Archive for the ‘Migrant Crisis’ Category

Migrant Crisis In The Canary Islands As Detention Facilities Spill Over – Murcia Today

Date Published: 19/11/2020

This year has seen a spectacular increase in the number of irregular migrants attempting to reach EU territory via the Canary Islands by making perilous Atlantic voyages from western Africa, and the migratory crisis has reached boiling point in the islands this week as the latest wave of small boats arriving has led to there simply not being enough room to hold the migrants.

By the end of October at least 400 migrants were known to have died while attempting to sail to the Canaries, but this week attention in the Spanish media has shifted to the problems caused by the numbers of people making the crossing successfully. By 15th November the number of unauthorized arrivals in the islands this year had reached 16,760, eleven times more than in the equivalent period last year and considerably higher than the total for the other Mediterranean coastlines of Spain.

During the first fortnight of this month migrants had been arriving at an average rate of 356 per day, and the total for the month between 15th October and 15th November was more than for the whole of the first nine and a half months of the year. As a result of this influx of unauthorized migrants, and with the figures rising still higher over the weekend, it appears that the overstretched detention centres facilities reached breaking point at the Red Cross temporary detention facility on the quay of Arguinegun in Gran Canaria, which was designed to hold just over 400 people.

In recent weeks Arguinegun has been acting as a temporary home to over 2,000 irregular economic migrants, many of them young men looking for work, crammed into a tiny area with basic food, inadequate sanitation and barely enough room to stretch their legs. Local residents were aware of the seriousness of the situation as the number of people on the quay exceeded the official population, but it did not become clear to the rest of Spain until the police, in what has now been described as an error by the Ministry of the Interior, released 227 migrants without alternative accommodation having been provided, effectively leaving them free to roam the streets. The officers concerned reasoned that the permitted 72 hours for detaining people without a charge being issued had elapsed and that the crowded conditions constituted a health hazard.

The local town hall of Mogn was horrified and put out a statement saying that the National Police had opened the port entrances to let them loose in the streets of the town without any kind of vigilance or anywhere to go. The Mayoress of Mogn, Onalia Bueno, chartered three buses to the Plaza de la Feria, an area close to the Government Delegation itself, various voluntary organisations and the Consulate of Morocco. She also supplied a translator so that the migrants understood what was happening.

"We had to address the situation because we cannot have all these people wandering around the municipality or Gran Canaria without means," said the Mayoress: "These people have the right to decent accommodation," she said.

Space was hurriedly found for 139 of those who were evicted from Arguinegun at a tourist bungalow complex a few kilometres away in Maspalomas, but owners of the apartments and tourism representatives are voicing their concern about the situation: other tourist accommodation has already been called into use for the same purpose, and the owners are keen to keep rooms free as they hope to salvage something from the winter tourist season, although they are also concerned about the humanitarian implications of the situation.

ngel Vctor Torres, the president of the regional government, has denied any knowledge of who gave the order to allow the migrants to leave Arguinegun and requested that at least some of the burden be lightened by the transport of migrants to other regions of Spain, but those who wanted to sail to Huelva on the Spanish mainland have been denied permission to travel due to their having no official paperwork: again a rapid solution was found for their predicament as the Red Cross relocated them to a hotel in southern Tenerife, as they are permitted to travel from island to island.

However, the migrants are unable to leave the islands through their own means as the ferry companies have all said that they will not take anyone across to mainland Spain who does not have a valid passport. Tonight at least 20 migrants ( mainly Algerians and Moroccans, who are economic migrants, not refugees) are sleeping rough by the ferry port and refusing to move elsewhere, protesting that they want to go to Spain, even though they have no legal right to do so.

Further difficulties are caused by the fact that no other region is keen on taking the migrants in, and the Canaries Government has appealed for other areas of Spain to help them relocate the migrants.

In this context, and looking further ahead, Sr Torres has called for the EU to define the migratory model which it hopes to achieve in the long term, while in the meantime he demands stricter measures to deal with what has developed this year from a problem into a full-blown humanitarian crisis. Among the steps he hopes for are greater vigilance on the part of coastguards and other authorities, support for the countries of origin of the migrants and the provision of more adequate facilities for those who do succeed in reaching the Canaries, as well as more help in transferring the migrants from the islands.

The regional president expressed optimism that immediate action can be decided upon this Friday, when the Spanish Minister of the Interior, Fernando Grande-Marlaska, travels to Morocco for a meeting with his counterpart in the north African country.

Sr Torres also points out the Canaries already provide a home for over 2,000 minors who have travelled to the islands unaccompanied by an adult, and that the deportation process for other migrants has been made more complicated by the Covid pandemic. But at the root of his calls for urgent action is the remote, and economically fragile nature of the Canaries, which means that it is just not possible to take in so many people and home them.

This attitude came to the fore on Tuesday in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, when most of the migrants who had been released were removed from Arguinegun to the Plaza de La Feria in the island capital: while it is true that a few people insulted them in the streets, far more showed their support and concern by offering them food and water.

Although this gesture shows the genuine sympathy felt by the townspeople for the situation in which the migrants find themselves (recently there have been at least two protests in the town of Mogn against the conditions in which the migrants are living) , but the feeling in the Canaries is that is should not be necessary and that the warnings which have been repeated throughout 2020 by the regional government and groups such as Human Rights Watch have been largely ignored. Since March the Red Cross and other organizations have not only been offering first aid and sustenance to the growing numbers of migrants but have also been ensuring that they are tested for Covid-19, and there have been numerous reports of new arrivals spending up to 24 hours sitting on the quay at Arguinegun before receiving any kind of attention due to the resources available being totally overwhelmed.

Over 70 people currently in the docks in the care of the Cruz Roja are reported to be observing quarantine after testing positive for Covid-19.

The majority of the recent wave of irregular migrants are coming from Algeria and Morocco, and are young men in search of work, so are referred to by the EU as irregular immigrants and are economic migrants, not refugees.

Neither country is an EU member, so although nationals from both countries may legally enter Spain with a valid passport, they are not permitted to cross the border without valid documentation.

As Spain is an EU member, it has to follow EU guidelines on migration and cannot "send the migrants back" without going through a repatriation process which has been impossible to implement due to the covid situation.

In the last few months, most of the migrants who have reached the Spanish mainland have simply been released to continue their journey, which takes some of them into France or Belgium, whilst others join the throngs of migrants attempting to reach the UK. These "sin papeles" are not allowed to work legally in Spain, a situation which opens many up to exploitation as they are forced to work "under the radar illegally" if they stay in Spain.

The Spanish government cannot legalise these irregular migrants and enable them to work without encouraging potentially hundreds of thousands more people looking for a better life who would themselves attempt to get into Spain due to the current economic situation in Morocco and Algeria.

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Migrant Crisis In The Canary Islands As Detention Facilities Spill Over - Murcia Today

The Other Americans: What Joe Biden’s Win Means for Central America – Progressive.org

Congratulations from Latin American leaders continue to arrive for President-elect Joe Biden, with the notable exceptions of the presidents of Brazil and Mexico. For many people, the incoming Biden Administration brings hopes of a shift in the United States relationship with the region.

Many Latin American migrant rights advocates and analysts hope the incoming Biden Administration will address the migration crisis, which the Trump Administration exacerbated by attacking the asylum process and shutting down the borders.

It opens the possibility of new options, for new changes, Ernesto Paz Aguilar, Hondurass former foreign relations minister during the administration of Carlos Roberto Reina Idiquez (1994-1998) and current advisor to the Libre Party, tells The Progressive.

The new Biden Administration needs to reformulate the policy toward Central America and the Carribean, he says. In the case of Honduras, we hope that the administration will no longer support the government of Juan Orlando Hernndez, and that itll make changes in the issue of migration and a different approach to the war on drugs and against corruption.

As Vice President, Biden made a number of trips to Latin America, especially Central America, with which he expressed special concern. In 2015, during the emergency caused by the arrival of tens of thousands of unaccompanied minors, Biden announced plans for the Alliance for Prosperity, a project intended to invest millions of dollars to combat corruption, improve the rule of law, and promote investments in key infrastructure projects.

The Biden Administration will also face a region that has been devastated by COVID-19, tropical storms, and economic crises. Biden has presented a plan for $4 billion of aid to Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, seeking to resolve the causes of migration and increase investment in the region.

The election of Donald Trump in 2016 marked an abrupt shift from the Obama Administrations multilateral approach to foreign relations with Latin American nations. Trump essentially reversed Obamas policy that marked an end to the Monroe Doctrine, a move which led to outcry from conservatives.

The time of the United States dictating unilaterally, the time where we only talk and dont listen, is over, Biden declared during a 2009 visit to Santiago, Chile.

The Trump Administration re-embraced the Monroe Doctrine as the principal foreign policy toward Latin America. The doctrine, which dates back to the early 1800s, argues that the United States has the right and responsibility to shape the destinies of the Central and South Americas.

This shift emboldened the far rights authoritarian dreams and contributed to the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of migrants seeking to reach the United States.

In Central America, the Trump Administration propped up conservative governments, empowering the far right in Guatemala, and bolstered the illegitimate administration of Juan Orlando Hernndez in Honduras following the 2017 elections. Trumps efforts also led to the moving of the Guatemalan and Honduran embassies in Israel to Jerusalem, and the weakening of anti-corruption efforts in those countries, among many other impacts.

Without the support of the administration of Trump, Juan Orlando Hernndez would not be in power because he was supported in a fraudulent election, Paz Aguilar says. He adds that Honduras was later utilized as a client state in international relations, especially in the relation with [Benjamin] Netanyahu in Israel.

Many Latin American migrant rights advocates and analysts hope the incoming Biden Administration will address the migration crisis, which the Trump Administration exacerbated by attacking the asylum process and shutting down the borders. But doing so will be difficult.

The Trump Administration signed Asylum Cooperation agreements with the governments of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, which would send asylum seekers to these three countries to apply for asylum there. Only Guatemala implemented the agreement, and more than 900 Hondurans and Salvadorans were sent there before it was suspended in March 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Analysts in the region, including Paz Aguilar and Marielos Chang, a political science professor at the Universidad Rafael Landvar in Guatemala City, hope the Biden Administration will change or annul the agreement. But the massive deportations are likely to continue.

The deportations will occur with a serious face, like with Trump, or with a smile, like with Biden, Chang tells The Progressive. We have to remember that it was Obama who dramatically increased the number of deportations, only the way he did it was more charismatic.

Biden is also poised to return to the Obama Administrations anti-corruption efforts in Central America.

In Guatemala, the Trump Administration gave a tacit green light for the dissolution of the famed United Nations backed anti-corruption organization, the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, known as CICIG. The attacks against CICIG came after attacks from conservatives and elites in Guatemala, which were echoed by conservatives in the United States, including Senators Mike Lee, Republican of Utah, and Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, and The Wall Street Journal. CICIG finally closed its doors in Guatemala on September 3, 2019.

In the months that followed, State Department officials returned to expressing their support for Guatemalas Special Anti-Impunity Prosecutors Bureau, known as FECI. Biden has signaled his intent to escalate anti-corruption efforts in the region. But these efforts will not mean the return of CICIG.

It is completely outside of all possibilities that CICIG returns, Chang says. We have to remember that CICIG was a vision of the government of Guatemala that was accepted by the Guatemalan Congress. We are in a completely different scenario where the government would not ask for it and the Congress will not approve it.

Chang believes that the Biden Administration plans to work directly with the FECI, strengthening Guatemalas capacity to fight corruption.

But some things will remain the same with the entering administration.

Biden expressed concern over Chinese influence in the region and has proposed promoting subsidized investments in Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, similar to the Trump Administrations Amrica Crece initiative.

We need to be realistic, I dont think there will be any grand changes, Chang says. The interests of the United States with Guatemala and the region continue to be the same: migration, security, and the economy. This isnt going to change with whoever is President, because interests dont change from night to day.

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The Other Americans: What Joe Biden's Win Means for Central America - Progressive.org

Circular Migration and Precarity: Perspectives from Rural Bihar – DocWire News

This article was originally published here

Indian J Labour Econ. 2020 Nov 12:1-21. doi: 10.1007/s41027-020-00290-x. Online ahead of print.

ABSTRACT

Migration and mobilities are vastly underestimated in India. In particular, circular migration remains poorly captured as circular migrants move back and forth between source and destination regions. Based on survey data from rural Bihar, an important source region of migration in India, this paper finds that a vast majority of migrants work and live in precarity in predominantly urban and prosperous destinations across India. However, those at the lowest rungs of the social and economic ladder in source regions-the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, other backward classes I and the labouring class-are the worst off at destination; they are part of the most precarious shorter-term migration streams, earn the lowest incomes, have the poorest conditions of work, and live in the harshest circumstances. The paper shows that social and economic hierarchies, and in turn, precarity in source region is reproduced at destination, and, thus, there is little evidence that spatial mobility is associated with social mobility. Focusing on migrants location, work, employment, income, housing, and access to basic services at destination, the paper foregrounds migrant precarity and adds to a small body of empirical literature that is significant in understanding the spatial and structural elements of circular migration in India and in turn, the migration crisis that emerged as a result of the economic shock of the COVID 19 pandemic.

PMID:33204054 | PMC:PMC7659404 | DOI:10.1007/s41027-020-00290-x

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Circular Migration and Precarity: Perspectives from Rural Bihar - DocWire News

Migrant workers returning to Rajasthan are learning new skills to survive in a post-lockdown world – Scroll.in

At 7 am every day, Vala Ram Gameti, 32, sets off from his home at Koviya village in southern Rajasthan to the nearest market, about three-km away. He takes an hour for the days prep chopping onions, carrots, cabbage, and stewing sauces. By 9 am, he pulls up the shutters of Bankyarani Chinese Corner, the first-ever Chinese food stall in the area as he proclaims it to be. He set it up after losing his job as a cook in a fast-food restaurant in Gujarat and returning home in March, when a national lockdown was announced.

Gameti is one of estimated 10.5 million migrant workers who returned to villages after the national lockdown, according to data submitted by the government in parliament. More than half a year after the reverse migration from cities during the lockdown, how are migrant workers coping?

In a three-part series on how the Covid-19 crisis has impacted livelihoods, we examine how workers are adapting to the changing circumstances. In this first part of the series, we look at workers who have stayed back in villages, focusing on southern Rajasthan. The state has reportedly witnessed the return of 1.3 million migrant workers, engaged mainly in construction, manufacturing, daily wage and hospitality sectors. In the next, we will report from Odisha on workers who have returned to cities. In the final part, we will explore how the lives of women have changed due to the pandemic in Uttar Pradesh.

Of those workers who have stayed back in villages, most are waiting to go back to cities but have not found employment there yet. They are expecting the situation to change after Diwali, IndiaSpend found in the course of numerous interviews. Some said they are still fearful of the novel coronavirus, so they do not want to go back but to earn their livelihood at home instead. Although it is too early to analyse how this will change the nature of work in the long term, two trends are clear: workers are being forced to change their trade out of desperation and some were learning new skills. Returnee migrants are setting up small enterprises in rural areas to provide services thus far only available in cities.

A yet-to-be-published study by Aajeevika Bureau, which visited five districts in southern Rajasthan in April and May to survey 426 migrant workers who had returned home from different parts of the country, found the workers facing multiple vulnerabilities. Many had large families to support, but only one working member was in paid employment per family. The lockdown had left the workers jobless and cashless, and many had not been paid their last wages, the survey found.

By the end of April, 57% of workers said, they had no money left at all. In all, 22% said they were down to their last Rs 100 to Rs 500, forcing them to take out loans even to meet their basic needs. About 38% reported they had received no help from the government such as food and ration during the lockdown. With no regular work currently and little government support, 69% of workers said they wanted to get back to the cities to work, the survey found.

The unavailability of work for a long time will reduce the workers available resources which might ultimately affect their bargaining power and mobility, the study predicted.In the absence of resources, the workers might not be able to return to the city or take a credit on high-interest rates and get trapped in the debt trap. This also will highly impact the bargaining power of the workers who will be accepting the wage lesser than they deserve.

Gameti had worked in a restaurant in Vapi for more than a decade. When the lockdown was announced, the restaurant shut down and he was not paid for the month. He made his way back to his village along with two of his brothers who worked with him. They took a bus to the Rajasthan border and then walked for two days to their village of Koviya. After the lockdown was eased in June, his brothers returned to Vapi but he decided he had had enough of city life.

The city was very difficult, said Gameti, now home with his wife, three daughters and his parents. My employer refused to increase my wages. I would worry about my family. I feel safer here and there is less chance of falling ill. In August, he opened the food stall with aid from Aajeevika Bureau, a Rajasthan-based non-governmental organisation that supports migrant workers. He used to earn Rs 13,000 a month in Vapi while the Chinese stall makes close to Rs 1,000 a day and on some days a little more which he finds quite satisfactory. Besides, he likes working for himself. Main high level ka Chinese banata hun [I make top quality Chinese food], he said.

Men from Gametis village, which falls in a tribal zone, have traditionally engaged in rasoi work across India, mostly in Gujarat. The southern Rajasthan-Gujarat migration corridor provides workers for three sectors: construction, textiles, and small hotels and restaurants. A research paper from 2018 found that the adivasi community of southern Rajasthan was subject to super-exploitation in Gujarat where employers take advantage of their historically low socio-economic conditions, which perpetuates the communitys disadvantaged position across generations, even when they have jobs.

Between early April and the end of May, over 1.3 million workers returned to the districts of Udaipur, Dungarpur, Sirohi, Jalore, Nagaur, Barmer and Bikaner, according to the Rajasthan governments Labour Employment Exchange portal.

After the lockdown, workers from this region were either out of work or forced to take up any work that came their way. Many had found the cities more hostile than before.

Parta Ram, 33, from Ajaypura, not far from Gametis Koviya village, has worked in hotels and restaurants for nearly 25 years. When the lockdown was announced, Ram, along with 35 men from his village, was employed as a cook at a school in Chotta Udaipur in eastern Gujarat. He was not paid his wages when he returned home during the lockdown, and has not found any steady work since. He said he had invested his lifes savings of Rs 2.5 lakh to install a tubewell in his farm before the pandemic. With no savings and no work coming his way, he could barely meet his daily expenses. He found work for a few days under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and at private construction sites, earning Rs 100 to Rs 200 a day, which is lower than the minimum wage rate of Rs 225 for unskilled workers in Rajasthan.

Rajasthan accounted for 6.57 million of 60 million households that have availed MGNREGS since April this year. This was the second most, after Uttar Pradeshs 8 million households. There were gaps in implementation, the wages paid were below the daily wage stipulation, work was stalled and supervisors pilfered material and money, according to labour rights groups. These issues have been noted across the country.

MGNREGS has been a shock absorber in the post-lockdown period, said PC Kishan, state commissioner for MGNREGS in Rajasthan. We employed 5.4 million persons per day in the month of June this year, compared to 3 million last year in the peak months of summer. The state has revised its budget from 300 million person days for this year to 370 million.

We are anticipating more demand for MGNREGS in January and February, since migration has started but only in certain sectors and people are on the brink of poverty, he added. We will revise the budget again to 400 million person days.

However, the situation is worsening as MGNREGS work has dwindled since August, said Saloni Mundra, a knowledge and programme support executive at Aajeevika Bureau: When the workers returned in April and May, they came back without any wages. Some found work under MGNREGS and at the local level between June and July. But from August onwards that work has depleted. A lot of workers have changed their trade out of desperation, she said those who worked in textiles or hotels were taking up work in construction, a sector that has picked up while others had shrunk.

This shift in occupation has been noticed across the country. A report on the impact of Covid-19 on the urban poor conducted in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region by the non-governmental organisation Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action said, Some skilled workers reported shifting to other unskilled work in an attempt to earn. Those who have gone back to their villages to farm reported being unable to do so. In such situations, the dependence on state-provided welfare is high.

Workers have had to adapt due to loss of income, said Marina Joseph, associate director at Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action. Those who did skilled work in a sector like construction like plumbing or electrician would have moved to lifting and loading, she said, Many others have taken up street vending.

Diamond cutting in Gujarat employs a large number of youth from Rajasthan and these are skilled workers who are paid good wages. [They] are taking up unskilled work like loading and unloading to earn a few hundred rupees a day, said Madan Vaishnav, a field officer at the workers rights collective, Centre for Labour Research and Action.

It is a process of deskilling, said S Irudaya Rajan, an expert on migration at the Centre for Development Studies in Kerala. As we get closer to Diwali, sustaining livelihood in rural areas will become more challenging as people will borrow money for spending during the festive season. The government needs to recognise the crisis and make direct cash transfers to the bank accounts of those who have lost their jobs to help them tide over this period, so that the workers are not compelled to return immediately to cities, where they could face exploitation given the state of the economy.

Forming cooperative societies where groups of migrant workers come together could be a way for them to protect their rights and to develop their services, as most development economists have recommended.

In August, Ram, the cook from Ajaypura, was offered work at Mundra, a port town in Gujarat. When he reached there with 27 men from his village, they realised that the contractor had misled them. They had been promised work in a utensils factory, but on reaching there they found that the factory manufactured iron pipes. They had to work 12-hour shifts loading and unloading pipes. We are not trained for this work, each pipe was almost 50 kg, said Ram, adding, I felt my body was breaking. We returned to our village in three days. Before the pandemic, loading and unloading, work that is considered hazardous, was handled mostly by migrants from Bihar.

Ram is back in his village now, tending to his maize crop. The terrain is hard and rocky and difficult to cultivate. His one bigha (0.25 hectare) of land is not enough to sustain his family of six. But there is no fear of the novel coronavirus in these parts, Ram said, unlike in the city. The hills in the area keep the virus away, he insisted.

The crisis here is one of economic survival as the uncertainty stretches on. But Ram did not want to risk searching for new work in the city again and hoped that schools would open after Diwali so he could get back to his job cooking in a school canteen.

Amid all this, there are signs of resilience too. Some workers, supported by NGOs or of their own initiative, are trying to upgrade their skills to fit into the rural economy.

Lokesh Khorwal, a trainer at Aajeevika Bureau working on their livelihood programme, has been training young people from rural Rajasthan to repair mobile phones to enable them to set up shops in villages. There has been a steady uptick in demand for these workshops over the past few months, he said. Since this crisis we have had the highest interest in this workshop, every batch is full, said Khorwal. Every person in the village has a mobile phone but not every village has a mobile repair shop and they all have to travel far for it.

On a weekday afternoon in late September when IndiaSpend contacted them, 31 men from different districts had been attending the training for two weeks and were preparing for an exam.

Mahendra Dhodiya, 20, who was learning how to repair the motherboard of a mobile phone, said there was a lot of pressure to study and practice in the workshop. Dhodiya, who had been stranded for two months before returning home during the lockdown, used to work at a tea shop in Pune. He had already thought of a busy spot in the village market where he would set up shop.

It is possible to earn anywhere between Rs 1,000 and Rs 2,000 a day from a mobile repair shop, said Khorwal, adding that it was more than the wages the trainees would earn in the city. The workshops for two-wheeler repair and electrical wiring for houses skills that can be used to set up small enterprises in villages were also running full, he said.

This article first appeared on IndiaSpend, a data-driven and public-interest journalism non-profit.

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Migrant workers returning to Rajasthan are learning new skills to survive in a post-lockdown world - Scroll.in

The way we use data is a life or death matter from the refugee crisis to COVID-19 – The Conversation UK

In moments of crisis we often turn to data in an attempt to both understand the situation we are in, and to look for answers of how to escape.

In response to COVID-19, governments around the world have employed algorithms, used data from apps installed on our phones, alongside CCTV, facial recognition and other data gathering tools to fight the pandemic. Data is being used to drive the daily movements of billions of people in a way that many of us have never before seen. People are being instructed to stay home, go to work, wear masks, or send their children to school based on the invisible hand of data.

Yet 2020 has also highlighted the dangers of this. The interpretations and collection of this data are not without their problems doctors and politicians looking at the same data can draw wildly different conclusions about the right course of action.

Without doubt, we should be harnessing all the tools we can in the fight to save lives, but the pandemic has also brought many issues with data mapping to the fore. COVID-19 disproportionately affects the poorest people in many countries, as well as black and Asian communities. This is is no small part due to data-driven regulations designed to stop the spread of the disease; often modelled on assumptions made by the people who design and run them.

These inequalities already existed, but models that slow a spread through the closing of offices, reduced transport and home schooling put enormous pressures on the poorest and most vulnerable members of society, who are not privileged enough to change their working or living arrangements. As digital technologies are further introduced, such as mobile track and trace, these communities will be marginalised even further. Even in the richest countries, those without a smartphone will be missed from any digital tracing apps designed to protect people.

Read more: Northern lockdowns shine a light on Britain's landscape of inequality

While these practices are newly confronting to many, such technologies and their failings have long been used to shape the lives, and deaths, of millions around the world. In the digital age, mapping and data continue to be seen as a fix-all. More people than ever are subjected to having their lives dictated not by elected officials, but by black box algorithms, maps, and data visualisations. As our attempts to hold the pandemic at bay continue, we must look at lessons from other crises and push for a more just world.

To do this, it is crucial that people understand the slippery quality of data. Statistics seem solid to many people. But data can mislead, and understanding how this happens is a huge step in the right direction of using data to improve the lives of millions of people around the world, and to tackling global crises such as COVID-19.

There are three main issues with data.

This article is part of Conversation InsightsThe Insights team generates long-form journalism derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.

The first issue seems on the surface the easiest to fix. Dark data refers to data that is not collected at all. Many people believe that if we collected enough data about everything then we could solve any issue. Yet it is impossible to collect everything: there will always be dark data.

We dont, for example, collect data about or from children in the same way as adults because of laws around consent. Data is often collected through tools that are not available to everyone mobile phones share huge amounts of information, but not everybody has a phone.

The real trouble comes due to what are known as epistemic and ideological assumptions. These assumptions mean that even with the best intentions, we cannot gather data about things that we assume we do not need, or that we do not know that we need data about. Stark examples include how frequently women are excluded from trials and testing, either forgotten about, or based upon assumptions they are the same as men. This can have deadly consequences.

At times our biases also push us towards not collecting data that we sense goes against our own interests or views of the world. A surprisingly powerful urge to retain our status quo paralyses us from breaking through this barrier.

The issues of dark data are closely linked to another issue, known as data positivism. This relates to what we do with the data we have captured.

It is all but impossible to present all the data we find. This might be because we have too much of it, or because we are trying to tell a specific story with our data. As we turn the data in to maps and visualisations, we must make choices about what is and isnt included, which often takes the form of prioritising one type of knowledge over another.

Data that fits well with traditional mapping practices will be more likely to be included on a map than other forms of information. This can turn extremely complex and competing sets of ideas into overly simple sets of data, which in turn is transformed into an even further simplified data visualisation. These visualisations are rarely questioned, because the way they are made is beyond the expertise of most people. The expertise of the creator is trusted wholesale they create a false sense of certainty, but one we hold on to, especially if they reinforce our status quo.

Then theres the issue of data washing. Lets assume that you have avoided the problems of dark data and collected everything, including the data you didnt know you needed, and that you have navigated data positivism in the cleaning and preparing of your data.

You then come to present your findings. Perhaps they dont really show the story you wanted, or show the opposite of what you thought what do you do? Do you tweak things so they look different? Do you skip that diagram and move to another that shows something closer to your hypothesis? Do you choose not to share anything at all?

These seem like easy questions to answer, easy to stay on the correct side of ethical practice. But even with the best of intentions we can dismiss our own data when it doesnt conform to pre-held assumptions. We might tell ourselves we must have made a mistake in data collection, so shouldnt share it. Or we might think: that doesnt tell a good story, Ill leave it out. Or perhaps: this should be more dramatic, Ill change the colours and design to make it pop.

These are not always disingenuous, but these seemingly innocent decisions conceal or obscure data and knowledge. They are hard to avoid even with the best of intentions, and when it comes to issues of controversy, the best of intentions is often left wanting.

In turning people into pure data, life and death decisions are made about people without their consent. These are the dehumanising effects of an algorithm-driven world.

Mapping and data visualisation have long been used in times of crisis to help us make sense of what is happening, and to find ways forwards that might preserve lives and create a better future. Prominent examples include Thomas Shapters 1832 maps of cholera in Exeter, UK, followed by the more famous maps of cholera deaths produced by John Snow in London. These maps and their authors were credited with bringing new understanding of waterborne disease and saving many lives.

Florence Nightingale, whose name was given over to the emergency hospitals constructed around the UK in the wake of COVID-19, was also a statistician.

In 1861, as part of her consultation to the US army about care for Civil War casualties, Nightingale made data visualisations, and a lot of them. She created bar charts, stacked bars, honeycomb density plots, and 100% area plots.

Nightingales data visualisations were not about just showing what was happening, they were designed to call for change; to indicate required reform. She also invented a new type of chart to help her arguments: a comparative polar-area diagram known today as the Nightingale rose (she called them wedges). Her most famous diagrams showed the changes in survival rates of patients following sanitary improvements, such as washing hands regularly, and emphasised the effectiveness of these improvements by difference in size.

Nightingale, Shapter, Snow, and many others have used charts and diagrams to build graphic arguments and easy-to-understand comparisons that saved many lives. But when looking back at them, we often only consider the final product (map or chart), rather than the process of their creation. Yet at the time, these works were widely dismissed, and often misinterpreted as supporting the prevailing thoughts of the period.

There were many who did not want to enact the reforms proposed by Nightingale, although they are now seen as transformative in how hospitals are run. And Snows maps became more famous than Shapters not only because they were of London, but because of the evocative story of him striding onto Broad Street and tearing off the handle of the community water pump. Whats forgotten is that this act was required precisely because his data and mappings were initially misinterpreted by those who chose to see Snows maps as supporting their own theories an example of confirmation bias where we read data in a way that suits our own views.

Both Snow and Nightingale saved countless lives through their data work, but even they came up against many of the issues of dark data, data positivism and misinterpretation.

In the digital age, where data is collected on a massive scale, often without consent, and is increasingly organised, sorted and interpreted by computers and algorithms, data has become seen as both a fix all for everything, and a dangerous commodity. The use of data to track people and dictate their actions can mean the difference between life and death in a very real and present sense. While that has been made clear to many of us in relation to COVID-19, there are many more stories of data, crisis and the fight for survival.

In our new book, Mapping Crisis, we look at the experiences of those who have been mapped or had their complex lives reduced to data, aerial photos or reports. From this we are able to draw out better ways of working, and better understandings of the various effects the secret world of data has on our everyday lives.

One of our examples is the case of the Mediterranean migrant crisis.

The Mediterranean Sea is a place that for many conjures images of sun-kissed beaches, fine waterfront dining and turquoise seas. But this stretch of water is also one of the most heavily policed in the world. All movements in the region, whether deemed legal or not, are extensively mapped and monitored by the European Union.

While individual countries on the Mediterranean have long fortified their borders, the formation of the EU effectively created a single border along the northern shores. Since then, European states have continued to put in place an ever more comprehensive, and complex, system for monitoring and exchanging information about irregular migrants trying to reach the continent.

Running under the label EUROSUR, the system combines high-resolution satellite images, long-endurance drones, automated vessel identification systems and seaborne military radars that allow for situational reports and risk analyses in next to real time. These reports give daily updates on successfully intercepted migrant vessels.

But this highly sophisticated tool of mapping the movements of migrants is only interested in those who are stopped. The extensive databases held by EU states hold next to no information about those who die or go missing as they attempt to seek refuge. Those who make it onto European shores, by contrast, are rigorously screened for biometric data, including electronic fingerprints, iris scans and medical checks, and also for personal details about their lives to verify their identity.

According to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), more than 19,000 people have drowned or gone missing on their way to Europe over the last decade. These figures are only estimates: there is no comprehensive system in place to document migrant fatalities across EU member states. European governments do not consider migrant deaths part of their legal responsibility and so do not keep a regular track record of them. This leaves humanitarian agencies like IOM dependent on eyewitness accounts and reports from search and rescue NGOs, medical examiners or the media.

The lack of knowledge regarding migrant deaths reveals how patchy real time tracking of movement across borders really is. It also serves political agendas, where data on the risk to Europe from migration can easily be found, but data on the true life and death risks of crossing the Mediterranean is occluded from public knowledge. This makes it easier to present migrants as a threat, rather than as refugees putting everything on the line to seek safety.

And for Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, this provides a convenient backdrop to legitimise the increasing militarisation of Europes borders under the pretext of preventing further deaths and human suffering.

Along the border, digital maps and statistical charts operate to reinforce the political and social aims of the organisations and governments that collate them. Data is selectively collected, and selectively presented by the EU and European governments, extending Europes migration policy of deterrence and containment deep into the digital domain.

In the specific context of the Mediterranean, this selective reading of data not only minimises the chances of successful asylum applications for those lingering in the reception centres of Greece and Turkey, it also allows governments and the EU as a whole to evade any legal and political responsibility for the human cost of border policing. By not collecting data on those who drown, the EU can hide the fact that for all its sophisticated mapping and tracking technologies, they have no interest in using the data to save lives, or for rescuing men, women and children lost at sea.

No records of deaths means no records of how many European governments watched drown.

That said, Europes wilful unseeing of migrants has not gone uncontested. Numerous civil society initiatives and humanitarian activists have made it a point to keep a regular track record of those who die or go missing and to hold Europe to account.

Initiatives such as the List of Deaths, compiled by organisations such as UNITED and FORTRESS Europe, meticulously document each and every reported incident, using these figures for advocating a radical revision of European asylum policy. While these counter-mappings certainly manage to disrupt the wall of silence surrounding the human cost of border policing, the death lists have done little to disrupt or redirect the priorities of the state.

The transnational network Alarm Phone marks a rare exception in this regard. Alarm Phone offers a 24/7 hotline for migrants in distress. The organisation secures their rescue by notifying national coastguards and port authorities of unfolding emergencies at sea. Using a combination of mobile phones and online messaging apps such as Facebook, Viber, WhatsApp and Skype, alongside logistical platforms such as AIS (The global Automatic identification system used for vessel tracking) and call management software, they attempt to preempt deaths, and prompt action to rescue people at risk of drowning.

The organisation has aided thousands of people in distress. The summer of 2020 was an especially difficult one. With Europes borders closed tighter than ever, Alarm Phone was inundated with calls. In the seven days following August 13, nearly 900 people on 14 boats called Alarm Phone with pleas for help. Alarm Phone raised the alert, and while some were helped to safety, either in Europe or Libya, more than 260 people perished or remain missing.

By bring together technology, networking capacities, and through solidarity and compassion the volunteer network is able to both aid migrants in times of trouble, and to help them pass more effectively under the radar of the EU. The hotline is more than just a distress call: it brings together the knowledge of migrants into effective maps that aid in the logistics of crossing the med. In doing so it also highlights the wilful misuse, and sporadic data collections of the EU member states.

A lot can be learned from the data mapping of the migrant crisis. Maps and data can only ever be partial representations of reality, but as we gather more and more data we can be lured into thinking that these representations are infallible.

Yet, it is clear from the example above that the processes in place do not preserve life: they are tools of control rather than support. There are glimmers of hope in the counter-mapping projects that have arisen to give voice to those who are condemned to silence as they seek a new life. But even the most well-intentioned projects can fall foul of misunderstanding data. Data tends to have a life of its own.

COVID-19 has brought the world of data-driven crisis management to the doorstep of the whole world, but these are not new experiences. Many people have already been reduced to data points. From the Mediterranean to school grades, lives are increasingly dictated by algorithm, computation, and the biases built into these technologies. The way in which we use data is heavily influenced by politics, a desire to maintain the status quo and by conscious and unconscious decisions made at every stage of the process.

So we should question data: how it is collected, and how it is deployed. But data is also important, and we must not dismiss it all outright. The world has seen a push-back against science and a growth in alternative facts. The rise in anti-maskers, anti-vaxxers, 5G conspiracy theorists and coronavirus deniers has shown how dangerous this can be. Such arguments push backwards, not forwards. They do not seek to understand more, but are maintaining a status quo.

While some might try and twist the arguments weve presented here in order to reject science, we are instead saying that we should ask questions that take our understanding further. It is near impossible to eliminate issues caused by dark data, data washing, and data positivism. This can be purposefully, or accidental, but the effects can be far reaching.

So, next time you look at a map and or data visualisation, ask: who is this for? Whose power does it enhance or consolidate? Who is missing from the data? Who was never asked, forgotten or excluded? Who loses? And how can we do it better?

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The way we use data is a life or death matter from the refugee crisis to COVID-19 - The Conversation UK