Mediaboss Marketing

Progressives are pushing back at the idea that they are to blame at all for President BidenJoe BidenFormer chairman of Wisconsin GOP party signals he will comply with Jan. 6 committee subpoena Romney tests positive for coronavirus Pelosi sidesteps progressives' March 1 deadline for Build Back Better MOREs dismal poll numbers, arguing the White Houses problems have more to do with it moving away from a progressive agenda.

They argue the anemic polls largely reflect an unimpressed base disillusioned that Biden has been unwilling to deliver on issues such as voting rights, health care, gun control and climate change.

Bidens popularity was high when he ran on a progressive agenda and it dropped when he let corporate Democrats take the reins, said Varshini Prakash, executive director of the Sunrise Movement. It shouldnt be a surprise that voters are becoming impatient.

A Pew Research Center survey released on Wednesday found Biden with just a 41 percent approval rating, down from 59 percent in April.

Among Black adults, a key constituency for Biden, just 60 percent approved of Bidens job performance, down from 67 percent in September.

The bad poll numbers come after voting rights legislation failed to move forward in the Senate this month despite Bidens urgings. It faltered because of opposition from Republicans, and because two centrist Democrats Joe ManchinJoe ManchinPelosi sidesteps progressives' March 1 deadline for Build Back Better On The Money Fed's inflation tracker at fastest pace since '82 Billionaire GOP donor maxed out to Manchin following his Build Back Better opposition MORE of West Virginia and Kyrsten SinemaKyrsten SinemaThe Hill's Morning Report - Democrats sense opportunity with SCOTUS vacancy Schumer finds unity moment in Supreme Court fight Left says they're not to blame for Biden's problems MORE of Arizona opposed a carveout from the filibuster to move the voting rights legislation on Democratic senator votes alone.

Those two centrists have also been major impediments to Bidens Build Back Better agenda, which includes a host of progressive priorities including an extension of a child tax credit and what would be the most ambitious effort to tackle climate change to pass Congress.

Moderate Democrats for much of the last year argued that progressives risked pulling Biden too far to the left to the detriment of their party. Sinema pushed back at proposals for higher taxes on corporations and wealthy households in the Build Back Better bill, arguing it was bad policy considering the economic climate, while Manchin opposed further spending given rising inflation.

Republicans have played up the divisions and cast Biden as a puppet of the left. They see that argument as helping them win swing districts in the suburbs next fall that will lead to GOP congressional majorities for the rest of Bidens term.

But progressives argue Biden is playing into GOP hands by not fully embracing progressive priorities. They see the passage of the bipartisan infrastructure bill signed into law by Biden last fall as a lost opportunity that cut into their leverage for pressuring Manchin and Sinema on the Build Back Better legislation which is also their top priority.

And they think a closer look at the polls shows that Bidens real problems lie in a demoralized base which they fear could also cost the party this fall.

Theyre standing in the way of the presidents promises, and it will be mostly their fault if Democrats lose Congress in November, Prakash said of moderate Democrats.

Moderates have taken aim at White House chief of staff Ron KlainRon KlainLeft says they're not to blame for Biden's problems Briefing in brief: WH counters GOP attacks on planned SCOTUS pick Biden's first year: A mirage of gender parity MORE, a longtime aide to the president who has taken heat from some moderates who say he is aligned too closely with liberals.

The Washington Post reported that some think Klain is too deferential toward Rep. Pramila JayapalPramila JayapalPelosi sidesteps progressives' March 1 deadline for Build Back Better Left says they're not to blame for Biden's problems On The Money Economy had post-recession growth in 2021 MORE (D-Wash.), the chairwoman of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.

Progressives held up a House vote on the infrastructure bill for months to try to move the Build Back Better bill forward.

Eventually, under pressure from Biden, they relented and voted for the infrastructure bill. That gave Biden a political victory, but it is one that hasnt really showed up in the polls so far.

A few progressives dissented, and there are some who say it was a mistake to vote for the infrastructure bill, though it is not clear holding it up would have moved Manchin and Sinema either.

Democratic operative Eddie Vale said progressives shouldnt be blamed for hurting Biden when they are the ones who ultimately compromised and backed him on infrastructure.

For the specific argument folks are currently having and the spate of stories going after Jayapal and Klain, blaming progressives doesnt really make any sense because in the end they went along with the pass infrastructure only strategy and almost all voted for both bills, he said.

Progressives say they are used to getting backlash when their flank pushes for more populism. While some say the president should take more responsibility, many argue that key congressional Democrats should take the shellacking in the court of public opinion.

People are just really exhausted by moderate Democrats continuously eating their young, said Camille Rivera, a partner at the progressive firm New Deal Strategies. Conservative and moderate Democrats need to start taking responsibility for their own messaging.

Operatives like Rivera are now moving into campaign mode, anticipating a tough midterm cycle.

Theyre not to blame, to put it simply, said Adam Hilton, an assistant professor at Mount Holyoke College who studies Democratic politics, describing progressives standing less than a year out from the midterm elections. On the contrary, the progressive wing broadly speaking is very much responsible for defining this ambitious agenda.

Biden is a centrist in a party that is tapping left, he said. To remain a centrist, hes got to be actually moving.

Go here to see the original:
Left says they're not to blame for Biden's problems | TheHill - The Hill

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (KTXL/KGET) Ahead of a key vote to approve a single-payer, state-run health care system in California, the Progressive Caucus of the California Democratic Party is preparing to take away party endorsements from Assembly members who reject the proposal.

Progressive Caucus Chairman and California Democratic Party Executive Board Member Amar Shergill confirmed Thursday the group will take steps to make sure members who vote no on the legislation will not be endorsed by the California Democratic Party for the upcoming election.

No endorsement from the party could mean a major lack of activism, support and funding for those seeking reelection.

Any Assembly member that thinks they can ignore the party, ignore labor, ignore people, vote against us and then still get the endorsement might find they have a tougher reelection battle than they thought, Shergill said.

In order to be endorsed by the Democratic Party, delegates in each district must reach a strong consensus to support the endorsement. Shergill said there are many districts around the state where the Progressive Caucus has more than 40% of the delegates that are not going to endorse someone who fails to support CalCare.

The pre-endorsement process begins Feb. 5, just days after the Assembly is poised to hold a floor vote on the proposal Assembly Bill 1400 Monday.

AB 1400 would create CalCare, which would eliminate private health insurance and create a state-run health care system in California. The legislation is linked to Assembly Constitutional Amendment 11, a proposal that would raise taxes on workers and businesses to fund the system.

CalCare is backed by several labor groups and the California Nurses Association, while facing fierce opposition from more than 120 medical and business groups.

The Progressive Caucus earlier this week sent an email to caucus members and all lawmakers in the states Democratic Party outlining specific steps to take should their Assembly member reject or not vote on the bill.

Any Assemblymember that fails to vote Yes on CalCare should expect to have their endorsement pulled, the memo read.

Because AB 1400 was introduced last year, it must get out of the Assembly Monday or the proposal dies for the year.

AB 1400 cleared its first two hurdles in the Assembly Health Committee and Assembly Appropriations Committee earlier this month.

Democrats in the Health Committee agreed to pass the bill in its first hearing, but some noted they would likely reject it when it reaches the Assembly floor, including Assembly members Autumn Burke, D-Inglewood, and Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, D-Davis. Neither Burke nor Aguiar-Curry has responded to a request for comment.

In the Appropriations Committee, Assembly Member Akilah Weber, D-San Diego, was the only Democrat who did not vote. Her office has not yet responded to a request for comment.

Shergill said Assembly members who lose their endorsement over the vote could have their endorsement saved at the Democratic Convention later this year.

But hey, it might not happen, he said.

Originally posted here:
Progressives threaten to pull endorsement from California lawmakers who reject single-payer health care bill - KGET 17

The Congressional Progressive Caucus is applying pressure to President BidenJoe BidenFormer chairman of Wisconsin GOP party signals he will comply with Jan. 6 committee subpoena Romney tests positive for coronavirus Pelosi sidesteps progressives' March 1 deadline for Build Back Better MORE and Senate Democrats to pass his signature Build Back Better Act by the State of the Union at the start of March.

Rep. Pramila JayapalPramila JayapalPelosi sidesteps progressives' March 1 deadline for Build Back Better Left says they're not to blame for Biden's problems On The Money Economy had post-recession growth in 2021 MORE (D-Wash.), who chairs the caucus, said in a statement on Thursday afternoon that the case for passage of the partys sweeping climate and social spending package has only become more urgent since negotiations around thebill stalled.

Public housing residents have endured devastating fires, the cost of insulin and other prescription drugs continue to crush working people, and parents are desperate for child care support. This desperately needed relief cannot be delayed any longer, she said.

Jayapal said the caucus wants Biden and Senate Democrats to secure the plans passage byMarch 1 so the president can use the power of the State of the Union platform to share with the nation the relief that people will soon receive.

This is both achievable and necessary, she said. There is agreement among Senate Democrats on significant parts of this bill: climate action, the care economy, taking on Big Pharmas price gouging, and lowering health care costs. There is agreement on the need to reduce rising costs facing ordinary Americans and that is exactly what Build Back Better does.

Democrats have been working since last summer to pass the trillion-dollar plan, a significant chunk of Bidens legislative agenda that the party hoped to use to unlock funding for items like universal pre-K, historic investments for climate action and affordable housing.

However, negotiations stalled around the plan last month amid opposition from Sen. Joe ManchinJoe ManchinPelosi sidesteps progressives' March 1 deadline for Build Back Better On The Money Fed's inflation tracker at fastest pace since '82 Billionaire GOP donor maxed out to Manchin following his Build Back Better opposition MORE (D-W.Va.), a key centrist holdout who has been reluctant to get on board with the spending package, citing concerns about the size of the package and rising inflation.

I cannot vote to continue with this piece of legislation. I just can't. I tried everything humanly possible. I can't get there," Manchin declared on "Fox News Sunday" in December. "This is a 'no' on this legislation."

Since then, Democrats have reached out to Manchin to revive talks around the plan.

There's a lot of conversation going on now. They've been reaching out, Manchin said in an interview with West Virginia MetroNews's Hoppy Kercheval on Thursday morning. He also said hes still open to participating in negotiations around the spending plan, though he added he wants to be realistic, after again voicing concerns about inflation.

The interview comes a week after Manchin said Democrats would be "starting from scratch in talks around the plan, casting more uncertainty about when the party will likely pass the package after already spending months crafting the legislation.

Original post:
Progressives apply pressure on Biden, Senate to pass Build Back Better | TheHill - The Hill

Some opponents of the effort to recall three San Francisco school board members say the campaigns backers are a bunch of Trump-loving Republican billionaires trying to buy school boards in an effort to privatize public education.

Yes, that Matt Gonzalez.

Sure, some of the recall campaigns financial backers are wealthy, conservative investors, but some of the citys most well-known progressives are also energized over this election. Bucking the recall opponents narrative, Gonzalez signed a paid argument in the voter guide supporting the recall, and his face has appeared on campaign mailers. He recently drank masala chai in the Haight Street kitchen of the couple that launched the recall, praising them afterward as quite progressive and really authentic.

Curious about his reasoning, I asked Gonzalez to explain why hes supporting the Feb. 15 recalls of Commissioners Alison Collins, Gabriela Lpez and Faauuga Moliga. Like any good lawyer, he made a compelling, thorough, well-reasoned case that boiled down to one theme: They lack competence.

You could probably list about a dozen issues that people are just shaking their heads over, Gonzalez told me, citing poor oversight of the budget crisis, failing to prioritize the safe reopening of schools during the pandemic, failing to properly oversee bond money meant to maintain school facilities, making numerous historical errors while trying to rename schools, and seeking to remove historic murals.

Plus, theres the $87 million lawsuit filed by Collins against her own school district and fellow board members for losing her vice president title over 2016 tweets in which she wrote that some Asian Americans used white supremacist thinking to assimilate and get ahead.

He called his decision to back the recall easy and said theres nothing contradictory about progressives with true San Francisco values supporting the recall.

This whole idea its a Republican-backed thing, I think that shows a lack of political maturity to make that argument, he said. I see it as very much trying to appeal to San Francisco voters to get at what theyre most proud of their progressive orientation. Its a rhetorical device to get them focused on that issue rather than the competency issues of the board, which this is actually about.

Special Election Resources

Moliga took issue with Gonzalezs argument, saying, I reject the notion that I have been incompetent on the school board. My record is strong, and my reasoning for the votes I have taken has been sound. Lopez did not return a request for comment. Collins asked who Gonzalez is and did not respond when I explained.

Gonzalez is hardly the lone progressive supporting the recall. John Burton, the former chair of the California Democratic Party, and former Mayor Art Agnos are also on board. Agnos explained, We cant let ideology get in the way of competence, and this school board has demonstrated unparalled incompetence.

Supervisors Matt Haney and Hillary Ronen and former Supervisor David Campos support the recall of Collins.

To be sure, plenty of progressives oppose the recall, including former Assembly Member Tom Ammiano and Supervisors Shamann Walton and Dean Preston. The United Educators of San Francisco is also against it, and its president, Cassondra Curiel, said the recall should offend everyone, largely because it has attracted major funding from venture capitalists and is a waste of money that could be better spent on schools.

The wasteful and unnecessary recall election opens a can of worms that could be horribly damaging to the education of every student in San Francisco, Curiel said.

A lot of the opponents arguments have centered around their distaste of recalls. Gonzalez said that while he didnt support the recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom and doesnt support the recall of District Attorney Chesa Boudin, he has no problem with recalls in general. He said that despite opponents claims, they are democratic and, in California, they started because of progressive Gov. Hiram Johnsons populist voting reforms.

He added hed rather see these particular board members recalled and voters pay more attention to candidates in the future than the alternate idea of turning permanent control of the board over to the mayor.

Gonzalez first caught wind of the questionable school board over the 2019 vote to paint over a historic 1936 mural at Washington High because it includes imagery of slavery and a dead Native American.

It was the first moment that I started paying attention to, Hey, how did this happen? Who are these people? said Gonzalez, whos an artist in his spare time.

To Gonzalez, the decision amounted to an attempt to literally paint over history. The murals were painted by Victor Arnautoff, a Russian immigrant and communist, who was commissioned to depict the life of George Washington for the opening of his namesake school.

Arnautoff didnt want to glorify Washingtons life and instead depicted the truth: that Washington owned slaves and was the leader of a country founded on land already occupied by Native Americans.

Would these opponents of the mural prefer a sanitized depiction of history that omits the oppression of their ancestors? Gonzalez wrote in an opinion piece slamming the vote. Students must see what preceded them in order to fight for justice and more decency.

As with so many of the boards votes, this one prompted a lawsuit. A Superior Court judge ruled in July that the board violated state law in its decision-making, and the murals remain on view.

Gonzalez found similar historic haphazardness in the boards vote to rename 44 schools despite major errors and the inclusion of no historians, a process Gonzalez called such an embarrassment. Again, a threatened lawsuit halted the renaming, and all of the names remain.

Gonzalez said the board showed a similar lack of consistency and mature thinking in its decision to ditch merit-based admissions at Lowell High in favor of a lottery. He said hed rather see more investment in elementary and middle schools where students havent historically gone on to Lowell.

And he asked why merit-based admissions for academics arent acceptable, but auditions for entry into the Ruth Asawa School of the Arts are OK. The latter has a larger proportion of white students and a smaller proportion of socioeconomically disadvantaged students than Lowell.

Gonzalez said hell talk to anyone who wants to debate the school board recall and has found its not hard to convince the progressives if theyre willing to listen.

It quickly becomes an, Aw, shucks, I know I should probably be on your side, Gonzalez said.

San Francisco Chronicle columnist Heather Knight appears Sundays and Wednesdays. Email: hknight@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @hknightsf

Go here to see the original:
He's a public defender and legendary SF progressive. Here's why he backs the school board recall - San Francisco Chronicle

Chile's new president, Gabriel Boric, introduces a new style of politics that hasnt been seen in the region for quite some time.

Photo: Flickr via CC BY 2.0

In Chiles recent presidential elections, the country voted in a leftist 35-year-old former student protestor, Gabriel Boric, who promises transparency and new economic hope. Young candidates are also springing up in other countries. But many Latin American countries have entrenched elites and political dynasties that are hard to oust.

This week, the Altamar team of Peter Schechter and Muni Jensen is joined by Juan Gabriel Valds, Chiles former minister of foreign affairs and former ambassador to the United States, the U.N., Argentina and Spain, as well as the U.N. envoy to Haiti.

Valds holds degrees and fellowships from the University of Essex in England, and from Princeton and Notre Dame in the United States. The year ahead is a difficult one for Latin America as the region tries to reverse its democratic and economic backsliding. Is a new generation of leaders on its way to power?

The enormous growth that Latin America had in the 90s and the beginning of this century was the result of Chinese expansion, and it was a result of the good prices of primary goods, explains Valds. But no reforms were really made. There was a fragile middle class that came up as a result of these successes.

The fact is that these reforms and successes were not possible to sustain. In 2014, inequality was again growing and there was a deceleration of economic growth. And this was simply the result of the fall in the prices of primary goods and in capacities of governments to lead toward reforms that could sustain growth and could sustain redistributive policies.

Chile had long been considered the gem of Latin America, with a thriving economy, a robust middle class and busy global trade. In the past years, however, it seems that the bubble burst, and student protests, violence and discontent has been the norm. What happened in Chile? asks Altamars Peter Schechter.

There are multiple polls that show that Chile is the country where individuals mistrust each other more than in any other country in the region. And they complain more than others about what we call desigualdad de trato this way in which people treat those who are felt to be of a lower class, or to be weaker, or to be women, or to be from the regions.

This phenomenon had an enormous explosion on the 18th of November, 2019, with the protests. This explosion was a result, in my opinion, of the enormous amount of expectations that Chile had developed on the basis of the growth of the country during the previous decade. The idea that public education would be expanded. That health would be at the disposal of everybody.

When growth stopped, this was a complete sense of abandonment from the government, answers Valds. The first explanation for this rebellion was the phenomenon of inequality and the feeling of frustration that most people felt at that time. But the other thing was, I think, the distance between the elite and the people of the general population. There was a supposition that there was a lack of understanding or a terrible indifference of the elite toward the real situation of most of the population, says Valds.

The new president, Gabriel Boric, introduces a new style of politics that hasnt been seen in the region for quite some time. There is something vertiginous in his rise to power. And this has to do with his personality, says Valds.

He addresses people who oppose him directly. And he says he wants to listen to them. He has an enormous task in front of him. And I think that he faces the problem that all reformist leaders face: You cannot make changes in a society if you dont have leadership. At the same time, you cannot have leadership if you are not able to create some consensus. And therefore, the fight between introducing new topics and creating consensus will be a very difficult thing for him to carry out, comments Valds.

But its not only Chile that is seeing the youth rise to the occasion. Names to look out for are Andrnico Rodrguez in Bolivia, or Guilherme Boulos in Brazil. Both under 40, both left-wing, theyre paving the way for a potential resurgence of the Left. Will young politicians take the helm of their countries?

Related Reading

There is a new generation of leaders that respond to different logics than the traditional logic of our countries. They dont want to confront the type of politics that was organized before. They would like to have a different sort of political party. They value the social movements in a way which were not valued before. New topics like climate change, social and gender rights are a more direct, horizontal style of political exchanges. I think that what these young people value the most is clarity, transparency, and non-corruption. They will make an effort to change the political reality of Chile and in Latin America I think that this will come out sometime in the near future, answers Valds.

The most important conclusion we have by now is that people are voting against their governments. People want change from the present governments. The present governments are enormously discredited. They are trying to change them. This situation becomes critical because what you realize is that the political system is not working, and therefore, the need to change the political system and to change the type of participation you have in the political system is becoming crucial.

This is why, in Chile, the new constitution will become the most important element in the future, even more than the administration of Gabriel Boric, points out Valds. Many Latin American governments from the right, the center and the left have been criticized for their failure to provide for the people. This has brought about a need for change, which Valds says has only one answer: the creation of consensus and social pacts.

If you dont have governments that are able to generate a certain level of consensus in society, and a certain perception that you can organize a community that can live together and has a will to live together, then you will have one failure after the other, says Valds.

More:
The Rise of Latin America's Young Progressives BRINK Conversations and Insights on Global Business - BRINK