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Dr. Kalkidan Biahu, Dr. Mike Kim, and Dr. John Carroll perform a minimally invasive surgery at one of the University of Colorado Hospital's catheter labs on Thursday, July 17, 2014 in Aurora, CO.

Kent Nishimura | Denver Post | Getty Images

When Dr. Justin Barad was a medical resident, he would often encounter a problem he'd never managed or be asked to use a device without much training.

So he'd turn to YouTube.

Barad, who completed his surgical training at UCLA in 2015, said YouTube has become a fixture of medical education. He'd often get prepped by watching a video before a procedure. Sometimes he'd even open a YouTube video in the operating theater when confronted with a particularly challenging surgery or unexpected complication.

"I don't know a surgeon who hasn't had a similar experience," said Barad, who has now started a surgical training company called Osso VR.

CNBC found tens of thousands of videos showing a wide variety of medical procedures on the Google-owned video platform, some of them hovering around a million views. People have livestreamed giving birth and broadcast their face-lifts. One video, which shows the removal of a dense, white cataract, has gone somewhat viral and now has more than 1.7 million views. Others seem to have found crossover appeal with nonmedical viewers, such as a video from the U.K.-based group Audiology Associates showing a weirdly satisfying removal of a giant glob of earwax.

Doctors are uploading these videos to market themselves or to help others in the field, and the amount is growing by leaps and bounds. Researchers in January found more than 20,000 videos related to prostate surgery alone, compared with just 500 videos in 2009.

The videos are a particular boon for doctors in training. When the University of Iowa surveyed its surgeons, including its fourth-year medical students and residents, itfound that YouTubewas the most-used video source for surgical preparation by far.

But residents and medical students are not the only ones tuning in. Experienced doctors, like Stanford Hospital's vascular surgeon Dr. Oliver Aalami said he turned to YouTube recently ahead of a particularly difficult exposure.

"It was helpful, but I kept thinking that some of these videos should be verified," he said, "A bit like Twitter and its blue badges."

There's one problem with this practice that will be familiar to anybody who's searched YouTube for tips on more mundane tasks like household repairs. How can doctors tell which videos are valid and which contain bogus information?

For instance, one recent study found more than 68,000 videos associated with a common procedure known as a distal radius fracture immobilization. The researchers evaluated the content for their technical skill demonstrated and educational skill, and created a score. Only 16 of the videos even met basic criteria, including whether they were performed by a health-care professional or institution. Among those, the scores were mixed. In several cases, the credentials of the person performing the procedure could not be identified at all.

Even more concerning, studies are finding that the YouTube algorithm is highly ranking videos where the technique isn't optimal. A group of researchers found that for a surgical technique called a laparoscopic cholecystectomy, about half the videos showed unsafe maneuvers.

Medical experts say this content hasn't been particularly well curated, in part because it's an expensive process. Massive-scale internet platforms like YouTube limit expenses by stressing that they are a platform with some basic rules, and they don't vet or add editorial notes to content. YouTube doesn't claim to be accredited for medical education, and therefore can surface content based on popularity and not on quality.

YouTube did not return a request for comment about its surgical content. Google Health declined to comment.

One solution would be paying a group of doctors to do the work of vetting surgical videos, suggests Dr. Joshua Landy, a Canadian physician who developed an Instagram-like service for doctors called Figure 1. "You'd need to be experienced to distinguish between the surgeries done properly and the technique is the most up-to-date and safe," he said.

For patients watching the surgeries to get a sense for what happens once they go under, that kind of heavy-handed curation might not be necessary. But it's a pressing need for inexperienced physicians, who rely on the videos to fill gaps in their medical education before they perform the procedures.

"Seeing cases is what makes you better at medicine because there's always unusual things you'll have to navigate," said Landy. "So many doctors will watch these videos over and over again for thousands of hours."

Google seems to be aware of the problem. But so far, the company has only made some small steps to provide some rules around graphic medical videos. Those uploading the videos must share descriptive titles, so users know what they're in for, and the purpose must be to educate rather than to offend or surprise a viewer. One thing that's not allowed, for instance, is footage from a procedure featuring open wounds where there's no clear explanation to viewers.

But the company might deviate from its hands-off policy to do more in the coming months. Google's vice president of health, David Feinberg, noted at a recent medical conference in the fall that a lot of surgeons are flocking to YouTube. He implied, without sharing specifics, that his team would look to do a better job of managing the content as part of its broader focus on combating health misinformation across Google.

Medical experts say they're more than willing to work with YouTube to help curate medical content.

Many academic medical centers, notes Jefferson Health's chief executive Dr. Stephen Klasko, are still using the same, age-old methods to train doctors and have not evolved for the digital age.

"We recognize that technology will transform health care, but what member of any medical school faculty understands things like coding or social media at the level of their students?" he said.

Klasko sees potential for YouTube in medical training. Moreover, he notes, surgeons are increasingly being asked to use sophisticated hardware that requires a lot of additional training. One particularly popular type of content on YouTube is an instruction manual for Intuitive's da Vinci surgical robots, which can take months of practice to master. (This one, on how to suture a grape with a da Vinci, is particularly special.)

"These surgical robotics companies will go out of the way to credential people quickly," said Klasko. "But it's a tough skill to pick up."

In the interim, some doctors, like Jefferson Health's chief medical social media officer, Dr. Austin Chiang, who works for Klasko, recommend that their peers check whether a video is associated with a well-regarded hospital or medical society before they watch it or recommend it to others.

In the long run, he said, YouTube should promote this content over others. "One thing Google could do tomorrow is partner with these official societies," he said.

Follow @CNBCtech on Twitter for the latest tech industry news.

Link:
Doctors are turning to YouTube to learn how to do surgical procedures, but there's no quality control - CNBC

On the day of my scheduled interview with a leftist journalist, I learned that he had been disappeared. Every outspoken opponent of the Bolivian junta is a target and subjected to charges of sedition.By Wyatt ReedIndigenous protesters carry coffins of their dead through La Paz (photo by Wyatt Reed)

La Paz, Bolivia As the military junta which seized power from the democratically-elected Bolivian President Evo Morales violently represses the working class, indigenous-led uprising against them, the country is rapidly falling under its control.

Soldiers in military fatigues prowl the streets, enforcing a series of choke points around the seat of power. Anyone perceived as standing against the status quo is now subject to being arrested on charges of sedition or terrorism, dissident journalists and Morales sympathizers have been forced into hiding, leaving the house only when necessary.

Its a fascist dictatorship, theres no hiding it, says Federico Koba, a left-wing journalist who asked that I not use his real name for fear of arrest. There are paramilitary agents going around the city taking pictures and pinpointing whos who. Who is a leader, who is recording the protests, who is recording the repression.

I met with Koba, an activist and journalist with the leftist news site, La Resistencia Bolivia, on the evening of November 24th. I had initially planned to meet with his co-worker, who asked that I refer to him by the pseudonym of Carlos Mujica because he too feared being jailed for his activism.

But on the day of our scheduled interview, Mujica never showed up. He was laying low, having had his house searched and ransacked by police the night before the coup.

Hours later, I received a brief message from him: Bro, I cant talk right now. Im in jail.

Mujicas friends went to every prison in the city looking for him, but he was nowhere to be found. The next day, he was released after an intense interrogation session in an unlisted facility. He immediately went into hiding, disconnecting himself completely from social media, which his peers now believe has been compromised by the coup government.

The atmosphere was grim when I met with Koba and some of his colleagues. We know for sure were on a list weve seen it, and what they did to Carlos confirms it, one member of La Resistencia told me.

After the interview with Koba, he waved off my suggestion that we get a beer.

Maybe someday, after all this is over, we can do that, he said. So we drove around under the cover of darkness instead, doubling back and making frequent turns to make sure we werent being followed.

That truck could belong to the cops, or the paramilitaries, he remarked, as we circled a roundabout multiple times to allow it to pass.

Since the country was taken over by far-right landowning elites, virtually every leftist Bolivian with a public profile has begun to feel the heat. Even relative newcomers to politics bear the scars of repression.

Minutes after meeting another Bolivian colleague whod first picked up a camera just weeks before, as the coup kicked off, he hiked up his pant leg to show me the wound hed sustained the day before. He had been shot with a rubber bullet while documenting the militarys offensive against the residents of El Alto.

Days after the coup sent Morales into exile, residents of the mostly indigenous, working class city of El Alto encircled the gas plant called Senkata, cutting off the nearby Bolivian capital of La Paz from its main source of cooking gas. In response, the same military and police forces that had conspired with fascist paramilitaries to force Morales from office unleashed a brutal wave of violence on the largely unarmed protesters.

I arrived just after the worst of the massacre. The terrorists as the Bolivian military junta and press have dubbed the self-organized patrols of mainly unarmed indigenous youth and mothers were decidedly less violent than one might expect. Instead of the guns and dynamite which coup-supporting Bolivians insist they wield, I saw only cell phones and polleras, the traditional dresses worn by many of Bolivias indigenous women.

But that did little to prevent them from being mowed down over the course of several hours. While the official death toll from the Senkata massacre now stands at nine, a seemingly endless series of victims family members told the OAS Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH) that the real number was most certainly higher: as many as twenty-five deaths.

Their harrowing testimonies painted a picture of an unhinged soldiers firing at random out of helicopters and from sniper perches. Mothers sobbed as they held up photos of their children. Many had been gunned down as they went to or from work; still more had simply disappeared. Nearly a week later, their families are beginning to assume that they were killed by soldiers who subsequently hid the bodies in order to lower the official number of casualties.

But the military junta now in control begged to differ. Interior Minister Arturo Murillo has publicly insisted that not a single shot was fired.

It was an account echoed by the head doctor of the Corazon de Jesus Trauma Center. He allowed me inside the medical clinic only after a crew of five nurses had scrubbed the puddles of blood from the floors. The doctor then insisted that only two of the victims could be confirmed as gunshot victims, and that their wounds were consistent with a .22 caliber weapon in his words, non-military weapons.

How someone with no training as a forensic pathologist could come to such a conclusion is confounding, but what is well known in Bolivia today is that any medical professional who contradicts the official narrative risks criminalization.

After a video of a crying medical professional in Senkata denouncing the horrific violence went viral, he was arrested just days later after the Bolivian regime accused him of being a fake doctor.

The wrath of the Aez junta government extends across the Bolivian left. Virtually anyone who represents a perceived challenge to the status quo is liable to be hit with manufactured charges of sedition or terrorism.

As Koba explained during our clandestine nighttime drive, they are trying to repress not only protesters that march, but anyone that says different from what the government says is happening. So they are repressing any media outlet that tries to show the repression and the assassinations, the killings, and show the evidence, and show the protests, and show the marches. Everything thats against the coup is being harassed and is being attacked.

He continued: A lot of small and medium-sized media outlets have been shut down or have been forced to not show whats going on, and others have been paid to show what they tell them to. So its a very serious situation in the freedom of speech department not only the human rights department because as I think the world has seen, these guys havent held back in using all the force at their disposal.

Prestige and prominence is no protection under the rule of the junta. Even five-time Emmy-winning journalist Carlos Montero and Juan Manuel Karg were forced from the country after one fanatically right-wing senator labelled them insufferable communists who were sticking their dirty noses in Bolivia.

Police hit an Al-Jazeera reporter transmitting from the Plaza Murillo in La Paz in the face with tear gas as she attempted to deliver her report.

And Telesur, one of the last remaining news channels to give a voice to opponents of the coup government, had numerous correspondents kicked out of the country on accusations of sedition before the station was officially removed from the airwaves on November 21st.

But the repression of international media has paled in comparison to the right-wing repression of local Bolivian media. Within days of the coup, Jos Aramayo, director of Radio CSUTCB an ally of Morales was chained to a tree as paramilitary members frogmarched his staff out of their office.

As Koba explained, Bolivian media outlets now face a choice: either you take a bribe, or your life will be made extremely difficult. In this atmosphere, opposing viewpoints are virtually non-existent on Bolivian TV, which now runs PSAs warning that Evo Morales is trying to starve the audience.

We are almost alone in showing whats going on, Koba said of the threatened band of leftist reporters still active in Bolivia. The traditional media is just showing what they cant hide. But they of course deny the evidence. They say that these were inside jobs that cocaleros and El Alto people are killing themselves.

In the Alice in Wonderland post-truth reality enforced by the junta, he exclaimed, The progressives are the fascists. They say that we are the fascists! They say that we are the violent ones, that we are the terrorists. They say that we are the ones who performed the coup from a long time before with this alleged fraud, this supposed fraud.

While a few scattered progressives in the US Congress have registered their condemnation of the coup, the damage has been done, and the plot has been fulfilled.

The far-right demagogues who forced Morales have consolidated control, and as Koba says, they tried to turn everything upside down so the election fraud was a coup, and the coup was a return to democracy; the paramilitary forces are pacifying forces; the fascists are the democrats.

Everything, he says, is upside down.

Bolivia has become a huge laboratory for post-truth and 21st century coups that use everything that they have gathered up from their experiences in Nicaraguan and Venezuela, onto Honduras. Brazil and Argentina, Koba maintained.

In 2008, they tried to throw a coup here, and they were unsuccessful, but they learned from their mistakes. This has been a laboratory to use all of their guns the post-truth, the paramilitary, the civil movements being financed by NGOs and by foreign fascist organizations.

Now, Koba warns, anyone who says that this isnt a transitional government is accused of creating sedition. And everything is sedition. Posting on social media is sedition, talking about the violent repression is sedition, saying what you think is sedition.

According to Koba, The only thing that they havent been able to do, is to convince the international community that this is a democratic transition. Of course, thats the only thing that we have in our favor, that the international community has seen the repression, has seen all the human rights violations.

As Bolivia returns to the dark days of de facto rule by a ruthless, US-backed military junta, Kobas voice is among only a few who still dare to speak out in protest.

After a long and sobering discussion, we returned to downtown La Paz. I shook his hand and wished him well, unsure when or if I would see him again.

Wyatt Reed is a Virginia-based activist and journalist who covers climate and racial justice movements and foreign policy issues. Follow him on Twitter at @wyattreed13.

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With the right-wing coup in Bolivia nearly complete, the junta is hunting down the last remaining dissidents - The Grayzone

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Back in 2017 Chicago was the first major U.S. city to pass a tax on ride-hail to fund transit infrastructure, paving the way for peer cities to follow suit. Today we pioneered another initiative to help mitigate the harmful effects of Uber and Lyft on urban transportation, with a new fee structure designed to convert more solo trips to shared ones and boost CTA ridership, which is also likely to set a precedent for other towns.The City Council passed Mayor Lori Lightfoots $11.65 billion budget, including the new ride-hail tax, by a 39 to 11 margin, with several aldermen referring to it as a sensible and progressive measure.

Currently Chicago has a flat total tax of $0.72 per Uber or Lyft trip, whether its a blue-collar worker taking an Uber Pool ride home from their local L station at 3 a.m., or a CEO taking a traffic-clogging private trip many miles downtown during the morning rush. Under the new system, the tax on a shared ride in the neighborhoods drops to $0.65, while the fee on a private one goes up to $1.25. Downtown shared trips during peak hours (weekdays from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m.) will be taxed at $1.25, while private downtown peak-hour trips will be assigned a full $3 fee.

The new structure should encourage more people to take advantage of already-cheaper Uber Pool and Lyft Line rates instead of taking private trips by providing a $0.60 tax savings in the neighborhoods. It should also make many people think twice about using ride-hail downtown, where there are plentiful transit options. That should ease congestion, speed up bus service, boost CTA ridership, and help prevent service cuts and fare hikes due to ride-hail cannibalizing transit use. The new tax is projected to raise $40 million a year, with most of that going to plug Chicagos $838 million budget hole, but $2 million earmarked for projects to improve bus service, such as dedicated lanes.

Needless to say, the ride-hail companies, particularly Uber, fought Lightfoots initiative tooth-and-nail. Their main strategy was to argue that the new fees would disproportionately impact poor and working people on the South and West sides, with Uber enlisting 35 Black ministers to bolster their claim that the tax would hurt African Americans. (Last spring all 35 clergy members helped the corporation make the same argument about the citys deal with Lyft to expand the Divvy bike-share system citywide, part of a propaganda campaign that also involved Uber buying sympathetic news coverage in local Black media.) For example, Reverend William Hall claimed that the mayors plan would balance the budget on the backs of low-income communities.

However, numbers from a recent city of Chicago report on ride-hail data show that wont be the case. As it stands, most trips hailed on the South and West sides are shared, non-downtown trips, which will be cheaper under the new structure, while 70 percent of rides requested downtown and on the more affluent North Side are private. Therefore, as you can see from the map below by the Center for Neighborhood Technology, the vast amount of the new revenue will come from higher-income communities. Meanwhile, lower-income Chicagoans, who are more likely to depend on transit, particularly buses, will disproportionately benefit from the enhanced CTA service.

As such, several transportation advocates of color who prioritize racial justice told me they were in favor of the fee structure (although some said they would like to see more of the revenue go towards transit, particularly in Black and Brown communities.) We applaud Mayor Lightfoot moving us toward a more equitable [ride-hail] tax, said Christian Mariano Diaz of the Logan Square Neighborhood Association, which fights housing displacement.

People have definitely been getting misinformation from the pastors who are Uber supporters, said Lesl Honor, director of Washington Park-based KLEO Community Family Life Center, which focuses on violence prevention through strengthening families. So helping our clients understand that was inaccurate and showing them the data from the city has been really important.

A New Yorker who gave me a heads-up that Uber was sending its two top NYC PR flacks to our city told me that the two staffers dont give a s about poor people in Chicago. In any case, the companys hypocrisy in claiming that its main opposition to Lightfoots plan was that it would hurt lower-income Chicagoans, when its primary concern was its own bottom line, was laid bare today. A Reuters analysis of Chicago ride-hail datapublished this morning revealed that the fares UberPool rates, which are disproportionately taken by residents who need to save money, have gone up significantly overthe past year while private UberX fares stayed flat.

During the speeches by aldermen at todays Council meeting, a few of the politicians who mentioned the ride-hail tax plan praised it as a smart, forward-thing measure. Michael Rodriguez (22nd) called it equitable, Leslie Hairston (5th) described it as a progressive measure, and Scott Waguespack (32nd) said it would make ride-hail pay its fair share and also reduce congestion in the Central Business District.

Aldermen who spoke out against the new fees included Andre Vasquez (40th) and Raymond Lopez (15). Lopez grandstanded against the plan at a Finance committee hearing last week, arguing that the city should have instead accepted an Uber counterproposal that would have generally lowered the fees, and therefore had little impact on congestion but was somehow supposed to simultaneously raise an extra $10 million.

After the meeting, Lincoln Square alderman Matt Martin (47th), who voted against Lightfoots budget, told me he still supported the ride-hail fees, which he called a good first move towards addressing traffic jams. I think its a step in the right direction when you look at our revenue issues and getting the conversation going around congestion. Part of what it pays for is a broader congestion [pricing] study, which we need to look at, not just ride-share but [private cars] and trucks vehicles in the larger central business district as well.

Streetsblog Chicago published about a dozen articles on the ride-hail tax, including debunking every single ill-informed or misleading op-ed and editorial in the mainstream media claiming that the measure would hurt poor people or wreck the local economy, so Id like to think that we made a significant difference in getting the initiative approved. If you appreciate our advocacy on the issue, please consider clicking the link below and donating to help us win a $50,000 challenge grant from the Chicago Community Trust so that we can keep doing this work next year. Thanks for your support.

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Once again Chicago leads the way, passing a tax to help get Uber and Lyft under control - Streetsblog Chicago

The streaming video advertising market remains a work in progress. Audiences have already shifted to streaming in droves, and advertisers have accelerated their pursuit. However, advertisers find themselves migrating to a market still under development, with measurement holes and overlapping ad sellers.

Despite these setbacks, companies recognize they cannot afford to sit back and wait for the market to mature. Brand and agency execs gathered at the Digiday Video Advertising Summit in Palm Springs, California, last week to discuss the challenges they face and the opportunities they have found in navigating the converging TV and digital video ad market. Heres what we learned:

TV-and-video ad measurement is a messMeasurement remains the primary problem advertisers face across the TV and digital video ad market. The shift to streaming may eventually smooth things out, as all programming and ads become delivered over the internet, but for now the measurement picture is rudimentary at best. Traditional providers like Nielsen are able to monitor streaming impressions, but not equally across all environments. Meanwhile, the lack of a universal identifier makes it hard to measure ad exposures against individual people or households. Even marketers unconcerned with traditional reach-and-frequency metrics can struggle to ascertain performance marks, like tying product sales to ad exposures, because multi-touch attribution can be too costly or complicated for many marketers to implement effectively.

Bottom line: Measuring ads across TV and streaming is imprecise, but advertisers must make do with what they can measure and use those measurements to project what they cant.

Connected TV ad buying has become overly complicatedConnected TV advertising would appear to combine the best of TV (fully viewable ads on the biggest screen in peoples homes) and the best of digital (fine-tuned targeting and dynamic delivery). But the combination of TV and digital has also complicated the connected TV ad market. Advertisers can buy inventory from TV networks for shows syndicated on streaming services. But those streaming services can also sell inventory to the same advertisers, who can also buy ads on those services from the connected TV platforms carrying the streamers as well as ad tech firms plugging into them. There are some guardrails in place, like being able to block Hulu from running ads against specific programs. However, not all sellers are able to provide advertisers with that level of control for the inventory they aggregate; they require extra attention to detail on the part of ad buyers to mitigate inventory overlap.

Bottom line: Advertisers and agencies need to give themselves as clear a view of the inventory they are buying as they can and communicate that across their buying teams.

Creative is becoming more data-drivenData access is no longer solely the domain of advertisers and agencies media teams. While using data has proven valuable for targeting audiences and tracking ads effectiveness, it is also emerging as an opportunity to ensure that the right ads are being created and run. A targeted ad is less effective when the ad itself is not crafted to appeal to that particular audience. Marketers are beginning to put media strategists, analysts, copywriters and art directors in the same room to work on campaigns and ensure the data guiding the media plan also informs the creative strategy. However, there are challenges in applying data to creative. For starters, creative teams need to be open to using data. Additionally, organizations need to make sure the data is made available to creative teams and structured in a way to be easily interpreted.

Bottom line: Targeted ad campaigns can only be as effective as the specificity of their creative content.

Speaker highlights:Deutschs Lauren Tetuan detailed the limitations in streaming video advertising. Her key points:

Common Thread Collectives Savannah Sanchez gave an overview of how Facebooks automation tools can free up ad buyers to focus on creative. Her key points:

Portal As Nate Houghteling outlined how traditional celebrities are becoming YouTube stars. His key points:

Overheard:In terms of brand safety, TV and connected TV gets away with a lot more than digital because people arent taking screenshots of it.

Last year when we worked with Roku, they didnt have the capability of filtering Sling to make it brand-safe. Or Pluto. You had to blacklist at a channel level. Thats a big scale issue.

If you are going to direct, including NBC or CBS, they can blacklist programs for you. They can do that internally because it is their inventory. When youre looking at aggregators, thats where it gets tricky with blacklisting.

An exclusive, inside look at whats actually happening in the video industry, including original reporting, analysis of important stories and interviews with interesting executives and other newsmakers.

We see value in some direct deals because you dont need to pay all the tech fees and if you negotiate well they throw in a lot of added value such as brand studies, conversion lifts. Theres the discussion around how valuable is their data. Weve found it to be very valuable.

Sellers have so much control in the connected TV. We recently shot a commercial with a celebrity and wanted to buy shows that celebrity was in on ABC. We wanted to give them a big, fat check just for those shows, and they said we could only do 25% of our buy within those shows specifically and everything else would be run of [prime time].

Sellers are obstinate because they know theyre going to sell that inventory, so theyre not really worried about it.

If [NBCUniversal ad sales chief] Linda Yaccarino were here, shed say yes in all the right ways to all of us around programmatic and making content available. But she still has a sales staff with quarterly sales goals and bonuses, and theyre going to push against making things programmatic and making more content available for data-driven targeting. So when does the fight end for them?

When you look at the breakout of impressions for over the top, the majority of them are on smart TV. But Nielsen, these assholes I dont think theyre sponsoring this theyre only able to measure Roku and Hulu [for] in-demo impressions. Then your clients are all about, Wheres my Nielsen-validated in-demo impressions for OTT because of the cord-cutting with linear?

The pressure is on [Nielsen], but theres an undeniable opportunity inside of OTT. Pulling budgets out of it is just going to be shooting ourselves in the foot.

Frequency management is a measurement problem. You cant get an ID. You cant get enough measurement to understand whether this is the same person or the same household.

We need to start shifting to more universal ways of tracking. Lauren Tetuan, head of media at Deutsch

Our job is to grow as much first-party data as possibleFirst-party data is currency. Andrew Eklund, founder and CEO of Ciceron

The return on investment [for an organic video series that Under Armour distributed on YouTube], as measured by watch time, was so much higher because it cost the same to get in front of [viewers] as a 15- or 30-second ad but averaged seven minutes. Jason Mitchell, CEO of Movement Strategy

The Disney bundle [of Disney+, Hulu and ESPN+] came out for $12.99, so theyre driving the rate of the bundles down so much. How long are the others like Netflix going to be able to keep up with a subscription at that low of a rate without allowing advertising?

I dont think weve seen [the increase in ad-free streaming options] impact media budgets associated with video up to this point, but I still think its early days.

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'The pressure is on': Insights from the Digiday Video Advertising Summit - Digiday