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For the past four years, a team led by Penn archaeologists Richard L. Zettler and Michael Danti have collaborated with partners in Iraq to restore cultural heritage sites there in various stages of disrepair.

When on-the-ground work began in 2019supported by millions of dollars from the U.S. State Department, the International Alliance for the Protection of Heritage in Conflict Areas (known as ALIPH), and othersthe Iraq Heritage Stabilization Program (IHSP) centered around six sites, small and large. Most are still ongoing, with repair of one church complete and another project, known as the Tutunji House, about 60% finished, according to Zettler.

Since IHSP began, the Penn researchers have been tapped to help with much more.

ALIPH provided an additional $1.1 million to rebuild the Mashki Gate, one of 18 in the fortification wall of ancient Nineveh. Another organization, the German Gerda Henkel Foundation, gave about $100,000 for the team to survey historic non-religious architecture in Mosuls old city. And in collaboration with Iraqs State Board of Antiquities and Heritage, theyve begun efforts to stabilize a site just south of Baghdad called Taq-i Kisra, the largest single-span vault of unreinforced brickwork in the world and a major area landmark.

Taq-i Kisra is an incredible monument, and its really important not only to the Iraqi people, but to the Iranian people, too. Archaeologist Michael Danti, program manager for the Iraq Heritage Stabilization Program

As with anything this past year, the pandemic has played a role in the overall progress of these efforts. Initially, everything shut down. Although that didnt last long, the viruss effects have lingered all these months, with case numbers surging at times and people associated with the project falling ill. COVID-related travel restrictions also meant that Zettler and Danti havent been to Iraq since late 2019.

For this kind of thing, personal relations and in-person contacts are really important, Zettler says. With the pandemic starting to wane, the researchers hope to be back on location soon, to assess advancement at each place, including three of the newest projects.

Located about 20 miles southeast of present-day Baghdad sits Taq-i Kisra, a large, vaulted hall that existed in the ancient city of Ctesiphon, capital of the Persian Sassanian empire. It likely dates to the 6th century, a contemporary of the famous Hagia Sofia in Istanbul. In fact, Danti says a Sassanian rulermostlikely Khosrow I, who ruled during that timewanted to build a palace to rival that cathedral; Taq-i Kisra was the result.

In late 2020, heavy rains caused part of the vault to collapse. After visiting the site, Iraqs Minister of Culture called ALIPH, which then asked the Penn team to conduct an assessment on the structure. The organization subsequently provided substantial funding for Zettler and colleagues to stabilize the vault and its 120-foot ceilings.

We will be doing some geophysical surveys to see whats going on under the walls of the hall. Well be installing crack gauges to monitor movement, and well be installing scaffolding for access to the vault and for safety and support, he says.

Everyone jumped at the chance to work on such a landmark, according to Danti. Its a famous monument in the history of architecture and for archaeology and the history of the ancient Near East, he says. In some ways its a daunting project, given the scale of the monument and the sensitivity of the situation. Everyone is really distraught each time more of the brickwork collapses.

Yet the team already received some positive news: The crumbling parts are mostly modern reconstructions, meaning they should be easier to fix than if the same had been happening to the original brick masonry.

That said, the best preservation for Taq-i Kisra would likely be an entire rebuild of missing masonry, Danti says. It really merits that kind of treatment. Its the only way weve identified that could prevent these collapses over the longer term. Taq-i Kisra is an incredible monument, and its really important not only to the Iraqi people, but to the Iranian people, too.

In what Danti describes as a widely publicized act of deliberate destruction, in April 2016, the Islamic State bulldozed Mashki Gate, one of a dozen-and-a-half ancient gates that surrounded the Assyrian capital city of Nineveh, in what is today the eastern part of the Iraqi city, Mosul.

They targeted this gate because in their opinion, it was symbolic of a period of pre-Islamic ignorance, Danti says. They also did it as a form of psychological warfare against the people of Mosul, since its a prominent monument. Its considered a source of pride by almost all Mosul residents and many Iraqis.

Restoring the Mashki Gate in Nineveh is an initiative that really came from inside the city, not something we went out to impose on them. Archaeologist Richard L. Zettler, executive director of the Iraq Heritage Stabilization Program

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a team of Iraqi archaeologists had previously reconstructed the gate based on archaeological records and what remained of its foundation. They rebuilt this incredible building that was emblematic of Ninevehs role as the capital city of a massive empire in the early Iron Age, in the 9th through 7th centuries, Danti says.

After the gates demolition five years ago, the Nineveh Inspectorate of the State Board of Antiquities and Heritage requested help from the Penn team. Restoring the Mashki Gate in Nineveh is an initiative that really came from inside the city, not something we went out to impose on them, Zettler explains.

Which is how we try to go about all of our projects, Danti adds. We do it all in consultation with the Iraqis.

When complete, the restored gate will become a visitors center for the surrounding archaeological site, what the researchers hope will become a starting point for tourists, school groups, and anyone else who wants to learn more about Nineveh in its prime.

During the fighting that led to Mosuls liberation in June 2017, the old city located on the west side of the Tigris River took heavy fire. To date, assessment and repair has focused on religious heritage and famed archaeological sites, Danti says.

Historic private houses and other secular architecture, on the other hand, have received little attention. We find that distressing because addressing those is how well restore communities and encourage people who have been displaced to return to the region, he says.

Under this project, the researchers will assess the area writ large to identify properties that require emergency action now or restoration in the future. Zettler says the list could eventually include hundreds of houses in the old city of Mosul alone, and that having such an inventory could help them prioritize.

We want to start with the most significant properties where we can make a difference, Danti adds. A lot of properties have been totally destroyed. In those cases, wed salvage what we could of historic architectural elements for the Mosul Museum, so that those objects dont end up on the international art market.

Thats a big concern: Architectural pieces from historic houseseverything from window ornamentation to carved wooden doorssell well on the black market. It would be a bit like going into an old Victorian house and taking the mantels, all the elaborate woodwork, Zettler says. There is definitely demand. Once those pieces disappear, theyre nearly impossible to recover and it becomes all that much harder for archaeologists to prevent individual properties from total demolition.

The more of these historic homes that disappear, the less likely people who once lived there will return. The old city of Mosul was traditionally an area of middle-class Iraqis, a place characterized by ethnic and religious diversity, Danti says. Thats in jeopardy now by the really devastating combat damage throughout that area. Its sad because it was such a well-preserved late 19th, early 20th century urbanscape.

For each new site the Penn researchers take on, others come to their attention. They helped stabilize a 13th-century palace called Qara Serai and will soon begin similar efforts on a former Ottoman military headquarters and armory called Barood Khana.

Qara Serai and Barood Khana and all these sites, even if they werent attacked by the Islamic State and they werent directly hit in a major airstrike or artillery strike, they were just shaken constantly during the battle of Mosul, Danti says. That accelerated the damage cycle in buildings that are already somewhat unstable. Weve got to go in and assess and take measures to stabilize them. At any point, they could collapse.

Zettler lists a half dozen or so other ongoing projects, including restoration of two churches of the Monastery of Saint George in Mosul (where they already finished the chapel), repair of three churches in towns around Mosul, and of course, Beit al-Tutunjithe Tutunji Housean Ottoman-period home that had, at one point, become a base for ISIS. Weve pretty much finished the first floor on three sides, he says.

And so the work continues, through a pandemic and in concert with partners in Iraq, to preserve as much of this history as possible before it disappears for good.

Richard L. Zettler is an associate professor in the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations in the School of Arts & Sciences at the University of Pennsylvania. He is also associate curator-in-charge of Penn Museums Near East Section.

Michael Danti, who earned his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 2000, is program manager for the Iraq Heritage Stabilization Program, a consulting scholar in Penn Museums Near East Section, and a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London.

Images courtesy of NinawaInspectorate of Iraq's State Board of Antiquities and Heritage.

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Penn team expands cultural heritage work in Iraq, backed by new funding | Penn Today - Penn Today

A person who attacks settled beliefs or institutions. That is the Merriam-Webster dictionarys definition of an iconoclast. Its Greek root is eikonoklastes literally meaning image destroyer. Generally, iconoclasts are often those who are committed to destroying religious imagery in whatever shape it comes, be it statues, stained glass or paintings. Some attack any personification of an idea they reject.

The most vicious of extremists are those who attack heritage, identity and social cohesion. Iraq has been a victim of attacks from iconoclasts for years, as competing groups try to shape the cultural identity of the country, and force their dominance on it. The examples are numerous, and most damaging was that of ISIS.

When ISIS took over parts of Iraq and Syria over seven years ago, they systematically went about destroying historic relics in Ninewah, Aleppo and beyond. The motivation was threefold: terrorise civilians, claim victory and attempt to destroy a collective identity based on shared memory in order to divide and conquer the society. They followed a long line of terrorists attacking human civilisation. The Taliban attacked the 6th-century Buddhas of Bamiyan in Afghanistan in March 2001, and Al Qaeda attacked the Al Askari shrine in Samara.

In June 2017, the grand leaning minaret of Mosul, Al Hadbaa, was blown up along with the city's historic 12th-century Al Nouri mosque. ISIS militants destroyed the famed mosque and minaret as they retreated from the iconic city, as a parting shot in the injustices they committed against Iraqis from all backgrounds. There was a deliberate attempt to eliminate what was most sacred identity and history from a cosmopolitan people and society they clearly resented.

Four years on, ISIS fighters plans have been disrupted, as Mosul is cleared of mines, and a strategy is in place to restore it after the UAE stepped in and pledged $50 million dollars to rebuild the mosque, minaret and two neighbouring churches. Working with Unesco and the Iraqi government, the UAE has stressed the importance of reconstructing these sites both to help the people of Mosul and Iraq to recover from the trauma of ISIS and also as a way to push back against extremism. Iraqis from cities across the country are keen to see the minaret rise once again, maintaining, importantly, its famous slant.

The most vicious of extremists are those who attack heritage, identity and social cohesion

But the threat of attacks on Iraqs landmarks and heritage is by no means over. Today, statutes of poets and shrines of religious leaders are under direct threat. Extremist clerics, often supported by militias, are seeking to change the cultural identity of Iraq by demanding the removal of statues. In April 2019, there were demands to remove a statue of a female icon, Um Suday Kahramana, in Diwaynia, as religious fanatics were offended by it, but in reality wanted it removed to impose their will on the province.

Last week, similar efforts to destroy important cultural monuments ramped up. Calls were made to tear down a well-known statue of Abu Jaafar Al Mansur, the founder of Baghdad. Extremists elements in both Iraq and Iran seek to extinguish a symbol of Abbasid Iraq when it was ruling much of the Muslim world.

Those who support the extremist elements of the militias roaming the streets of Iraq bristle at any attempts to compare them to ISIS. However, the threats to shrines, like those witnessed recently against the shrine of Imam Abu Hanifa Al Numan in Baghdad, are exactly of the kind extremists would make sectarian, divisive and violent.

Imam Abu Hanifa is the founder of the Hanafi school of Sunni jurisprudence and is revered by Muslims the world over. Thankfully, the calls to protest around Abu Hanifa mosque have come to nothing. Security forces, local actors and the general public have ensured its safety. Followers of both Sunni and Shia Islam prayed side by side in Abu Hanifa mosque immediately after the call for its destruction. On Wednesday, Iraqi President Barham Salih visited the shrines of both Imam Abu Hanifa and Imam Moussa Al Kadhim, in an attempt to show the commonalities between both communities. Saying that he wanted to send a message to underline the values, history, ethics and the religion that we share, Mr Salih was told by Iraqis from all faiths that they reject any attempts to divide them along sectarian lines.

In the lead up to elections in Iraq, various politically motivated groups will seek to stoke sectarian tensions, playing on identity politics. Iraq has many enemies, from corrupt officials to extremist militias. But the iconoclasts are the ones who may help the country in an unexpected way, bringing together Iraqis from different backgrounds who are proud of their icons and history, regardless of how troubled it is.

Mina Al-Oraibi is editor-in-chief of The National

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Iraq's extremists are formidable, but they cannot undo its history - The National

Over the past year the authorities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KR-I) have ruthlessly cracked down on journalists, activists and protesters exercising their right to freedom of expression, including by arbitrarily arresting and forcibly disappearing them, Amnesty International said today. The crackdown which first began in March 2020, intensified after widespread protests in August 2020 demanding an end to corruption and better public services.

Authorities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have launched a chilling crackdown in their efforts to silence critics over the past year. They have rounded up activists and journalists and prosecuting them on trumped-up charges in unfair trials and harassing or intimidating family members who were kept in the dark about the status of their loved ones, said Lynn Maalouf, Deputy Director for Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.

"The Kurdistan Region of Iraq authorities must end the crackdown and immediately release all of those who have been arbitrarily detained. The authorities must also refrain from using vague and ill-defined laws to curtail the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Authorities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have launched a chilling crackdown in their efforts to silence critics over the past year.

The organization investigated the cases of 14 people from Badinan, in Duhok governorate, who were arbitrarily arrested between March and October 2020 by Asayish (KRG security and intelligence) and Parastin forces (Kurdistan Democratic Party intelligence) in connection with their participation in protests, criticism of local authorities or for their journalistic work. All of them were held incommunicado for up to five months and at least six were forcibly disappeared for periods of up to three months. Eight of them claimed they had been tortured or otherwise ill-treated during detention. On 16 February 2021, five of them were sentenced to six years in prison based on confessions extracted under duress.

Amnesty International spoke to former detainees, lawyers, human rights workers and journalists, and reviewed court documents. The organization documented the use of three laws that have been used to arrest and prosecute these activists, namely Law no.21 on matters of national security, a defamation law and law on the misuse of electronics, all of which contain vague and overly broad definitions of crimes that are not recognized under international law.

In the governorate of Duhok alone Kurdish security forces arrested more than 100 people between March 2020 and April 2021. Most were later released but at least 30 remain in detention, including the five activists and journalists already sentenced.

Peaceful freedom of expression and journalism are not crimes. Many of those detained were tried on fabricated charges and some of those who have been released have fled the region, amidst a growing atmosphere of fear that has even seen family members of activists, journalists and protesters threatened and harassed, said Lynn Maalouf.

Read more here:
Arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances in Kurdistan Region of Iraq - Amnesty International

Erbil, Iraq, 14 June 2021 On 11 June, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq and the National Committee on the Implementation of the Strategy to Combat Violent Extremism at the National Security Advisory launched a four-day workshop on the role of theassigned teams and committees at the presidency, parliament, and prime ministry offices and at the governorates in implementing the strategy to Combat Violent Extremism in Iraq.

The workshop, facilitated by experts from the national committee and UNDP international experts, aimed at presenting the national strategy to combat violent extremism and its implementation plan, discussing the responsibilities of the central teams and governorates committees in implementing the strategy and developing action plans at the local level. Participants were also engaged in sessions highlighting regional and international comparative experiences with focus on the role of local government and community members, including women, in combating violent extremism.

UNDP Iraq Resident Representative Zena Ali Ahmad states, Sustainable solutions to violent extremism require an integrated holistic approach that focuses on unity and cohesion in society and strengthening governance at local levels. Our workshop with representatives from the national committee sets the stage for a partnership conducive to preventing violent extremism in Iraq.

Ali Abdullah Albedeiri, chairman of the National Committee on the Implementation of the Strategy to Combat Violent Extremism in Iraq, states, This workshop is timely and important to engage the local authorities in the implementation of the strategy which requires integrated and coordinated national and international efforts and the buy in from the community and local government.

Additional specialized sessions will follow, targeting other national and local partners including civil society, governorate teams, youth and religious leaders to enhance their role in the implementation of the national strategy to combat violent extremism.

Support to Prevention of Violent Extremism (PVE) in Iraq is part of UNDP Social Cohesion Programme to promote stronger, peaceful, and more cohesive communities in all areas of Iraq.

Media contact:

Miriam Pineau, Media & Advocacy Project Specialist | miriam.pineau@undp.org |+964 790 110 1982

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UNDP Iraq Supports the National Security Advisory / the National Committee on the implementation of the Strategy for Combating and Preventing Violent...

2. Rationale

2.1. Rationale

Between late 2013 and 2017, intensification of conflict in north and central Iraq has resulted in large scale displacement.Following the de-escalation of active military operations against ISIL, Iraq has witnessed an increase in numbers of IDPs returning to their Area of Origin (AoO). Although many have since already returned, as of the beginning of 2021 approximately 1.2 million people remain internally displaced with more than half of them for more than four years, and 4.1 million people needing some form of humanitarian assistance, including 2.4 million people with acute humanitarian needs1. This includes 187,555 individuals that reside in 29 IDP camps, or composite camp areas.2 The round VII of REACH-CCCM Intentions Assessment in April 2021, which looked at 15 prioritised camps, found that only 1% of IDPs intended to return over the twelve months following data collection.3 Considering the rapidly-changing context of the crisis with the closure and consolidation of camps from August-December 2020 as well as new displacements and waves of returns throughout Iraq, including the movement of Iraqis previously in Syrian camps to camps in Iraq, up-to-date information about the needs of IDPs and available infrastructure and services in camps is necessary in order to address these needs as well as plan the camp strategy for the coming months. The conditions in camps differ greatly from one camp to another as well as between governorates, thus regular monitoring of conditions is essential to strategise appropriately the consolidation of some camps and closure of others in the coming year.While the humanitarian situation in Iraq has been gradually improving over the past two years, the transitional process has been defined by persisting political instabilities, resurgences of localised conflicts, and regional insecurities that are not directly related to the protracted displacement crisis. The large scale protests that broke out in Central Southern cities in late 2019, the Turkish military offensive in Northeast Syria, the heightened tensions between the United States and Iran and an increase in attacks of non-state armed groups on civilian and military targets have led to a substantial worsening of the political and security situation in Iraq and have added another layer of complexity to the humanitarian response. The current economic situation in Iraq is also characterised by a currency devaluation, due to oil-price collapse in 2020, happening for the first time in decades, which further shrinks the economy of the country and impacts the humanitarian situation. 4 Furthermore, the outbreak of COVID-19 in Iraq represents a public health crisis that could further aggravate the humanitarian situation and exacerbate existing vulnerabilities.5 The first case of COVID-19 in Iraq was recorded in February 2020 and as of 10 June, the World Health Organisation had recorded 1,237,856 confirmed as well as 16,614 deaths related to COVID-19.6 While the Iraqi government was able to largely contain the spread of the virus in the early stages, government-imposed lockdowns, and movement restrictions have inhibited access of millions of Iraqis to livelihood opportunities, education, and essential health services. The recent increase in COVID-19 cases throughout Iraq, as well as the ongoing access constraints have further restricted the provision of humanitarian aid to populations in need.Camp Profiles:To inform a more effective humanitarian response for IDPs living in camps, REACH and Iraq CCCM Cluster conduct IDP Camp Profiling assessments. Information from this profile will be used to monitor camp conditions and highlight priority needs and service gaps faced by households in all accessible IDP camps across Iraq, as well as multi-sectoral differences across camps, in order to address needs, and to inform prioritisation of camps for consolidation or closure where necessary. The data collected by the Camp Profiling will provide a comprehensive evidence base for programming and for future monitoring exercises inside camps. In addition, results of Camp Profiling will inform future planning by the CCCM cluster, as the primary harmonised mechanism for assessing IDP camps across Iraq.Intentions:The different settings in which IDPs reside can have a considerable impact on their stability in their area of displacement and the specific threats and vulnerabilities that they may face, which may in turn affect intentions to move, with regard to decisions to return or remain, and reasons for doing so. Consequently, it is important to understand and assess the movement intentions of IDP population groups.

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Research Terms of Reference Camp Profiling XV & Intentions Survey VIII IRQ1705 & IRQ1806, June 2021 - Iraq - ReliefWeb