of the election, this would likely be a matter for the courts.

State law says each political party shall use the results of the (presidential primary) election to allocate national delegate votes in accordance with the partys state and national rules.

The legal and political uncertainty highlights how the Colorado Supreme Courts ruling marks the first time that the insurrection clause has been used to block a presidential candidate from appearing on the ballot.

The Colorado Supreme Courts ruling is stayed until Jan. 4. The court ordered that the stay remain in place, and that the Colorado Secretary of States Office must place Trumps name on the ballot, if its decision is appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Since an appeal is imminent, the U.S. Supreme Court would have to block Trump from Colorados primary ballot in the next three weeks for Williams threat to be relevant.

Before it could even try to use a caucus process to pick delegates to the national convention, the Colorado GOP would have to get a waiver from the Republican National Committee. The Colorado GOP filed an alternative delegate apportionment plan with the RNC as an insurance policy against the Colorado case challenging Trumps spot on the ballot.

The waiver appears likely to be granted.

RNC Chairwoman Ronna Romney McDaniel said on X on Tuesday night that the Colorado Supreme Courts decision was election interference.

The Republican nominee will be decided by Republican voters, not a partisan state court, she said.

A similar situation is playing out in Nevada, where both a Republican presidential primary and caucuses will be held in February. That states GOP said it will only honor the results of the caucus.

The Nevada GOP has barred any candidate who participates in the primary from also participating in the caucus.

The caucus system has a long history in Colorado and its still used to place candidates on the ballot in lower-tier races.

Colorados presidential primary this year will be just the fifth-ever in the state. Voters overwhelmingly approved ditching the caucus system in Colorado for a presidential primary in 2016.

Previously, Colorado has had presidential primaries only in 1992,1996, 2000 and 2020.

Still, quickly organizing a last-minute caucus process would likely be immensely difficult and costly. The Colorado GOP would have to find and reserve spaces throughout the state for Republicans to gather. The party would also have to draft and agree upon rules for how the system would work.

The Colorado GOP could try to combine the presidential primary caucus with its already scheduled caucuses in March that are set to select which candidates are on the states June primary ballot for lower-tier races, like congressional and state legislative contests.

If the Colorado GOP were to somehow withdraw from the primary or ignore the results, doing so would invalidate the opinion of unaffiliated voters, who make up the largest share of the states electorate and are allowed to cast ballots in partisan primaries.

Colorados 37 delegates to the Republican National Convention are electorally unimportant. Polls show Trump has plenty of support to secure the GOP nomination without backing from the state.

Additionally, the former president is unlikely to win in Colorado in the general election. President Joe Biden beat Trump by 13 percentage points in 2020.

But Williams said exiting the primary is a matter of principle. Were not going to take this lying down, he said on CNN.

In addition to Trump, several other candidates have filed to appear on Colorados Republican presidential primary ballot. They include Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, former U.N. Ambassador and South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy.

Ramaswamy late Tuesday posted a video on X promising to withdraw from the Colorado GOP ballot unless Trump is part of the primary and demanding that DeSantis, Christie and Haley do the same.

The Colorado Supreme Courts 4-3 decision to block Trump from the ballot stems from the so-called insurrection clause in the U.S. Constitution.

Section 3 of the 14th Amendment bars officers of the United States who took an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and then engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof from holding federal or state office again.

Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a liberal political nonprofit based in Washington, D.C., sued Colorado Secretary of State Jena Griswold in September on behalf of a group of Colorado Republican and unaffiliated voters, arguing that the former president shouldnt be allowed on the states presidential primary ballot because of his role in the Jan. 6 riot.

The four Colorado Supreme Court justices who voted to block Trump from the ballot wrote in their opinion that Trump clearly engaged in an insurrection on Jan. 6.

The record amply established that the events of Jan. 6 constituted a concerted and public use of force or threat of force by a group of people to hinder or prevent the U.S. government from taking the actions necessary to accomplish the peaceful transfer of power in this country, the courts majority wrote. Under any viable definition, this constituted an insurrection.

The majority also wrote that Trump did not merely incite the insurrection.

Even when the siege on the Capitol was fully underway, he continued to support it by repeatedly demanding that Vice President (Mike) Pence refuse to perform his constitutional duty and by calling senators to persuade them to stop the counting of electoral votes, the majority wrote. These actions constituted overt, voluntary and direct participation in the insurrection.

Based on facts, either observed and verified directly by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources.

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Colorado GOP threatens to withdraw from or ignore state's presidential primary if Trump isn't on the ballot - The Colorado Sun

The Most Pathetic Republican Leader of 2023 – The New Republic

All right, friends. Lets play Jeopardy!

Forgettable Losers for $200, you say? Very well! The answer is: Theodore Pomeroy and Michael Kerr.

Players? Anyone?

Oh, so sorry. The correct question is, Who are the only two House speakers in U.S. history whose tenures were shorter than Kevin McCarthys?

Yes, readers, this is true. Pomeroy, by all accounts a reasonably impressive and quite well-liked politician, was an accidental speaker, serving for only one day in 1869, as a kind of bouquet thrown to the retiring New Yorker by his admiring colleagues. Kerrs speakership ended in 1876 after a mere 258 days, but not because of scandal or weakness. Rather, he up and died in office, at the tender age of 49.

So you can put asterisks next to both of those, if you ask me. Which leaves McCarthy, at 270 days, as the shortest-serving House speaker in American history owing solely to his own incompetence, ineffectiveness, and emptiness.

For what will history remember Kevin McCarthy? A few things. But lets not complicate matters. First and foremost, and by far, he will go down in history for that photograph. You know the one I mean. The Mar-a-Lago one, standing next to Donald Trump. It was a week after Trumps presidency ended in January 2021, and three weeks and a day after McCarthy got into a screaming match with Trump over the phone on January 6, about the rioters Trump had sent Hill-ward to hang Mike Pence. Your insurrectionists, McCarthy said, were trying to fucking kill me. Trump retorted: Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.

Heres what the photo symbolizes. McCarthy was furious at Trump on January 6. Ive had it with this guy, he said shortly afterward, in a taped call famously obtained by two New York Times reporters. He was steeling himself to call on Trump to resign.

Then something changed. We dont know exactly what. He started talking to his GOP colleagues. They cautioned against confronting Trump. And soon enough, he was on a plane down to Florida. He later complained that he didnt know they were going to take a picture. Well, look at it. It sure looks like he knows a picture is being taken.

Could McCarthy have single-handedly moved the Republican Party into a post-Trump world? Lets not be nave. He could not have. Trump would still be contesting for control of the GOP. But maybe, just maybe, McCarthywho was, after all, the leader of the House Republican conference and the minority leader of the House of Representativescould have started something.

Maybe others would have been emboldened to follow him. Maybe that group would have gained the backing of a few GOP senators. Bill Barr would have joined them, and John Kelly, and a number of other prominent Republicans. And they could have coalesced around a still-conservative but non-MAGA potential candidate, and instead of the coronation we are watching today, wed be watching an actual fightmaybe not a particularly close one, but a fight all the samefor the soul (if they can be said to have such a thing anymore) of the Republican Party.

But no. Shortly after Joe Bidens inauguration, McCarthy had decided: He had to stay leader. He had to be speaker one day. And that meant staying with Trump. And thats what history will remember about him. He was the one maneven more than the superannuated Mitch McConnellwho could have defied Trump. He deified him instead. And if Trump wins next fall and returns to the White House and does all the things he promises hes going to do, and future historians are one day compiling a list of those complicit in the collapse of American democracy, Kevin McCarthys name will be in the top 10 on that list, and maybe the top five.

There are a couple other things hell be remembered for. That joke of a speakership vote. Finally elected on the fifteenth ballot. It was so obvious that his colleagues did not respect him. And so obvious that he was desperate for their approvalso desperate that he handed them the tool, the famous one-person motion to vacate, that sealed his fate from the day he was handed the gavel.

And finally there is the utter lack of achievement in behalf of the American people that he oversaw. The week before McCarthy was ousted as speaker, one study found that the current Congress had enacted into law only 12 billsa full 40 fewer than your average Congress going back to 1973. The House had passed 224 bills, which sounds respectable, but that was actually the second-lowest number in the last 50 years. That ignominious record was held by the 113th Congress, also a Republican House, obsessed with tying Barack Obama in knots and making sure that he could not, for example, raise the minimum wage.

McCarthys pulverizing failure as a legislative leader stems from two truths: One, he cared little about policy; two, his word was no good. Hed say anything to anyone. If youve read enough political biographies, you know that he was always as good as his word is a common form of high praise that can be delivered across partisan lines. McCarthy was as useless and malleable as his word.

So off he goes, back to Bakersfield as the new year dawns, or more likely off to K Street. Because that too is now expected of people like McCarthyto go cash in on one of those lavish lobbyists salaries. And then, if Trump wins, maybe hell join the administration. Then, with luck, well all get to watch him be indicted and convicted. Something tells me God is not finished with Kevin McCarthy.

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The Most Pathetic Republican Leader of 2023 - The New Republic