On Sundays Face the Nation, Sen. Rand Paul       was asked about President Trumps accusation that      President Obama ordered the NSA to wiretap his calls. The      Kentucky senator expressed skepticism about the mechanics of      Trumps specific charge, saying: I doubt that Trump was a      target directly of any kind of eavesdropping. But he      thenmade a broader and more crucialpoint about      how the U.S. government spies on Americans communications       a pointthat is deliberately obscured and concealed by      U.S.government defenders.    
      Paul explained how the NSA routinely and deliberately spies      on Americans communications  listens to their calls and      reads their emails  without a judicial warrant of any kind:    
        The way it works is, the FISA court, through Section 702,        wiretaps foreigners and then [NSA] listens to        Americans. It is a backdoor search of Americans. And        because they have so much data, they can tap  type Donald        Trump into their vast resources of people they are tapping        overseas, and they get all of his phone calls.      
        And so they did this to President Obama. They  1,227        times eavesdrops on President Obamas phone calls.        Then they mask him. But here is the problem. And General        Hayden said this the other day. He said even low-level        employees can unmask the caller. That is probably what        happened to Flynn.      
        They are not targeting Americans. They are targeting        foreigners. But they are doing it purposefully to get        to Americans.      
      Pauls explanationis absolutely correct. That the NSA      is empowered to spy on Americans communications without a      warrant  in direct contravention of the core Fourth      Amendment guarantee that the right of the people to be      secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against      unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated,      and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause  is      the dirty little secret of the U.S. Surveillance State.    
      As I       documented at the height of the controversy over the      Snowden reporting, top government officials  including      President Obama  constantly deceived (and still deceive) the      public by falsely telling them that their communications      cannot be monitored without a warrant. Responding to the      furor created over the first set of Snowden reports about      domestic spying, Obama sought to reassure Americans by            tellingCharlie Rose: What I can say unequivocally      is that if you are a U.S. person, the NSA cannot listen to      your telephone calls  by law and by rule, and unless they       go to a court, and obtain a warrant, and seek probable      cause.    
      Theright-wing chairman of the House Intelligence      Committee at the time, GOP Rep. Mike Rogers, echoed Obama,            telling CNNthe NSA is not listening to Americans      phone calls. If it did, it is illegal. It is breaking the      law.    
      Those statements arecategoricallyfalse. A key      purpose of the new 2008 FISA law  which then-Senator Obama      voted for during the 2008 general election after       breaking his primary-race promise to filibuster it  was      to legalize the once-controversial Bush/Cheney      warrantless eavesdropping program, which the New York Times      won a Pulitzer Prize       for exposing in 2005. The crux of the Bush/Cheney      controversywas that they ordered NSA tolisten      toAmericans international telephone callswithout      warrants  which was illegal at the time  and the 2008      lawpurported      to make that type of domestic warrantless spying legal.    
      Because warrantless spying on Americans is so anathema to how      citizens are taught to think about their government  thats      what Obama was invoking when he falsely told Rose      thatits the same way when we were growing up and we      were watching movies, you want to go set up a wiretap, you      got to go to a judge, show probable cause  the U.S.      government has long been desperate to hide from Americans the      truth about NSAs warrantless powers. U.S. officials and      their media spokespeople reflexively misleadthe U.S.      public on this critical point.    
      Its no surprise, then, that as soon as Rand Paul was done      uttering the unpleasant, usually hidden truth      aboutNSAs domestic warrantless eavesdropping, the      cavalcade of ex-intelligence-community officials who are now      heavily embedded in American punditry rushed forward to      attack him. One former NSA lawyer, who now writes for the      ICsmost loyal online platform, Lawfare, expressed      grave offense at what she claimed was Sen. Pauls false and      irresponsible claim.    
      The only thinghere thats false and      irresponsible is Hennesseys attempt to deceive the public      about the domestic spying powers of her former employer. And      many other people beyondRand Paul have long made clear      just how misleadingHennesseys claim is.    
      Ted Lieu, the liberal congressman from California, has made      it one of his priorities to stop the very power Hennessey and      her IC colleagues pretend does not exist: warrantless spying      on Americans. The 2008 FISA law that authorized it is set to      expire this year, and this is what Lieu tweeted last week      about his efforts to repeal that portion of it:    
      And in response to the IC attacks on Paul on Sunday, Lieu      explained:    
      As Lieu says, the 2008 FISA law explicitly allows NSA       without a warrant  to listen to Americans calls or read      their emails with foreign nationals as long as their intent      is to target the foreigner, not the American. Hennesseys      defense istrue only in the narrowest and emptiest      theoretical sense: that the statutebars the practice of      reverse targeting, where the real intent of targeting a      foreign national is to monitor what Americans are saying. But      the law was designed, and is now routinely used,      forexactly that outcome.    
      How do we know that a key purpose of the 2008 law is to allow      the NSA to purposelymonitor Americans      communications without a warrant? Because NSA and other      national security officials said so explicitly. This is how      Jameel Jaffer, then of the ACLU,       put it in 2013:    
        On its face, the 2008 law gives the government authority to        engage in surveillance directed at people outside the        United States. In the course of conducting that        surveillance, though, the government inevitably sweeps        up the communications of many Americans. The        government often says that this surveillance of Americans        communications is incidental, which makes it sound like        the NSAs surveillance of Americans phone calls and emails        is inadvertent and, even from the governments perspective,        regrettable.      
        But when Bush administration officials asked Congress for        this new surveillance power, they said quite explicitly        that Americans communications were the communications of        most interest to them. See, for example, FISAfor        the 21st Century, Hearing Before the S. Comm. on the        Judiciary, 109th Cong. (2006) (statement of Michael Hayden)        (stating, in debate preceding passage of FAAs predecessor        statute, that certain communications with one end in        the United States are the ones that are most important to        us).      
        The principal purpose of the 2008 law was to make it        possible for the government to collect Americans        international communications  and to collect those        communications without reference to whether any party to        those communications was doing anything illegal. And a lot        of the governments advocacy is meant to obscure this fact,        but its a crucial one: The government doesnt need to        target Americans in order to collect huge volumes of        their communications.      
      During debate over that 2008 law, the White House repeatedly      issued veto threats over proposed amendments from then-Sen.      Russ Feingold and others to weaken NSAs ability to use the      law to monitor Americans communications without warrants       because enabling such warrantless eavesdropping powers was,      as they themselves said,a prime objective of the      new law.    
      When the ACLUs Jaffer       appeared in 2014 before the Privacy and Civil Liberties      Oversight Board to argue that the 2008 FISA law was      unconstitutional in terms of how it was written and how NSA      exploits it, he made clear exactly how NSA conducts      backdoor warrantless searches of Americans communications      despite the bar on reverse targeting:    
      Those who actually work to protect Americans privacy rights      and other civil liberties have been warning for years that      NSA is able to purposely monitor Americans communications      without warrants. Human Rights Watch       has warnedthat in reality the law allows the      agency to capture potentially vast numbers of Americans      communications with people overseas and thus currently      underpins some of the most sweeping warrantless NSA      surveillance programs that affect Americans and people across      the globe. And Marcy Wheeler, in response to Hennesseys      misleading claim on Sunday, correctly      said: I can point to court docs and congressional claims      that entire point of 702 [of the 2008 FISA law] is to ID      convos involving Americans.    
      Elizabeth Goitein, the co-director of the Liberty and      National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice,            warned in the Boston Reviewthat the ban on reverse      targeting was a farce. In fact, the program tolerates  and      even contemplates  a massive amount of collection of      Americans telephone calls, emails, and other electronic      communications. Thus, she explains, it is likely that      Americans communications comprise a significant portion of      the 250 million internet transactions (and undisclosed number      of telephone conversations) intercepted each year without a      warrant or showing of probable cause.    
      Even more alarming is the power NSA now has to search the      immense amount of Americans communications data it routinely      collects without a warrant. As Goitein explained: The      government may intentionally search for this information even      though it would have been illegal, under section 702s      reverse targeting prohibition, for the government to have      such intent at the time of collection.    
      In the wake of the controversy triggered by Trumps      accusations about Obamas tapping his phones, Goitein wrote            a new article explaining that there are numerous ways the      government could have spied on the communications of Trump      (or any American) without a warrant. She emphasized that      there have long been concerns, on both the       right and left, that the legal constraints on foreign      intelligence surveillance contain too many loopholes that can      be exploited to access information about Americans without      judicial oversight or evidence of wrongdoing.    
      This is what Rand Paul meant when he said on Sunday      that because [NSA analysts]have so much data, they can      tap  type Donald Trump into their vast resources of people      they are tapping overseas, and they get all of his phone      calls. And while as      Ive argued previously anyleaks that reveal      lying by officials are criminal yet justified even if they      come from the CIA or NSA, Paul is also correct that these      domestic warrantless eavesdropping powers vestthe Deep      State  or, if you navely prefer, our noble civil servants       with menacing powers against even the highest elected      officials.    
      The warrantless gathering and searching of vast amounts of      communications dataessentially becomes a dossier that      can be used even against domestic opponents. This is what      Snowden meant in his       much-maligned but absolutely true statement in his first      interview with us back in 2013 that I, sitting at my desk,      could wiretap anyone, from you or your accountant, to a      federal judge or even the president, if I had a personal      email. As Paul put it on Face the Nation: It is very      dangerous, because they are revealing that now to the      public. Thats a serious concern no matter how happy one      might beto see Donald Trump damaged or how much one now      adores the intelligence agencies.    
      Congress has now       begun debating whether to allow these provisions of the      2008 law to expire at the end of the year, whether to      meaningfully reform them, or whether to let them be renewed      again. The post-9/11 history has been that once even      temporary measures (such as the Patriot Act) are enacted,      they become permanent fixtures of our political landscape.    
      Perhaps the growing recognition that nobody is immune from      such abusive powers will finally reverse that tide. Those      eager to preserve these domestic surveillance powers in their      maximalist state rely on the same tactic that has worked so      well for them for 15 years now: rank disinformation.    
      If nothing else, this debate ought to finally obliterate that      pleasing though utterly false myth that the U.S. government      does not and cannot spy on Americans communications without      warrants. It does so constantly, easily, deliberately, and by      design.    
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Rand Paul Is Right: NSA Routinely Monitors Americans ... - The Intercept