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Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp won his Republican primary with broad support, though former President Donald Trump backed a well-known challenger to the incumbent. John Bazemore/AP hide caption

Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp won his Republican primary with broad support, though former President Donald Trump backed a well-known challenger to the incumbent.

Former President Donald Trump has been a near-constant presence in this year's Republican primaries. Candidates have eagerly sought his endorsement, with some making a pilgrimage to his Mar-a-Lago estate to ask for his support in person.

Trump has at times used his endorsement as a tool of revenge, in an attempt to take down GOP officeholders who have crossed him most notably those who did not support his effort to overturn the results of the 2020 election.

But with several weeks of primaries now complete, a trend has emerged: Republican voters even those who maintain Trump was a great president are not marching in lockstep with him. Many are instead bucking his endorsements.

"Republican voters are not monolithic," veteran GOP strategist Dallas Woodhouse said. "They are not falling all over each other waiting to hear who Trump endorses to make their decision." Yes, it is a factor, Woodhouse added, "and it can be a big factor, but it's not necessarily the determinant factor."

Some voters undoubtedly have been waiting on Trump. Take Kathy Deal, for instance. When she spoke with NPR back in March, the resident of Lancaster, Ohio, was undecided and eager to hear from Trump on the state's Republican candidates for U.S. Senate.

"That would definitely seal it for sure, it would seal it," Deal said, weeks before Trump made a late endorsement of Hillbilly Elegy author J.D. Vance, who would go on to win the nomination.

It was a very different story for one voter weeks later in Pennsylvania. Seventy-one-year-old Trump supporter Bob Rapp was not pleased that the former president had endorsed celebrity TV doctor Mehmet Oz in the GOP Senate contest there. Rapp told NPR in April that he doesn't think Oz is even a conservative.

"Some of his stances have been pretty liberal on his TV show," Rapp said. "I'm just concerned that he may be a RINO [Republican in name only]."

But that didn't mean being at odds with Trump over Oz had affected his strong admiration for the former president.

"No, because it's his prerogative," Rapp said. "You don't agree with your leaders 100% of the time." He maintained firmly that Trump's endorsement wouldn't sway him.

Oz did eventually win the nomination in an extremely close contest. Rapp told NPR later that he voted for businessman Dave McCormick, who conceded during a recount.

Though Mehmet Oz, a Trump-backed Republican candidate for U.S. Senate in Pennsylvania, narrowly won his primary, many conservative voters had doubts about him. Ted Shaffrey/AP hide caption

Taking a broad look at how Trump's endorsements have fared so far, his win-loss record is strong, but a lot of that is because mostly he backs popular incumbents or frontrunners, like Pennsylvania gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano, who didn't really need his support to secure a nomination.

In other contests Trump's record is more mixed.

"Trump's endorsement is not a magic wand or a silver bullet," said Sarah Longwell, a longtime GOP consultant and the publisher of The Bulwark website.

She's been watching the impact of Trump endorsements and notes that in certain situations it can provide a big boost, especially in highly competitive races with lots of candidates. In such contests, Trump's support can mean more press coverage and create momentum. Longwell says that's what happened in Ohio's U.S. Senate primary.

"Where there's a big group of Republicans, and they're all battling it out, and they're all telling the voters how terrible their opponents are, and people are kind of not sure who they like, and when Trump comes in with an endorsement, it tends to kind of elevate people in these races," she said.

Longwell says that laundry list of factors all aligned to help Vance win in Ohio.

But not all of Trump's picks get such a boost, especially when they are the challenger attempting to knock off an incumbent with high name recognition and a track record.

Take Georgia, where Trump put his credibility on the line by endorsing challengers to a pair of Republican incumbents Gov. Brian Kemp and Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger. Both men crossed Trump when they rebuffed his requests that they use their power to overturn Trump's loss in Georgia in the 2020 election. Trump based his endorsements in these races entirely on his lie that the 2020 election was stolen, and that these two elected officials betrayed him by not supporting him in that falsehood.

But there was a problem for Trump in these contests: Kemp and Raffensperger each had a broad base of support among GOP voters, and each had a record of accomplishment that could compete with Trump's bid for vengeance.

Longwell has been conducting regular focus groups with Trump supporters. In a session with Georgia voters, she heard from people like Laura (focus group members are only identified by their first name), who was still undecided about her vote, but who still had good things to say about the governor.

"I like what Brian Kemp has done," Laura said, "and I liked how he handled COVID." Then for emphasis, she added: "The state seems to be running smoothly to me."

It's not known who Laura eventually cast her ballot for, but it is known that Kemp won reelection by a margin of more than 50 percentage points. Raffensperger won his primary too, also by a substantial margin of 19 points.

Then there's an example in North Carolina, where even a Trump endorsement couldn't save scandal-plagued Congressman Madison Cawthorn in his primary.

GOP strategist Woodhouse says Trump may have actually helped Cawthorn in what was a very tough primary from a conservative challenger. At the very least, Woodhouse said, "Nobody is going to blame the president for Cawthorn's loss because Cawthorn had had a long series of self-inflicted wounds."

Still, he says, it does help demonstrate how a Trump endorsement has limits.

Woodhouse says a key part of all this is the overall makeup of the races in Republican primaries this year and likely into the near future.

In contest after contest, voters are not choosing between a Trump-endorsed candidate and an anti-Trump candidate. Most every GOP hopeful runs on a pro-Trump list of issues. Sometimes that includes support for the lie that Trump really won in 2020, but it also always includes support for Trump's positions and rhetoric on issues like building a southern border wall and getting tough with China on trade with lots of cultural issues thrown in.

"I mean, any candidates going forward are going to adopt those core issues that were part of the America First agenda," Woodhouse said.

So even if his candidate loses, Trump's issues are very much on the winning side in these primaries.

And there's another potentially significant impact Trump is having in the primaries: He's endorsing candidates far down the ballot, for local races, something unheard of for a former president.

Longwell said that allows Republicans to increase their presence in key local offices that don't typically get a lot of attention on Election Day, "which allows people who are totally unknown, and maybe even in many cases running unopposed for offices that people pay almost no attention to, to raise some money, to gain some profile."

For the GOP, she said, it's a matter of building a deep bench of officeholders "to really fill that with people who are very much in Donald Trump's image."

And that could end being Trump's biggest impact on the 2022 elections.

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Some Trump voters buck the former president in GOP primaries - NPR

Rep. Chris Jacobs (R-N.Y.) criticized the increased polarization of both political parties on Sunday after he dropped out of his reelection race following his voicing support for gun control proposals.

Appearing on CNNs State of the Union, Jacobs told co-anchor Dana Bash that he is the only sitting Republican lawmaker in favor of an assault weapons ban, comparing himself to Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), the only anti-abortion Democrat in the House.

Our parties are very polarized right now, Jacobs said. And I dont think thats good for the parties. I dont think thats good for democracy, and I think thats one reason why Washington is not working.

Jacobs had announced his support for an assault weapons ban in the wake of high-profile mass shootings at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas and a supermarket in Buffalo, N.Y., which is close to Jacobs district.

In the days after voicing his support for such a ban, GOP officials who endorsed Jacobs rescinded their support. Jacobs announced he would not run for a second term about a week later.

Jacobs said on Sunday he supports an assault weapons ban because proposals put forth by his Republican colleagues felt hollow.

Last week, Jacobs bucked his party by voting for both gun control packages put to a vote on the House floor by Democrats.

The first package, dubbed the Protecting Our Kids Act, included provisions to raise the minimum purchasing age for semi-automatic weapons from 18 to 21 and to ban civilians from using high-capacity magazines.

Jacobs also voted in favor of the Federal Extreme Risk Protection Order Act, which would create a national red flag law, alongside four other Republicans.

Those bills wont pass the Senate, but Jacobs on Sunday said he was hopeful that a bipartisan group of senators that has been meeting in recent days could find common ground on a gun-related package.

Jacobs told Bash that the longtime debate over gun control has broken down over a lack of trust between gun owners and lawmakers favoring more regulation, arguing gun control is an urban-rural debate.

Theres not a trust right now between those people and others on this discussion, because its been so heated,

Read more here:
NY Republican decries polarized parties after dropping out of reelection race - The Hill

In Ohio, state-level candidates have raised $39.6 million between Jan. 1, 2021, and Apr. 13, 2022. Democratic candidates have raised $9.5 million and Republican candidates spent $29.4 million.

In the 2022 election cycle, 172 state-level Democrats have filed campaign finance reports with the Ohio Secretary of State. Here are the 10 Democratic candidates who have raised the most.

During the same time period, 197 Republicans have filed campaign finance reports with the Ohio Secretary of State. These are the 10 Republican candidates with the highest reported donations for the 2022 election cycle so far.

In some states, officeholders may accept donations to their campaign accounts when they are not up for election. Those donations are included in candidate campaign finance numbers.

The data above are based on campaign finance reports that active Ohio candidate PACs submitted to the Ohio Secretary of State. Transparency USA publishes campaign finance data following major reporting deadlines. State or federal law may require filers to submit additional reports.

This article is a joint publication from Ballotpedia and Transparency USA, who are working together to provide campaign finance information for state-level elections. Learn more about our work here.

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Ohio Republican candidates have raised $19.9 million more than Democrats Ballotpedia News - Ballotpedia News

Late nights talking shop in their Lincoln apartments. Shooting the breeze over meals at the Capitol.

Thats how State Sen. Mike Flood and former veteran Nebraska legislators Ed Schrock and Jim Cudaback recall Floods first years, 2005 and 2006, in the Legislature.

Flood, a Norfolk civic leader, businessman, broadcaster and attorney, went on to become Nebraskas longest-serving speaker of the Legislature and one of the youngest (he says another speaker was a month younger). He was term-limited out in 2013 after two terms and, after a required break, returned to the Legislature in 2021 after winning an uncontested race.

Now, he is the Republican candidate in a June 28 special election to fill out the remainder of Jeff Fortenberrys term representing Nebraskas 1st Congressional District. Fortenberry resigned after being found guilty of three felonies related to taking illegal campaign contributions. Early voting is already underway in the race.

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Flood, 47, also is the Republican nominee in the November general election for the seats two-year term that starts in January. In both races, hell face Democrat Sen. Patty Pansing Brooks of Lincoln.

Flood said the hours spent listening to the stories of experienced lawmakers like Schrock and Cudaback helped him understand the workings of the Legislature and, in turn, become more effective at his job. He said hed bring the same approach to the U.S. House of Representatives.

To be successful in the Legislature, its about relationships and earning peoples trust, Flood said.

In Congress, Flood would represent all or parts of 12 eastern Nebraska counties, including the communities of Lincoln, Bellevue, Norfolk and Columbus. The 1st District seat is open for the first time since 2004, when Fortenberry was elected to the first of his nine terms.

Leading figures in the Nebraska Republican Party, including Gov. Pete Ricketts and former Gov. Dave Heineman, threw their weight behind Flood even before Fortenberry was found guilty. Their concern had been that Fortenberrys indictment could lead to a Democrat taking the seat.

Nationally, the Republican Party hopes to flip the House of Representatives red, and Republicans say holding onto the 1st Congressional District is key to doing so.

The relationships Flood built in the Legislature have stood the test of time, his former colleagues say.

(Mike) is very knowledgeable and engaged, he is very fair and capable, Schrock said. Id vote for him if I was in his district Id vote for him twice.

Cudaback described Flood as someone who wasnt full of himself and was willing to learn.

The thing I like about Mike is he can see the big picture, Cudaback said.

Floods campaign page mirrors the language of current politics, describing the nation as being at a crossroads between prosperity and socialism; traditional values or liberal wokeness.

Asked about polarization in politics and how, as a congressman, he would represent all the people of his district, Flood said: As a member of my party, I want to effect change that will help everybody in the district by creating opportunities, both economic development opportunities and educational opportunities and by making decisions that will make our nation safe. Ill do that by connecting with people and spending time with all the communities of the 1st District.

The district leans Republican by 11 points, according to the Cook Partisan Voting Index.

Floods business background is in communications and broadcast media. In 1999, he launched the Norfolk-based country music radio station US92. Since then, hes added another 14 radio stations and five television stations across Nebraska. His media network provides local content, from news to high school sports.

These hyperlocal stations help strengthen their Nebraska communities, said Floods friend and business collaborator Dan Spray.

Ive never met anyone as passionate about rural Nebraska or Nebraska in general as Mike, he said.

Flood was born in Omaha and grew up in Norfolk.

At one time, he had his sights on the Governors Mansion, not Congress. In 2012, Flood announced he would run to replace Heineman, who was being term-limited out. The night he announced his candidacy, his wife, Mandi, discovered a lump on her breast. It turned out to be a fast-growing cancer. Flood dropped out of the race to be with his family.

Fortunately, we look back today and shes healthy, everyone is fine, he said.

Flood said he is undaunted by the challenges of serving in Congress, which include splitting time between the district and Washington, D.C., and running on a two-year election cycle. His two children, ages 15 and 12, will finish out their school years in Norfolk. He says he relishes the idea of serving in Congress.

I personally think it takes as much or more skill to be effective in the legislative branch than it does in any other. ... I enjoy the pluralized nature of being in the Legislature. There are so many different voices, he said. It really is the marketplace of ideas.

As a state senator, Flood represents all of Madison County, where Norfolk is located, and part of Pierce County.

Flood said his enthusiasm for the congressional seat has grown as he has campaigned across the district, meeting and talking with people.

Its given my decision to run even more depth, he said. People are really wanting to have a conversation with their congressman.

Abortion: Should be banned in all cases except to save the life of the mother, with no exception for rape or incest. As speaker of the Legislature, Flood successfully promoted a bill that made Nebraska the first state in the nation to ban abortions upon 20 weeks proponents argued that is the point at which the fetus can feel pain. Flood took criticism in campaign ads by Fortenberry for voting to provide prenatal care to prospective mothers, regardless of their immigration status. Its a vote I dont regret, he said. There was only one choice and that is to be pro-life when its hard as well as when its easy.

Immigration: Opposes citizenship and welfare benefits for anyone in the country illegally, including Dreamers those immigrants who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children. He said Dreamers should have a way of continuing to live and work in the U.S. but without a path to citizenship and not before Americas southern border is secure. Flood favors finishing the wall along the U.S.-Mexico border.

Climate change: Initially said that humans are the dominant cause, which is in sync with scientific findings. Flood subsequently clarified his views by saying humans may be a contributing factor. Other countries such as China and India need to take it as seriously as lawmakers in the United States, he said. Flood sees carbon sequestration as an economic opportunity for Nebraska. He supports the for-now derailed Keystone XL pipeline, which would carry oil from Canada to the Gulf Coast, traversing Nebraska.

As a civic leader in the Norfolk area, Flood has focused heavily on economic development in northeast Nebraska and has helped with an ambitious plan called Northeast Nebraska Growing Together. It aims to transform the region, focusing on information technology and young adults. The goal is to make the area attractive to 20-somethings and young families.

It includes a scholarship program that provides students an education at Wayne State College, but requires that they live and work their senior year in Norfolk. Other legs to the program include the arts, housing, retraining workers whose existing jobs are disappearing and providing young families with free child care.

Courtney Dentlinger, who has worked in economic development in Nebraska in various capacities over the years, including two years as Ricketts economic development director, described Flood as an effective partner.

Hes very forward-thinking and pragmatic, she said. Hes great at building coalitions and getting things done. Hes really got Nebraskans best interests at heart.

Jerry Swiercek uses a leaf blower to clear hail and leaves stripped from trees following a hail storm outside the home he shares with his wife, Annette, at 44th Avenue and F Street in Omaha on Tuesday evening.

Haydn Nichols, 9, rides the Musical Chairs ride during Taste of Omaha at Elmwood Park in Omaha on Friday.

Drone photography after a three-alarm fire at the Nox-Crete chemical warehouse in Omaha on Tuesday.

Andrea Vanderheyden, the artist behind this community art project, ties a ribbon to help create a pride flag on the corner of the Ashton building on Tuesday to kick off the start to Pride month.

A man sprays down the roof of a neighboring building while also filming the scene of a three-alarm fire at Nox-Crete, Inc., 1415 S. 20th St on Monday.

Lighting can be seen behind the scene of a three-alarm fire at Nox-Crete, Inc., 1415 S. 20th St on Monday.

Flames shoot up at the scene of a three-alarm fire at Nox-Crete, Inc., 1415 S. 20th St on Monday.

Ben Crawford, a Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act assistant with the Winnebago Tribal Historic Preservation Office, watches as dogs search for the cemetery site.

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Republican Flood says his connections, experience needed in Congress - Omaha World-Herald

James Craig, a former Detroit police chief, is among the Republican candidates for Michigan governor who've been blocked from the ballot after the state's elections bureau said they failed to file enough valid nominating signatures. Paul Sancya/AP hide caption

James Craig, a former Detroit police chief, is among the Republican candidates for Michigan governor who've been blocked from the ballot after the state's elections bureau said they failed to file enough valid nominating signatures.

Several Republican candidates for governor of Michigan, including some of the party's top hopefuls, have been blocked from the primary ballot after signatures the candidates submitted included alleged forgeries.

The five GOP candidates have said they were unaware of any problems with their signatures, and most are pursuing legal avenues to get on the Aug. 2 ballot.

The developments have upended the race to lead a key swing state.

Here's how we got here:

April 19 was the deadline for Michigan candidates for various offices to submit their filing paperwork with the secretary of state to appear on the primary ballot.

With their filing paperwork, candidates also had to turn in a certain number of valid signatures. Those running for governor had to submit a minimum of 15,000 signatures and a maximum of 30,000. That way, they'd have a cushion in case the Board of State Canvassers, an independent and bipartisan group with members appointed by the governor, determined not every signature submitted was valid.

The Republican field for governor initially had 10 candidates, and voters can only sign one campaign's nominating petition. Like in past cycles, campaigns adapted by using a mix of volunteer and paid petition circulators, or signature gatherers.

Within seven days of the filing deadline, the Board of State Canvassers or a county clerk can receive challenges to the nominating petitions.

"It's always prudent to look at [other candidates' signatures]. Until you look at them, you don't know whether it's worth taking a deeper look or not. At least flip through them," consultant John Yob told reporters after filing signatures with Republican gubernatorial hopeful Perry Johnson.

Nearly 30 candidates for offices ranging from U.S. House to a circuit court judgeship eventually faced a challenge by the time that period ended on April 26.

Notably, the Michigan Democratic Party targeted three of the Republicans running for governor: businessman Johnson, former Detroit Police Chief James Craig and businesswoman Tudor Dixon.

Democrats alleged evidence of rampant signature fraud in the nominating petitions for Craig and Johnson, and they also argued that Dixon's campaign had signature fraud and that her forms listed an incorrect date.

"You don't see clean petitions with 10 names. No cross-outs, every sheet completed you know, that's just not the way this works. People make mistakes, they cross things out, you get incomplete sheets," attorney Mark Brewer, a former state Democratic Party chair, said at a press conference.

The Board of State Canvassers agreed to evaluate the candidacy challenges.

Ahead of that, on May 23, the state Bureau of Elections published a report that claimed that 36 individual paid circulators faked thousands of signatures to take advantage of a payout that reached as high as $20 per signature on average.

"Although it is typical for staff to encounter some signatures of dubious authenticity scattered within nominating petitions, the Bureau is unaware of another election cycle in which this many circulators submitted such a substantial volume of fraudulent petition sheets consisting of invalid signatures," the report stated.

Issues included accusations of a practice known as "round robin-ing." That's when circulators take turns signing a petition with names from a list, sometimes switching pen colors. Other times, circulators allegedly turned in similar signature sheets for multiple campaigns.

The signature gatherers had worked across several campaigns. The state attorney general's office is looking into possibly pressing charges against them.

The Bureau of Elections report noted it "does not have reason to believe that any specific candidates or campaigns were aware of the activities of fraudulent-petition circulators," but after throwing out sheets of signatures from the circulators, the bureau found many candidates fell below the required threshold to run for office.

Those included GOP gubernatorial hopefuls Craig and Johnson. Dixon survived her challenges. Michigan State Police Capt. Michael Brown ended his campaign rather than associate his candidacy with signature fraud.

The Bureau of Elections report was sent to the Board of State Canvassers, which, during an eight-hour meeting on May 26, deadlocked on how to handle the affected campaigns for governor.

The two Democratic members of the board voted against allowing the candidates ballot access. The two Republican members voted the opposite way, taking issue with the practice of throwing out sheets of signatures turned in by suspected fraudsters rather than checking every petition sheet line-by-line.

The tie meant that the candidates were to be blocked from the primary ballot.

Common Cause, a nonpartisan group focused on upholding democracy, shared concerns over whether the process was rushed.

"This action is unprecedented, with challengers finding out about their alleged indiscretions just days before pleading their cases to the Board of Canvassers," Quentin Turner, Common Cause Michigan's policy director, said in a statement.

Michigan's Democratic secretary of state is set to certify eligible candidates by Friday, as some blocked candidates have sued to try to get their names on primary ballots.

But on Wednesday, the Michigan Court of Appeals rejected lawsuits from Johnson and fellow gubernatorial candidate Michael Markey, a financial adviser. Markey pledged to take his fight to the state Supreme Court.

Then on Thursday, the Michigan Court of Claims denied Craig's appeal. Craig too says he'll take the fight to the state's high court.

"The voters should be deciding who their candidates are, not an unelected board of government bureaucrats," he said in a statement.

If all else fails, running as a write-in candidate is an option for both the primary and general elections.

Michigan is a battleground state with conservatives both in the state and nationwide taking an interest in unseating incumbent Gov. Gretchen Whitmer. The Democrat has repeatedly sparred with the Republican-led state legislature across her tenure so far.

Regardless of pending litigation, Whitmer will take on a relative political newcomer as the Republican nominee.

Despite reported turmoil within the Craig campaign and Johnson's late entry into the race, both appeared in relatively strong positions before last week's developments.

The DeVos family, a heavyweight in Michigan conservative politics, has endorsed Dixon for governor. Any benefits of a DeVos bump, however, haven't yet been seen. In a recent polling, Dixon remained behind.

Originally posted here:
Michigan GOP candidates blocked from ballot: what to know - NPR