Archive for the ‘Liberals’ Category

Do Coastal Liberals Hate Middle America? – New York Magazine

Do elite liberals want to take this flag down and turn the barn into an abortion clinic? Photo: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images

One of the most regular conservative arguments about politics and culture, which has been around at least since Spiro T. Agnew but has had a huge renaissance in the Trump era, is that liberal elites clustered in big cities, especially on the East and West Coasts, look down on, or at a minimum dont understand, the plain and mostly white folk of the Great American Heartland.

Some members of the liberal elite deny the charge, while others glory in it; most do make the point that if the 2016 presidential elections are any indication, there are at least as many Americans in one camp as in the other (though all those underpopulated red spaces are a problem for Democrats who would like to control the Senate or a majority of state governments someday). The distinguished liberal journalist Mike Tomasky is the latest to echo the charge. Lets consider it on the merits at this particular and particularly fraught moment in American political history.

Tomaskys point of departure is this:

Unlike coastal liberals, he continues, people in the heartland go to church; have things that interest them more than politics; are not averse to owning guns or admiring the military or global corporations; and are reflexively patriotic.

These are, as Tomasky knows, overgeneralizations, not just of heartland people but of the coastal elites that supposedly despise them. Although he self-effacingly places himself in the ranks of the clueless and the insensitive, Mike Tomasky is actually a native of West Virginia, probably ground zero for the estrangement of white Middle Americans from the national brand of liberal politics in recent years. I happen to know he has plenty of things other than politics he cares about, including college football; I know this because I share that passion. Indeed, as a Heartland native (though now living in the Central Coast of California), I avoid talking or even thinking about politics when Im around folks who have nonpolitical day jobs; have no problem understanding why people, especially in rural areas, own guns, or why the biggest employer in many towns is as likely to be regarded as a benefactor as a villain. I even go to church very regularly. There are more people like Tomasky, and even like me, in the ranks of coastal liberal elites than he lets on.

And while you can always find professional or armchair liberal observers who have the attitudes Tomasky condemns, they are not really found that often among people in the business of running for office you know, the liberal politicians Middle America is presumed to hate. I cant recall ever hearing a Democratic politician spit contempt at people for being religious. Democrats have gone far out of their way to express support for the Second Amendment, and now regularly talk about gun safety rather than gun control. And conspicuous displays of patriotism and of respect for the military were as common at the coastal-elite-dominated 2016 Democratic National Convention as at the aggressively Middle American GOP confab.

Yes, contemporary liberals are sometimes inflexible and tone deaf, but the examples Tomasky cites are questionable:

Intra-Democratic infighting on the exact level of minimum-wage increases subsided with the end of the Sanders/Clinton presidential nominating fight, and many culture-war battles are the product not of liberal dogma but of conservative efforts to find wedge issues. After all, it was the North Carolina GOPs bathroom bill that ignited the transgender rights controversy, and we wouldnt be arguing over municipal Christmas decorations if not for Fox News annual War on Christmas meme. You cant really blame these sources of cultural tension on intolerant liberals who would generally prefer to talk about other issues.

While the disease Tomasky deplores may not be as all-ravaging as he suggests, I guess theres nothing wrong with administering a particularly strong inoculation. There is a species of coastal-elite liberal media that writes and talks strictly for people like themselves and wouldnt know Kentucky from Timbuktu, though its not as large a segment of the media as often imagined.

But there is another problem Tomasky does not address: There are sometimes reasons other than elitism, and the very opposite of indifference to Middle America, that dictate fighting the heartlands political representatives vigorously.

The fight against Trumpcare is about many things, but none is so important as the fight to keep the state and local governments of Middle America from shirking the needs of their poorer and sicker citizens. If coastal elites really didnt give a damn about anyone else, theyd probably accept a deal from Susan Collins and Bill Cassidy to let the states keep or kill Obamacare as they wished, and let those red-state African-Americans and hillbillies suffer the consequences. Similarly, there is probably nothing that would lower the cultural temperature of American politics more than some sort of grand bargain on abortion, such as letting different places have different policies. There have been liberals who have urged that kind of compromise for years. But it would be a betrayal of the reproductive rights of women who happen to live in inconvenient places the very places liberals are thought to dislike and abhor.

Its always a good idea to make some effort to understand people with different backgrounds, different views, different life circumstances, and yes, even different prejudices than our own. But to the extent that liberals genuinely believe their policies are best for the whole country you know, the country they are suspected of loving too little then arguing that the Heartland is worse for their absence is an act not of elite disdain but of communal affection.

She denies her paid speeches for Wall Street audiences represented special treatment. Its probably true, but hard to prove.

Were increasingly divided between people who think Trumps doing a fine job, and people who think Congress should take steps to impeach him.

Sergeant Hugh Barry was indicted nearly six months after fatally shooting 66-year-old Deborah Danner.

U.S. officials released a video that shows the simulated ICBM being shot down.

The committee issued seven subpoenas Wednesday: four related to the Russia investigation, and three concerning the unmasking controversy.

The SpaceX and Tesla CEO has joined scores of other businesspeople speaking out in favor of the agreement.

She also slagged the DNC and addressed the possibility of running for office again.

Al Franken continues to trash talk his Senate colleague.

The firms knowingly misled doctors and patients about the risks inherent to opioid painkillers, the lawsuit alleges.

As the First Daughter keeps her head down, her dads decisions call into question how much pull she really has.

The president enlists his 11-year-old son Barron to express his outrage in the aftermath of the controversial Kathy Griffin photo shoot.

The right plans to seed damaging narratives about Warren early just as it did with Clinton. But that task will be much harder this time around.

Theresa May figured a snap election would strengthen her hand in Brexit talks. But the Tory lead is shrinking and Jeremy Corbyns doing well.

There is fresh evidence that African-American turnout sagged notably in 2016, and is not rebounding so far in 2017, either.

The former FBI director could appear before the Senate as soon as next week, CNN reports.

Liz Spayd, the papers sixth public editor, will also be its last.

The firm also attempted to hide its role in the film, which constituted the bulk of work it did on behalf of Turkeys government.

After months of deliberation, Trump has reportedly decided to undermine global cooperation on climate change and Americas diplomatic clout.

The student was supposed to be graduating from nursing school, but instead spent two hours stuck underground.

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Do Coastal Liberals Hate Middle America? - New York Magazine

OPINION: Kathy Griffin is just the tip of the liberal violence iceberg – The Hill (blog)

One of the pillars of democracy erodes before our eyes. The ability to disagree with the politically different disintegrates under red and black flags, and hooded rioters obscuring their faces. Its not Donald TrumpDonald TrumpPerez: Trumps allegiance is with Putin Pro-Paris agreement protest planned outside the White House Thursday Bloomberg: '55 percent chance' Trump will win reelection MOREs secret police. Its not something out of a dystopian novel. Its the very real culture of permissive violence exploding from todays left. Bit by bit, this sort of behavior becomes quickly normalized (in the parlance du jour) and escalated.

While theres generally been blackout coverage of these mostly peaceful riots in the legacy media, every once in awhile something breaks through. Such is the case with the ever desperate Kathy Griffins latest sickening stunt. Griffin, who most people arent exactly sure why she is famous, posed for photos featuring the decapitated head of President Trump. Intended for an audience eager for more and more radical action, Griffin jumped over a big red line. Even CNN had to ask: did shecommit a felony?

The real underlying question is why Griffin thought that such an odious action was acceptable in the first place. In the echo chamber of the modern left wing, its obvious. Where is the swift condemnation of the stunt by this comedian? Whataboutisms abounded, said one Twitter commentatorwith 217 followers a random hillbilly once depicted a hanged President Obama!

Some criticism came in from the left, including CNNs Jake Tapper. He hosted a segment where surprise, surprise, his panel said the network hadbetter things to talk aboutthan her. Considering the news network employs her for their New Years I forgot to turn on Ryan Seacrest snoozefest says enough.

Will this incident live past this news cycle? Will there be solemn op-eds calling for soul searching among leaders of the Democratic Party for their tacit support of violent rhetoric and its predictable results? How many Seth Meyers and Stephen Colbert monologues will ridicule Griffin back into obscurity? Unfortunately, such questions are a waste of time. Even violence committed by that side of the aisle gets blamed on the White House.

One of the rioters in Berkeley was finally arrested for assaulting a Trump supporterwith a bike lock. Kellyanne Conway called on Democratic Party leaders toquell the rising violenceamong their supporters. Police againarrested violent protestersduring the Peoples Republic of Seattles May Day. Black clad antifa rioters assault and intimidate citizens and pro-Trump marchers.

Meanwhile, if you turned on the mainstream media, you would think that President Trump was personally leading a campaign of violence from the left wing Oregon hipster district to the Montana congressional race.

Take last weeks terrible attack on passengers in Portland. A mentally deranged man screamed at two Muslim women and slit the throats of their defenders. The media saw its narrative perfectly crafted. Except he was aBernie supporting,Jill Stein voting, Trump hating maniac. The New York Daily News instantly declared Trump ignored the incident. The Huffington Post had to one up or should I say20-upthem. Inverse said that Trumps tweet condemning the attackdidnt even exist.

Iwrote about the issuetwo months ago and it only seems to be getting worse. This isnt some sort of game. Its peoples lives and livelihoods played with to reach the front of TMZ or the Huffington Post. Heck, the latter said that violence was logical and apologized to ... you guessed it, liberals.

Its not funny. Its not edgy. Its just wrong.

Where does the atmosphere of delegitimizing an elected government and brushing violence under the rug get you? Well, it gets youthis(editor's note: graphic image).

Kristin Tateis a conservative columnist and author of the book Government Gone Wild: How D.C. Politicians Are Taking You For a Ride And What You Can Do About It. She was recently named one of NewsMaxs 30 Most Influential Republicans Under 30. Follow her @KristinBTate.

The views expressed by contributors are their own and are not the views of The Hill.

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OPINION: Kathy Griffin is just the tip of the liberal violence iceberg - The Hill (blog)

‘Unstable,’ ‘Evil’: Liberals, Journalists Freak Out Over Trump ‘Covfefe’ Typo – Washington Free Beacon

AP

BY: Alex Griswold May 31, 2017 11:44 am

President Donald Trump made aTwitter typolate Tuesday night, tweeting about the negative "covfefe" he was receiving from the press.

Most on the left and the right alike saw the typo as just an amusing mistake. Trump himself joined in the fun Wednesday morning, challenging his Twitter followers to figure out the "true meaning" of the made-up word.

But some saw the "covfefe" tweet as a more nefarioussign of Trump's ineptitude, or declared the tweet was very,very important in the grand scheme of things.

"The U.S. president's half-finished late night tweet is the purest expression of his increasingly floundering presidency. He can't get his messaging right even at the simplest level," the Independent fretted.

CNN declared that "Covfefe' tells you all you need to know about Donald Trump."

"That lack of discipline reveals that there is simply no one who can tell Trump no,'" CNN editor at large Chris Cillizza wrote. "Or at least no one whom he will listen to."

Newsweek tweeted in response to the tweet that "we'll be telling our grandchildren about the covfefe' tweet." The actual headline was equally in awe of the tweet, declaring, "Donald Trump's Covfefe' Will Be the Word of the Yearor Century."

Meanwhile, the reaction on Twitter was equally indignant.

University of Virginia professor and political prognosticator Larry Sabato even suggested that cabinet members should take a look at the 25th Amendment, which allows them to remove the president from office in cases of mental inability or illness.

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'Unstable,' 'Evil': Liberals, Journalists Freak Out Over Trump 'Covfefe' Typo - Washington Free Beacon

Melanie Joly Accused Of Misleading House About Madeleine Meilleur’s Contact With Liberals – Huffington Post Canada

OTTAWA Opposition MPs accused Heritage Minister Mlanie Joly Wednesday of misleading the House of Commons after she told them a former Ontario Liberal cabinet minister had never spoken to Prime Minister Justin Trudeaus office about an appointment something Madeleine Meilleur seemed to confirm publicly herself.

Meilleurs appointment as Official Languages Commissioner, a non-partisan parliamentary watchdog, has drawn opposition fire for two weeks now ever since her nomination was formally announced on May 15.

Heritage Minister Melanie Joly speaks in the House of Commons on May 31, 2017. (Photo: Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press)

In the Commons, both the Conservatives and the NDP attacked the Grits for nominating Meilleur, an Ontario Liberal MPP since 2003 who donated to the federal Liberals and financially supported Trudeaus bid to be party leader.

The opposition believe Meilleurs partisan leanings make her unqualified to serve as a non-partisan agent of Parliament, such as the information commissioner and the auditor general.

Its incredible to see how the Liberals are completely erasing the line between the independence of agents of Parliament and partisan politics, Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer said. Her donations to the Liberal party and to the prime minister should have disqualified her from the process.

Joly insisted that an independent process was used and that Meilleur was the best candidate of 72 who sought the job. But some have raised doubts.

Madeleine Meilleur is seen at the Ontario legislature in Toronto on June 11, 2013.

Michel Doucet, an outspoken Acadian lawyer specializing in language rights, let it be known that he had applied for the job. The current interim Official Languages commissioner, Ghislaine Saikaley, also applied, HuffPost has learned.

Saikaley issued a statement Wednesday recusing herself from hearing the numerous complaints her office received about the appointment process to avoid a potential conflict of interest.

If the [appointment] process was independent, Conservative MP Denis Lebel asked during question period, why did Ms. Meilleur meet with people in the Prime Ministers Office?

Joly responsed that Ms. [Katie] Telford and Mr. [Gerald] Butts never discussed with Ms. Meilleur the subject of becoming the official languages commissioner.

These discussions never took place, she said.

But that seems to fly in the face of comments Meilleur gave at a committee hearing on May 18.

When NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair asked whom she had spoken to in the Liberal party about wanting to become a senator or a commissioner, Meilleur said she approached Butts, Trudeaus principal secretary, and Telford, his chief of staff.

I spoke to Gerald Butts, she said. I know him well, because he worked for Mr. McGuinty, in Toronto, and I worked with him.

I expressed my interest and was told that now there was a process an open and transparent process. I was told that I had to go through the process. That's what I did.

Later, questioned by Conservative John Nater, Meilleur said she had also spoken to Telford in an unspecific manner.

I had a coffee with Katie and I was asking her if I could offer my service to serve Canadians just that I'd like to continue to serve, she said.

In the House, Conservative MP Erin OToole said the evidence didnt support Jolys comments that Meilleur had never discussed her appointment as official languages commissioner Butts or Telford and he asked Speaker Geoff Regan, a Liberal from Nova Scotia, to make a prima facie finding of contempt in this house because the minister refuses to correct the record.

Regan declined to rule and tried to shut down all the complaints about Joly after more than seven MPs stood up to suggest she was being less than truthful.

Speaker Geoff Regan is seen in the House of Commons.

Conservative MP Sylvie Boucher objected to Jolys suggestion that the opposition was consulted.

That is not true, Boucher said. She should stop saying that.

Joly notified the Conservative and NDP official languages critics but not the party leaders, whom she is legally obliged to consult.

We dont agree with the appointment at all. And she should take responsibility for that, Boucher said.

Mulcair also complained that the Liberals had potentially appointed someone who may not be able to investigate the prime minister because her past political donations might place her in an apparent conflict of interest.

What a crock of nonsense, Mulcair said. How can the Liberals explain appointing a commissioner who cannot even investigate the prime minister?

Conservative Lisa Raitt wondered what it all meant for the appointment of another watchdog of Parliament the ethics commissioner, when current commissioner Mary Dawsons term expires in July. Dawson is currently investigating Trudeaus potential conflict of interest in vacationing at the Aga Khans private island in the Bahamas.

Are we waiting to see how somebody's chat with Gerry and Katie goes before we get someone in this place? Raitt asked.

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Melanie Joly Accused Of Misleading House About Madeleine Meilleur's Contact With Liberals - Huffington Post Canada

To save the welfare state, liberals need a new narrative about personal responsibility – Vox

A few weeks ago, Rep. Mo Brooks (R-AL) told CNNs Jake Tapper that he favored the GOPs recent health care bill because it reduces the costs to those people who lead good lives, to those who keep their bodies healthy.

Setting aside for the moment that many health crises are not self-inflicted, Brookss logic is simple: If a person makes poor decisions, no one especially the state is obliged to help them. Or, more fundamentally, every individual is responsible only for themselves.

Liberals typically reject this logic. To the extent that they support health care or other social safety nets, they do so because they believe the state has a moral obligation to care for its citizens, especially the needy.

This divide animates almost every political dispute.

A new book titled The Age of Responsibility: Luck, Choice, and the Welfare State is challenging both the conservative and liberal narratives about choice and responsibility. The author is Yascha Mounk, a lecturer in political theory at Harvard University and a nonresident fellow at New Americas Political Reform Program.

Mounk argues that the left and the right have embraced a narrow and misleading conception of personal responsibility.

I sat down with him last week, and we talked about what a positive conception of responsibility looks like, and why punishing people for bad choices is a mistake. We also discussed what a properly constructed welfare state looks like, and why the left has failed to convince the right that stronger social safety nets are in everyones interest.

Our conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

Maybe the best way to start is to have you explain how you define and think about responsibility.

How we think about responsibility has changed over time. Part of the problem is that it's really narrowed over time. When you think about what associations people had with the word responsibility in the '50s or '60s, I think they often would have thought about the duties we have toward other people. JFK's famous speech, "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country," doesn't have the word responsibility in it, but it's a way to think about responsibility responsibility that goes beyond yourself, to your town, your community, your family, your country.

How has the concept of responsibility narrowed over time?

What we mean by responsibility has changed, so that now when we talk about responsibility, what we mean is that you have this sort of obligation to account for your own actions. It used to be that, "Look, you have responsibility outside yourself," and now it's like, "Well, look you have to acquit yourself of your own needs. You have to make sure that you have enough money to eat, that you don't ask things of the state or of others because you've made some bad choices, because you failed at something." Responsibility has become this really narrow and punitive idea not of what you owe to others, but of you making sure that others won't owe anything to you.

So now when we talk about responsibility, we tend to leave out the ways in which each person has duties to a society at large. This is more or less what Im talking about when I refer to this as the age of responsibility. Its an age in which responsibility has come to mean only personal responsibility.

I think a lot of this reduces to a core problem with libertarianism or classical liberalism: These are philosophies of rights, they give us a language of rights, but they dont give us a language of duties or obligations. Its all about what the state cant do to us (which is important, obviously), but theres nothing about what we owe our community, our neighbors, etc.

Yeah, I think thats right. There's this way of thinking about responsibilities and obligations that is all about, "Well, are you a good human being? Have you made the right choices or not? Are you yourself to blame for being in need?" It doesn't really think about the objectives of what we're trying to achieve as a society or what we may have in common.

When you're thinking about larger questions of economic policy, it actually winds up being pretty much in everybody's interest to revitalize parts of cities or to make sure that people who have made bad choices in the past are able to enter the workforce and become productive members of society.

The thing we should all be able to agree on is that this very, very narrow conception of responsibility and of our rights actually blinds us to all of those important considerations of public policy.

Then theres a sort of deeper question that you were raising: How do we think about what our rights are and what our duties are? How do we think about our institutions?

I guess that raises the obvious question: How can we get our institutions to reflect a view of responsibility that obliges us to care about other people and not just ourselves?

The move that I tried to make in the book is to say, "How do we think about something like the law of the state?" At the moment, we have this pre-political conception of rights and duties. It says, "Well, if you're in need for reasons beyond your own control - because you've had a car accident or because you were born with some disability - then we owe you something. But if, on the other hand, you're in need because you've made choices, then we don't owe you anything." " and, "If you're in need because you've made choices, then we don't owe you anything." Then the idea becomes that the institution of a welfare state is supposed to track that preexisting, pre-political set of ideas we have about who you are, what your character is, what choices you've made.

I think that gets it the wrong way around. I think there are political purposes that together, as a society, we're pursuing, and we should be setting up welfare state institutions in order to serve those purposes.

What would a properly constructed welfare state look like? What are the guiding principles?

I think then you get into a complicated discussion where there's a lot of trade-offs, but that captures to me what the truth of the matter is. I cant say, "This is the one principle that applies, and everything else doesn't matter," but that's how we think about it at the moment. We tend to think about this in terms of blame and fault. We say, "Well, it depends on if its your own fault or not. If it's not your own fault, then we owe you something. If it is your own fault, well, fuck you."

Instead, I think we should say, no, we want a welfare state that allows us to become a society of free and equal citizens in which we don't have the same amount of money, but in which each of us can appear in public as a true equal participant in our political system, in our democracy. A society in which we think of each other with respect and think of each other as socially equal, where nobody is so poor that the way they walk through the street marks them out as a member of the underclass. That's an important value to me personally.

There are other values that are very important as well. We also want a prosperous economy. We also want a dynamic economy. We also want to reduce suffering, needless suffering. That's an important goal of a welfare state. Sometimes these things will be at cross-purposes. Sometimes we may have to sacrifice a bit of economic dynamism for the sake of a greater moral good. There are always trade-offs and considerations.

How does your conception of responsibility inform some of the issues being contested today? Im thinking of the health care debate in particular, which is weighed down by divergent conceptions of personal responsibility.

Health care is a great example of how the obsession with personal responsibility poisons our political debate. Republicans say that people have a responsibility to take care of their own needs; if healthy people fail to take out health insurance, and then fall sick, that's their own problem. Democrats retort that we owe people health care irrespective of the choices they've made.

Now, I happen to agree with Democrats on this one, but I actually think this way of framing the question is far too narrow both from a philosophical perspective and in terms of just, well, winning the debate. Because the thing is: America pays far more on health care than other industrialized nations. And all that money buys us worse outcomes. So if we focus on this systemic question, rather than the ins and outs of who made which choice and owes what to whom, then we are both addressing more fundamental issues and, paradoxically, might have a better chance of seeing common ground.

Theres a pragmatism to that point that undergirds a lot of what you write in the book. Youre obviously of the left, but this is a pretty even-handed analysis. You argue in the book that both the left and the right are wrong about responsibility, albeit in different ways. The right is mired in this punitive framework, and the left, on your view, tends to deny accountability altogether.

The story on the right is simple, and it's sort of simple why that story is wrong. The right asks, Well, is it your own fault that you're in need? If it is your own fault, fuck you. We don't own you anything." Even if you're suffering a lot, even if we could easily remedy your suffering, even if it might have these good structural consequences if we help you, its not our duty to do that. Somebody might want to do it out of charity, but certainly the state shouldn't do it. I think this is shortsighted, unproductive, and not appealing as a vision for what we want to be as a society.

Now, what's happened on the left is really interesting. A lot of people on the left have taken on board the basic normative premise that the right has advanced in the age of responsibility. They've come to agree that, "Yes, the choices you've made in the past should influence what we owe you today. You've made bad choices. We owe you less." But they still end up arguing for a total welfare state, and they do it by arguing against an empirical ascriptions of responsibility.

To be clear, when you say arguing against an empirical ascription of responsibility, does that mean denying that people can or should be held accountable for those bad choices theyve made?

Yeah, basically. What you hear on the left is that people may have failed to live up to their personal responsibilities but that this isnt actually their fault in any way. Everybody is a victim of structure, a victim of these forces beyond themselves, and a reason why we can't hold people responsible in any way is that they have no agency.

Now, I get why people attempt to make this argument. I get what's appealing about it, but I think it really has proven politically ineffective.

Ineffective because its basically an incoherent argument or ineffective because its just not politically persuasive?

Perhaps both. I just know that it hasnt worked well in practice. When you keep saying, "Look, yes, people in this community are poor, but it's because they're victims of everything, so we should feel sorry for them," thats not effective. People on the other side arent buying that argument. So if you want to preserve or strengthen the welfare state, thats not the way to do it.

The way I think about it is that most people are capable of agency, and most people want to take responsibility for their own lives. They want to take responsibility for their loved ones, for their communities, for all kinds of things. So we should think again about how we can actually empower people who are disadvantaged to take on responsibility and find this more positive notion of what we mean when we say responsibility, rather than the instinctual left response of just denying that people who are in need have agency.

Well, I think this is a bit of a caricature of the smarter arguments on the left, but its probably not useful to debate that here. Let me ask you this: What do you say to someone who straightforwardly makes a normative libertarian argument that if someone consciously makes bad decisions, or if they simply refuse to work hard, they ought to pay a price for that and if they dont pay a price for that, we undercut the incentives for other people to work hard and apply themselves?

I think thats a pretty pragmatic argument. Again, I believe there are going to be trade-offs between having a really generous welfare state that helps people no matter what the circumstances, that strives to reduce suffering, and one that ensures we have the money we need in order to have a welfare state in a sustainable way, that ensures we have a dynamic economy. Those things could be in conflict, and I dont deny that.

Well, this is why we end up with an intractable value problem. Ultimately, people have to buy the moral argument that reducing suffering is a humane and just thing to do, irrespective of the economic benefits or costs.

Oh, absolutely. There are practical reasons to care about these things as well, as I mentioned earlier, but there is definitely a moral dimension to this argument. A lot of this depends on context too. Maybe in some countries, the culture is such that work is more prized and people are more desperate to work anyway, so the incentive isn't as important. Maybe in some countries, there's just more money to spend on a welfare state, so theres less of a competition with other kinds of political goods you might get from spending that money. You will get a range of outcomes depending on the empirical circumstances and depending on the values of a people or culture.

Your book sort of walks the line between a moral argument and a utilitarian argument.

I'm making a moral case that the punitive conception of personal responsibility is really cruel to people, really unfair to people in many circumstances. I'm also making a pragmatic case, especially to the left, that the way we tend to talk and think about responsibility, the way we've tended to play defense against this right-wing conception of personal responsibility, isn't working very well. If we actually want to have a productive conversation about the future of work, about the future of a welfare state or social entitlements, and if we want to win elections, we should think about it in very different ways. We should think about how to empower people by making them capable of real agency rather than making excuses for people by saying that theyre victims of structure.

Im more interested in the pragmatic case youd make to someone on the right, because thats ultimately who youre looking to persuade here. The left will buy any argument that advances a more generous welfare state, but the right has to be convinced that doing so will materially improve society.

Okay, lets take this example: How should we treat somebody who has lost their job for their own fault? They turned up late to work too many times and [are] now stuck in a very poor neighborhood far from employment opportunities. One question is, do we owe them assistance of transport? We could take the personal responsibility view and say, "No, we don't owe it to him because he made bad choices and thats why he lost his job, so we why should we care?

Now, we could take a more pragmatic view here and say, "Well, look, he actually needs access to a car in order to get the next job, and he actually wants a job, so it's in our interest to help him get access to that transportation because that means he will earn money, pay taxes, and contribute to the community rather than sinking further into desperation or crime or drug use or whatever. When that happens, society ultimately pays the price. So these are practical considerations that people on the right should be able to recognize.

My sense is that all the normative and philosophical arguments about responsibility are super interesting to weirdos like us who are into that kind of thing, but most people dont give a damn. If theres a politically persuasive case to be made for a more generous society, its got be less abstract and more concrete.

I totally agree. Look, you can either have this incredibly complicated and interesting debate that philosophers have had literally for thousands of years that ultimately devolves into intractable questions about whether people have free will or you can recognize that almost everyone wants to lead a life in which they consider themselves responsible for their own actions. Most people want to take control of their lives, want to take responsibility for others. We need to be thinking about how to help them do that.

So to the person on the right who says that Im only responsible for myself and my actions, and I dont care about the fate of other people, you respond not by saying, "Here is some abstract moral notion that I derived through amazing logic that you'll understand only if you, too, study philosophy for 20 years." A) I don't think that actually works philosophically, and b) it's not going to work practically anyway. What you can say is, "What does the world look like when you really think we have no obligations toward other people whatsoever? What kind of political, moral world do you enter, and is that a world you actually want to live in?"

I think for most people, if they really consider this, the answer is no.

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To save the welfare state, liberals need a new narrative about personal responsibility - Vox