Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

Why are Americans forced to feel the same fear that I did as a soldier in Iraq? – Task & Purpose

The entire United States Military Academy Corps of Cadets (roughly 4,000 men and women) eats meals together in a massive, open mess hall. At the center of it all is what remains of an early structure of the academy; an open balcony that overlooks each of the thousands of cadets at their 10-person tables.

During lunch, it is common for an appointed cadet to ascend the balcony, grab a microphone, and make announcements that pertain to the entire Corps. Attention to orders, the cadet will lead in, and at once, thousands of conversations and clinking utensils will drop silent. The announcing cadet then passes along the relevant information of the day.

I attended and graduated from the United States Military Academy West Point during a time of war, as did tens of thousands of future officers over the past two decades. When I started in 2002, the United States had forces in active combat in Afghanistan. In the spring of my first year, we invaded Iraq. As my time at West Point progressed and the wars escalated, so did the number of my friends and acquaintances who had gone into the fight.

During that time, I came to brace myself for the sad new reality of the lunchtime announcement: the persistent expectation that it may bring news of the death of another graduate a leader, mentor, and friend to those of us still wearing cadet gray. Attention to ordersthe Corps mourns the passing of a graduate of the Academy who was killed on combat operations in Iraq or Afghanistan, a fellow cadet would say. This was the announcement each time a death had been made public.

Lunch felt more serious for me after the first time a mentor of mine was killed. There seemed to be a daily moment when 4,000 of us would collectively hold our breath and hope that the next words after attention to orders wouldnt be the Corps mourns.

Personally, I came to accept it as a sobering reminder of the serious work I had agreed to take on: leading people in the execution of the policies of our elected leaders. It was a way of maintaining focus, and honoring and revering the fallen and those who still served. But I simultaneously felt deep guilt for the thought that came to mind with every announcement the Corps mourns, the announcer would say, and I would think, I hope its not someone I know.

Time has passed, and with it the march of sad news; many more friends, teammates, or even just familiar faces have met their end in service to our country. I have been out of the Army for years now, but I still carry the same sense of dread I did as a cadet. The lunchtime announcement has been replaced by the unexpected text from someone I havent spoken with in years. Hey, do you have a minute to talk? they often read, leading me to think, I wonder who died.

I have come to accept this feeling. I chose to enter the military and, thus chose to build some of my closest relationships with people who are disproportionately exposed to the risks of military service.

But I do not believe that every American should have to live with this lingering fear. Nor should we have to live like we are deployed in a combat zone.

I entertained the prospect of death every day during my deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan. I mitigated risk as much as possible for my soldiers before leading them on missions. I prepared letters for a friend to share with my wife, unborn son, brothers, and parents should I die. I even indulged in rituals a prayer hanging by the doorway of my sleeping quarters that I would read every time I left, or a rubber band around my wrist when I was back home to remind me to think about my friends in harms way.

Now it feels like the mentality I had while serving has returned. I feel things that I felt when I was at war; when Im thinking about what I will do with my family this weekend; when I am out and about with them. Where would a shooter start his attack? Where is the best place for me to put my children behind cover? Are my friends and relatives safe right now, wherever they are?

Just a few weeks ago, we saw yet another hate-filled person with legal access to war-making equipment end 10 lives, and destroy an unknowable number of others, right here on American soil. Afterward, I began a mental inventory of friends and colleagues who do I know who is from Buffalo or has loved ones there?

It was not the first time I have felt this dread and frustration. I have a friend whose family belongs to a synagogue in Pittsburgh. In October 2018, when I heard the news of the domestic terrorist using a legally-obtained assault rifle to attack the Tree of Life Synagogue, my heart immediately sank as I fumbled to grab my phone and reach out to my friend and make sure he and his family were safe (thankfully, they were).

I live in Colorado. Last year, after the Boulder supermarket shooting, I got out my phone to start checking on people who lived or worked in or near the town, feeling the same selfish feeling that causes me so much guilt: I hope nobody I know died.

My brother is gay. After the 2016 mass shooting at a bar in Orlando, I would lay awake wondering if someone with a problem and a weapon of war would happen across one of my brothers hangouts where he lives.

Even more important to consider are children, targeted and slaughtered across our country for decades, with nothing done to stem the ever-rising tide.

Sometimes, the oldest of my three children comes home from school and casually remarks, we did a lockdown today. His school is a few miles away from STEM School Highlands Ranch, the site of a school shooting in 2019. He asked me once a few years ago, Im not going to die for a really, really long time, right? A lump welled in my throat as my immediate and unspoken reaction was that I had no way of guaranteeing that.

The other night, following the mass murder at an elementary school in Uvalde, Texas, I had to try to help my son process what happened earlier in the day. It was our first open conversation about mass shootings. He was focused on the tactical what should I do if Im in the bathroom alone when theres a lockdown? as he cried for the children who had been murdered earlier in the day.

The next morning, I wept in my car after seeing my children off for the day. It made me think of people saying goodbye to loved ones as they embarked on deployments.

And so I, and I would assume many people like me, live with this dark cloud of dread in the back of my mind. Somewhere out there right now, the next mass murderer is building up the resolve to do the unspeakable. Maybe he is deranged, maybe hes just grossly misled and emboldened by the enlivened presence of misinformation in our country. Regardless, he will get a military-grade weapon, and limitless ammunition, walk into a public space, and destroy countless lives. Will the next lives belong to people I know?

This cloud of dread is accompanied by frustration and outrage. Our society is under attack by domestic terrorists who are armed with inexplicably protected weapons and fueled by ridiculous rhetoric and theories that blossom in our point-scoring political environment. We are all now, to a degree, at higher risk as we live under the policies and leadership of elected officials that fail to protect us.

Those officials have made no real movement to protect us from these terrorists, and moreover, they confoundingly enable them. They protect the ability for people to own weapons of war in the face of an 81% majority of our citizens who want mandatory background checks and nearly two-thirds who want an outright assault weapons ban, according to Pew Research Center.

I volunteered for a life where I would have to think tactically about what to do under fire. My eight-, five-, and four-year-old children did not. I volunteered to become part of a profession in which I would come to know, respect and love a disproportionate number of people who met violent ends. My neighbors did not. Yet these innocents are being asked implicitly and sometimes explicitly to bear the unbearable, while those with the power to change our lot for the better continue to do nothing.

We are all at risk, and an overwhelming majority of us have specified how we want that risk reduced; why are our leaders permitting these attacks to continue?

Thomas Leonard served as an infantry officer in the United States Army from 2006 to 2014. The opinions expressed in this article are his alone and do not represent the United States Army or his current employer.

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Why are Americans forced to feel the same fear that I did as a soldier in Iraq? - Task & Purpose

A flashback to 1982 liberation of ‘Bride of Middle East’ from Iraq – Press TV

Yusef JalaliPress TV, Khorramshahr

It is just another day in Iran's southwestern city of Khorramshahr, with the call to prayer resonating from the city's main mosque, Masjed Jame'.But 40 years ago, the mosque was witness to a historic day that changed the course of the Iraq-Iran war in the 1980s.It was the day when the city was recaptured from the Iraqi forces after 19 months.

War veteran Abdul Saheb still recalls what he refers to as the decisive day.

Khorramshahr was the first city that was captured by Iraq shortly after the onset of a war that took a marathon eight years only to end in a ceasefire with no gains for Iraq.

Then, Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein enjoyed full military support from the West, believing to capture Khorramshahr only in three hours.

But the strategic port city of Khorramshahr was finally captured by Iraq in October 1980.

After an eventful 576 days, the city was liberated in May 1982 during Operation Beit ol-Moqaddas, which forced Iraqis to retreat to the border.

Once known as the 'Bride of the Middle East', Khorramshahr, today, has turned into a symbol of resistance in Iran.

While some of the bullet-riddled walls are still kept untouched, everywhere else in the city, there is a sign that reminds passers by of the May 24th resistance.

The liberation of Khorramshahr went down in history as a turning point in the Iraq Iran war that changed the fate of the war and stopped the Iraqi forces from making further incursions into the Iranian soil.

That's why Iranians still remember the decisive moment to honor those who made it happen.

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A flashback to 1982 liberation of 'Bride of Middle East' from Iraq - Press TV

‘I’ve Emerged as a Stronger and More Empathetic Human Being’ – VFW

It was a glimpse at the human condition from the fifth floor of the Walter Reed National Military Medical Center in Bethesda, Maryland, in 2010 that gave John Peck hope.

The Marine and quadruple amputee, one of five veterans from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to survive such level of trauma, watched as a fellow amputee waited for a bus down below.

And I was thinking, Hes going to throw himself in front of a bus, said Peck, who served with 3rd Bn., 1st Marines, in Iraq and Afghanistan in 2007 and 2010, respectively. But instead, this woman and little girl come up and grab his hand, and they all walk away.

John Peck is a life member of VFW Post 4551 in Antioch, Illinois. He survived two IED explosions while serving in Iraq (2007) and Afghanistan (2010) and is one of only five veterans from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars to become a quadruple amputee. Photo courtesy of John Peck.The image offered Peck a canvas, upon which he could paint what life could offer if he continued to fight for his own.

I remember thinking, If this guy can find love and have a family, maybe so can I, added the Life member of VFW Post 4551 in Antioch, Illinois. There was no epiphany, just moments like these thathelped pull me back through.

Peck delved into bettering himself, learning how to use a wheelchair and taking care of his body and mind. He left behind what used to be, opening up to the possibility of what was to come.

By 2016, he had received a rare double- arm transplant and met a woman, remarried and began assembling computers.

Every month since the transplant, Peck relives that image he witnessed from the fifth floor at Walter Reed. Now, his wife, Jessica, helps him return to military doctors to undergo treatments designed to prevent his body from rejecting the new limbs.

Peck also began chronicling his experiences in what became the book, Rebuilding Sergeant Peck: How I Put Body and Soul Back Together After Afghanistan, in 2019.

In the memoir, Peck opens up about his two traumatic experiences and their aftermath. Peck writes about the roadside bomb in Iraq that left him with traumatic brain injuries in 2007, from which took years to recover. He also writes about his return to active-duty military service and the other IED he stepped on in Afghanistan in 2010, resulting in a three-monthlong coma and the loss of his two legs and eventually both of his arms.

Through it all, Ive emerged as a stronger and more empathetic human being truly rebuilt, including my new arms, Peck wrote. I want readers to know that things will always get better, to have faith, and to try to have a sense of humor about it all. If I can achieve my goals with all that Ive been through, anyone can.

The books success and traction within the military community earned Peck an audience with then-President Donald Trump in 2019 at the White House in Washington, D.C., where he spoke in front of a large crowd.

The now 35-year-old Marine also has served as a motivational speaker, traveling across the country to share his experiences with physical pain, bouts of depression and his adjustments to life as a quadruple amputee.

Peck continues to donate portions of his memoirs royalty checks, as well as his public speaking income, to veterans charities. He also has begun dabbling in real estate and plans on creating a crypto-currency to help provide financial assistance to other veterans. He added that partnering with groups focused on veterans mental health is a priority, too.

If theres something I can do for my fellow brothers and sisters, then I want to do it, said Peck, whose most recent recognition includes the 2021 Military Times Veteran of the Year award. Ive always wanted to help. If I share my story, if I can talk about being suicidal and how I got through that, maybe it can help.

This article is featured in the 2022 March issue of VFW magazine, and was written by Ismael Rodriguez Jr., senior writer for VFW magazine.

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'I've Emerged as a Stronger and More Empathetic Human Being' - VFW

A thumbnail guide to oil exploration and production in Iraq – Lexology

Natural resources

Who holds title over oil reservoirs? To what extent are mineral rights on private and public lands involved? Is there a legal distinction between surface rights and subsurface mineral rights? At what stage does title to extracted oil transfer to the licensee, lessee or contractor?

Under the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 (Constitution), title to oil vests with the people, regions and governorates of Iraq. The legal framework is based on the Constitution and existing oil and gas legislation. Specifically, this requires approval of the contracts that deal with Iraqi oil by the Council of Representatives. It is still debated whether service contracts entered into by the Ministry of Oil of Iraq (MOO) in the first and second licensing rounds require the approval by the Council of Representatives, as such service contracts are tendered and do not pass ownership in the oil to international oil companies (IOCs). The Iraqi National Oil Company (INOC) Law grants the authority to sign exploration and production agreements to the INOC.

Under the models of service contract utilised by federal Iraq, the contractor receives a fee, either in cash or in kind, as recovery for its costs. Title to production will pass in respect of any payment in kind at the point where the contractor is physically able and entitled to lift production, normally at a terminal.

The previously disputed issue of whether the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) had the constitutional right to exploit the natural resources in the Kurdistan Region has been resolved by Iraqi Federal Supreme Court decision 59/Federal/2012 and Unified 110/Federal 2019.

What is the general character of oil exploration and production activity conducted in your country? Are areas off-limits to exploration and production?

In Iraq, oil production is focused on onshore production through technical service contracts with potential future exploration possibilities available in the western regions of the country. A number of development and exploration service contracts were granted during the second licensing round. This is largely due to the quality of data used to delineate the countrys oilfields geographically, some of which is more than 25 years old and based on two-dimensional seismic studies.

Generally, there are no restrictions or limits on production activity imposed by the MOO. The activities may be limited only by the individual considerations of IOCs in respect to the contracted field area owing to knowing the present locations of Iraqs existing oil reservoirs.

The IOCs rights are awarded in relation to specific areas, and such areas are determined on a case-by-case basis subject to any relevant restrictions based on environmental, cultural, security or other considerations.

The KRG's Ministry of Natural Resources (MNR) was considered to be the party responsible for exploration, development and production activities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. However, this is no longer the case.

How are rights to explore and produce granted? What is the procedure for applying to the government for such rights? To what extent are the terms of licences or contracts negotiable?

Oil exploration and production in Iraq have been governed by the MOO, but have been transferred to the INOC by virtue of the INOC Law. No rights to explore and produce have been granted by the INOC to date.

With respect to Kurdistan, the MOO is now responsible for exploration and production rights in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

As a matter of practice, the rights to explore and produce oil are granted on the basis of licensing round contracts setting out the parties agreement not to contradict the law or public order.

Ministry of Oil

Since 2009, the MOO has held four licensing rounds. A number of TSCs for producing fields and development production service contracts (DPSCs) for development and producing fields were granted to the winning bidders in the first and second rounds respectively. The third round focused only on gas fields, while the fourth round encompassed both oil and natural gas contracts.

In its regular session dated 21 January 2020, the Council of Ministers approved the recommendation of the Council for Energy Resolution No. 8 of 2020 concerning the approval of contracts for the round of 11 border fields and border patches (AKA the fifth round). The validity of the fifth round has been questioned as the government council that approved this round lacked full capacity due to being under resignation at the time of deciding. Additionally, the said approval refers to the revision of the Federal Financial Supervision Bureau in amending the legal and regulatory aspect, as well as the contractual clauses with an economic and financial impact. In any case, the fifth round came within the framework of the government's efforts to promote self-sufficiency in energy and reduce dependence on imported gas, and it is related to developing fields, border patches, and gas fields in Diyala governorate, which would produce more than 750 million standard cubic feet of gas over 36 months.

Under the terms of the TSCs, the IOCs work with the INOC as unincorporated joint ventures (JVs), where the INOC maintains a participating interest percentage in each project as the state partner. The TSCs further provide that Iraq will compensate the IOCs at an agreed rate per barrel, which currently varies from US$1.4 to US$6, subject to meeting certain conditions such as the attainment and maintenance of target production levels over set periods of time. Iraq will receive initial revenue from the contract signing fees paid by the IOCs and subsequent revenue from JV fees paid to Iraqi national oil companies by way of taxes on the per-barrel fee, as well as revenues from the sale of oil.

The terms of the DPSCs vary because IOCs can form incorporated JVs with Iraqi national oil companies at their discretion. The only other variant of the DPSCs is the timing of remuneration of IOCs.

Production levels may be subject to adjustment if Iraq has to comply with OPEC quota limits.

The MNR has to date signed more than 49 production sharing agreements (PSAs) with different IOCs. The terms of such PSAs are generally more lucrative than the terms of the service contracts in federal Iraq, as the IOCs receive remuneration based on the level of risk associated with each area (high, medium or low). Similar to the TSCs and DPSCs, the stake maintained by the KRG in each PSA ranges between 20 and 25 per cent.

Based on past practice, both the federal government and the KRG have been open to the principle of negotiating certain terms of the relevant contracts, whether prior to the execution of such contracts or thereafter.

Does the government have any right to participate in a licence? If so, is there a maximum participating interest it can obtain and are there any mandatory carry requirements for its interest? What cost-recovery mechanism is in place to recover such carry? Does the government have any right to participate in the operatorship of a licence?

Under the laws of Iraq, the federal government has the right to participate in TSCs through state companies. Under the State Companies Law No. 22 of 1997, there are no statutory restrictions on state companies participating in exploration and production agreements such as the TSCs.

In practice, this has been seen in numerous TSCs where a specific percentage-carried interest in contractor consortiums is awarded to Iraqi state entities. The PSAs entered into by theKRGgenerally provide for KRG participation through a carried interest.

If royalties are paid, what are the royalty rates? Are they fixed? Do they differ between onshore and offshore production? Aside from tax, are there any other payments due to the government? Are any tax stabilisation measures in place?

There is no royalty provision under present Iraqi legislation or the MOOs service contracts (TSCs and DPSCs).

The draft Hydrocarbon Law provides for a 12.5 per cent royalty at a federal level. However, this has not yet been approved by Iraqs Council of Representatives.

TSCs granted by the Iraqi federal government contained a tax stabilisation provision ensuring that taxes are capped at 35 per cent pursuant to the International Oil Companies Income Tax Law No. 19 of 2010.

The royalty provisions under the KRGs model PSA are set at 10 per cent for the export of crude oil and natural gas. However, it is possible for individual PSAs to provide different terms.

What is the customary duration of oil leases, concessions or licences?

It is customary for the MOOs TSCs and DPSCs to have a 20-year term. However, a 50-year licence is allowed under the Crude Oil Refining Investment Law No. 64 of 2007.

The model PSAs of the KRGs MNR have terms ranging from five to 37 years, depending on the stage of the field and the number of extensions sought. Generally, a fields exploration stage will have a term of five years, which may be extended by a maximum of an additional two years. At the production stage, the term is 20 years, with a five-year extension as an automatic right and a further discretionary five-year extension.

For offshore production, how far seaward does the regulatory regime extend?

There is no known offshore production in Iraq, but the Oil Minister has recently announced an intention to start offshore exploration in a bid to expand production. Consequently, Iraqs fifth licensing round includes blocks located offshore.

Is there a difference between the onshore and offshore regimes? Is there a difference between the regimes governing rights to explore for or produce different hydrocarbons?

As there is no known offshore production in Iraq, the law does not distinguish between onshore and offshore production and does not provide a separate regime for offshore production. However, there are some differences in the responsibility and scope of work between inside the battery limit, where responsibility extends to production facilities only, and outside the battery limit, where responsibility extends to utilities and piping, depots, power generation, water treatment and so on.

Furthermore, there are some differences in applicable provisions relating to the exploration and production of oil as opposed to gas. Thus, the service contracts awarded to IOCs in recent years set out different contractual obligations.

Which entities may perform exploration and production activities? Describe any registration requirements. What criteria and procedures apply in selecting such entities?

Exploration and production activities may be performed by Iraqi national oil companies, IOCs and other state oil companies on behalf of the MOO. Foreign entities are commonly contractually required to establish a presence in Iraq within a short period from the effective date of their relevant contract with the government. Common establishment options for IOCs include registration of a local branch.

The amended Companies Law of 2019 introduces a penalty fee for companies that fail to obtain a registration certificate for carrying out business (article 17).

Companies need to prequalify to bid in the oil licensing rounds. Although the bidding processes for the first four rounds were conducted transparently through tender protocols available to all bidders, the final details of the contracts were made publicly available on an ad hoc basis.

Until recently (see paragraph 2.4.1 above), in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, IOCs have conducted exploration and production activities with approval from the KRGs MNR. However, now that the MOO is responsible for exploration and production activities in the Kurdistan Region and the MOO is permitted to review PSAs made by IOCs with the KRG, it remains to be seen what will happen to those contracts. It may be the case that IOCs blacklisted by the MOO for entering into PSAs with the KRG remain on the MOO's blacklist and have their PSAs rescinded. However, given the difficulties potentially faced by the MOO in rescinding the PSAs entered into by the KRG and various IOCs, it may be that the MOO is forced to remove those IOCs from its blacklist and accept their continued operation of the PSAs at least for now.

What controls does the regulatory body have over operators? Can operatorship be revoked?

Traditionally, Iraqi regulations lacked a detailed description of the controls granted to the MOO with respect to the service agreements and the power that the MOO or the relevant national oil company has over the operator under it. Any such controls remain subject to each contract.

Similarly, the INOC Law does not set out the detailed description of the authorities and power granted to the INOC over the operator.

What is the legal regime for joint ventures?

The legal regime for JVs varies under the terms of each specific licensing round.

Under the TSCs granted in the first round, the parties were required to establish an unincorporated JV between the successful bidders and their state partner. The unincorporated JV would be the operator, with a lead contractor designated for supervision and management of the operating entity. The unincorporated JV is in turn governed by a joint management committee (JMC).

The DPSCs awarded in the second licensing round followed a staged structure. During the first seven years of the DPSC, the structure of the TSC model is followed. However, once the applicable rate of return factor is achieved, the national oil company has the discretion to reorganise the structure of the JV and convert it to an incorporated limited liability company established pursuant to Iraqi law. The supervisory function will in such a case be transferred from the JMC to the board of directors of the incorporated entity. However, it is highly likely that the effective control of the entity will follow the JMC structure, where control of operations is maintained by the MOO through its state oil entities.

Iraq held its third licensing round on 20 October 2010 for three gas fields: Akkas, Mansuriya and Siba. As a result, contracts were awarded to Korea's Kogas, Turkeys TPAO and the Kuwait Energy Company.

Iraqs fourth licensing round was held in May 2012 and offered 12 areas. Seven of the 12 blocks were gas prone, while the rest had oil potential. The blocks lie in the provinces of Nineveh, Diyala, Wasit, Basra, Muthanna, Qadisiya and Babil, as well Najaf, Karbala, Samawa, Diwaniya and Anbar, which were not included in the previous rounds. The fourth licensing round was the first one to offer exploration contracts as opposed to the technical contracts offered in the first three rounds. The fourth bid round included 47 IOCs but offers for only four blocks were submitted.

Interestingly, the fifth licensing round opened up new blocks located offshore in the Gulf waters in the area sharing the border with Iran and Kuwait. Although Iraq introduced a new model of petroleum contract, several companies, that initially expressed interest in bidding, decided not to participate. An important change in the new model is the introduction of a royalty element.

The structure of JVs under the PSAs signed with the KRG did not provide a set structure to be adopted by licensees. Accordingly, licensees decided on the structure that most appropriately aligned with their interests in terms of risk and other commercial factors. The most notable incorporated JV is TTOPCO between GenelEnerji and Addax Petroleum in the producing TaqTaq field. The KRG is no longer capable of entering into PSAs, as oil exploration and production in Iraq is controlled by the MOO.

Any incorporation option exercised by JVs in Iraq falls under the Iraqi Companies Law No. 21 of 1997, as amended by CPA Order No. 64 of 2004.

JVs between IOCs can be governed by non-Iraqi law. However, the Iraqi Civil Law No. 40 of 1951 (Civil Code) states that Iraqi law will apply to any contract concluded or implemented in Iraq.

How does reservoir unitisation apply to domestic and cross-border reservoirs?

Unitisation is governed by the draft Hydrocarbon Law (not yet finalised). The KRG Oil and Gas Law of 2007 no longer applies and the KRG no longer has any authority in the Kurdistan Region as it has been replaced by the MOO. Unitisation applies to domestic (including Kurdistan), cross-border and cross-regional (ie, between Iraq and Kurdistan) reservoirs.

Article 16 of the draft Hydrocarbon Law proposed the requirement of approval from the Federal Oil and Gas Council for any proposed unitisation measures sought in respect of domestic and cross-regional unitisations.

Cross-border unitisations are to be dealt with by the Council of Ministers of Iraq to ensure that the countrys interests are adequately protected.

Is there any limit on a partys liability under a licence, contract or concession?

The limitation of a partys liability is generally subject to a mutual agreement of both parties, which is normally stipulated in the relevant contract. Under the Civil Law, parties to a contract shall be held liable to the extent described in their contract.

Generally, the parties are solely liable. For the liability of the parties to be joint and several, an explicit provision in the contract stipulating that the parties are jointly and severally liable is required (article 315 of the Civil Law). Furthermore, as a subcontractor is not a party to the original contract, the project owner (ie, the state) may not make demands directly to the subcontractor for project implementation and must make them through an indirect claim against the primary contractor.

Under Iraqi commercial law, whenever the act is classified as commercial, any liability resulting from such an act is deemed joint and several even in the absence of any explicit provision in the contract. Importantly, TSCs and DPSCs generally stipulate that the contractor (ie, IOCs and the state partner) shall be jointly and severally liable for all obligations of the contractor under the respective TSC or DPSC.

Following the covid-19 pandemic, the question of force majeure provisions in the service contracts has become more relevant. Force majeure is recognised under the Iraqi legal system under a different doctrine, the theory of Emergency Circumstances. The theory is set out in article 146, paragraph 2 of the Civil Code, which states: If public exceptional and unpredictable circumstances arise, and their occurrence renders the contracted obligation burdensome, if not impossible, to perform by the debtor and in such a manner as to threaten him with heavy loss, the court may, by comparing the interests of both parties, reduce the burdensome obligation to reasonable limits, if justice so requires. Any agreement to the contrary is void.

The outcome of an occurrence of such Emergency Circumstances is that the court after balancing the interests of the parties may if it would be equitable to do so, reduce the onerous obligation to a reasonable limit. However, if the performance of the obligation becomes specifically impossible (in full or in part), the contract shall be subject to termination.

Are parental guarantees or other forms of economic support common practice or a regulatory requirement? Are security deposits required in respect of any work commitment or otherwise?

Parent company guarantees are commonly required under TSCs and PSAs. Publicly available templates and procedures of the MOO indicate that the parent company shall unconditionally and irrevocably guarantee the performance and fulfilment of obligations under the contract by its relevant affiliate.

The common practice is that parent guarantees are immediate and unlimited unless otherwise agreed. The amount of security deposit payable by the parent company or the affiliate is usually defined in the contract.

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A thumbnail guide to oil exploration and production in Iraq - Lexology

Weapons Like The Ones I Saw In Iraq Were Used In The Uvalde Mass Shooting – HuffPost

I served two combat tours in Iraq. I never thought I would see weapons in my community reminiscent of the type that my Marines and I used on the battlefield. Yet here we are, again. Nineteen children and three adults dead in another senseless act of gun violence in my home state of Texas. I am heartbroken. I am frustrated. I am seething.

This tragedy comes only 10 days after a racially motivated mass shooting at a grocery store in Buffalo, New York, that killed 10 people. Nearly a decade after 20 first-graders and six adults were murdered in Newtown, Connecticut. I mourn with the victims families and stand in solidarity with Uvalde, a small, predominantly Hispanic town 85 miles west of San Antonio.

As a gun owner and a veteran, I understand the many reasons to possess a firearm. I do not comprehend our leaders inability to enact bipartisan gun safety reform. Especially with the breakneck rate at which these horrific events continue to rip our neighborhoods, families and country apart.

FBI data reveals an upward trend in the frequency of mass shootings and killing sprees that span multiple locations. The FBI designated 61 active shooter events in 2021, a 50% increase from the previous year.

When will it end? When will Congress act? The shooting in Uvalde is the most recent reminder that our society values gun ownership more than education. More than mental health services. More than innocent human lives. I support two pieces of legislation that Tony Gonzales, the incumbent representing Uvalde in Congress, voted against: the Bipartisan Background Checks Act and the Violence Against Women Act, which contain common-sense solutions to prevent guns from falling into the hands of those who aim to commit violence.

Without measures to prevent gun violence or prohibit the mentally unstable from accessing a firearm, it is only a matter of time before another community is thrust into the national spotlight. We need to reconfigure our priorities. We need to limit access to combat weapons, and we need to hold our leaders in office accountable for their failure to ensure that our communities are safe places to live, work, shop, pray and study.

The shooting in Uvalde is the most recent reminder that our society values gun ownership more than education. More than mental health services. More than innocent human lives.

The FBI defines a mass shooting as an event with three or more casualties. There have been eight mass shootings in Texas since 2009.

Gov. Greg Abbott and Sen. Ted Cruz are scheduled to speak on Friday at the National Rifle Associations 2022 annual meeting. Will they acknowledge that the deadliest mass shooting in Texas history at a Sutherland Springs church happened on their watch? Or that the El Paso shopping center shooting in which 23 people were killed took place almost two years later, also during their tenure?

If Texas had adopted extreme risk laws, the massacre in Uvalde might have been thwarted. Under this policy, if someone displays signs that they may intend to harm themselves or others, their weapons can be temporarily seized. Nineteen states have enacted this proven, evidence-based, life-saving measure. Why not Texas? The gunman posted multiple photos of his weapons days before his rampage.

I recognize the pain the people of Uvalde are feeling. As a father, I cannot imagine sending my daughter to school in the morning and never seeing her again. Uvalde is a tight-knit, minority-majority community of modest means. I come from a working-class Latino family. When a family loses a loved one, it is devastating for everyone. Twenty-three families are reeling from unimaginable grief.

Today we mourn. Tomorrow we fight for gun safety reform so that no more families suffer the same fate.

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Weapons Like The Ones I Saw In Iraq Were Used In The Uvalde Mass Shooting - HuffPost