Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

The ‘new beginning’ of ISIS: how the militant group is using Iraq’s blind spot to rise again – The National

In late October, a US-led coalition jet bombed a small tarn once used by fishermen near the northern Iraqi town of Makhmour, formed by rainfall cradling at the foot of the Qara Chokh, a mountain whose rock face climbs sharply out of the arid plains below.

Staff Colonel Srud Barzanji points out from a windswept Qara Chokh mountain outpost, beyond the hanging mist, to the target of the strike called in by his men in the 46th Brigade of the Peshmerga, Iraqi Kurdistans military force. It hit a group who had appeared in sight for water to drink and to bathe. They were ISIS fighters who had emerged from caves.

The moustachioed Peshmerga commander, 48, had driven up the newly built, winding mountain pass, swinging through checkpoints in his blue-plated Toyota Hilux while joking that he named his dog "Trump" after the death of ISIS leader Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi in a US commando raid in northern Syria last month.

To the naked eye, the only thing that separates the green expanse that folds out of the Qara Chokh from any other rural area of Iraqi Kurdistan are the absent gas flares from the oilfields that burn across this region, known for its crude production. No ISIS flags fly above buildings to avoid air strikes, but the group is here.

Lawless mountain areas in northern Iraq like the one in front of the sandbagged Peshmerga base on top of Qara Chokh, roughly 60 kilometres south-east of Mosul, are where Iraqi Kurdish intelligence and military officials say thousands of ISIS fighters are preparing for the groups resurgence after its loss of territory in Iraq and Syria.

Officials say militants are hiding out in hard-to-reach, inhospitable cave complexes and tunnel networks to evade detection near Makhmour, the town they once controlled in 2014, using scare tactics to coerce local villagers, and capitalising on disenfranchised Iraqis largely ignored by Baghdad and mistreated by Iran-backed militias. They are operating in conditions similar to those that helped it to reach its zenith, a demi-state about equal in size to the area of the United Kingdom.

The numbers we believe right now are 4,000 or 5,000 fighters in those gaps armed. This is not including the sleeper cells they have in the cities, where the numbers are high, Lahur Talabany, director of the Zanyari, one of Iraqi Kurdistans two intelligence agencies, told The National at an office attached to an upmarket hotel off of the main thoroughfare in the eastern city of Sulaymaniyah.

The fighters are equipped with Kalashnikovs, suicide vests, sniper rifles and Dushka heavy machineguns mounted on the back of trucks, helping them take over villages and carry out surprise attacks against the Iraqis and the Iraqi Kurds, officials say.

The spy chief's warning comes as fears rise about ISIS capitalising on ungoverned spaces to rebuild to the level of strength that allowed it to overrun Mosul and announce the creation of its proto-state in 2014. A Pentagon report released last month assessed that US President Donald Trumps decision to withdraw US troops from northern Syria last month has already emboldened the group in the war-wracked country, not least because more than 100 ISIS fighters escaped from Syrian Kurdish prisons in the Turkish offensive that followed. At least 10,000 remain in prisons across north-eastern Syria, with many more in camps such as Al Hol.

Its a different warfare, they have different tactics, they upgrade their tactics all the time

Lahur Talabany

It was a good job that was done [defeating ISIS]. But unfortunately at the last minute they left it wide open and we see again this problem recurring and its going to be an issue for the region and the international community in the future, Mr Talabany says. Its a new beginning for ISIS.

In Iraq, the fighters are taking advantage in a sliver of ungoverned land between the Iraqi forces on the southern side and the Peshmerga on the northern side that varies in width between two kilometres at its slimmest and 50 kilometres at its widest, according to military officials. The administrative line that divides the two sides stretches from Sulaymaniyah and through the Iraqi provinces of Diyala, Salaheddin and Kirkuk, all the way to the Syrian border, allowing passage in and out of both countries.

The deadly battle between Baghdad and Erbil for the northern city of Kirkuk in October 2017 in the aftermath of the Kurds failed bid for independence has deeply affected trust. It has resulted in a lack of co-ordination and a failure to get joint operations off the ground. The Peshmerga retreated in the face of US-armed Iraqi forces, including Shiite militias whose presence exacerbated tensions. Their conduct in the five-day battle included reports that they rolled over the bodies of Peshmerga fighters in Abrams tanks supplied by the US to fight ISIS.

The above factors have allowed the disputed territory that separates them to become fertile ground not only for ISISs survival, but a sophisticated guerrilla insurgency. The Peshmerga, which has about 1,000 soldiers stationed on the Qara Chokh, do not operate past their frontline because of the steep incline of the mountain and the threat posed by the militants lying in wait.

It is useless for me, I cannot lose my Peshmerga for nothing. You see the area, says Col Barzanji, an edge of frustration in his voice. The force has lost more than 2,000 fighters and had more than 10,000 wounded in the battle against ISIS.

Their posts stretch 500 metres either side of the main outpost marked by a large red tower. The red-capped, camouflaged Peshmerga fighters mostly stand around, so elevated above the militants that they do not even have to man the guns pointing out towards the enemy. Untidy beds can be seen inside the main outpost building where the foot soldiers sleep, and desks scratched with graffiti sit inside pillboxes. Col Barzanji heads back down the mountain at night to another base a 10-minute drive away.

While the Peshmerga are dug in and ready, the terrain makes it hard to reach the enemy. But that means it is similarly difficult for the ISIS fighters to breach the Kurdish line of defence.

If you have a stone in your hand, you can kill them, Col Barzanji says of the Peshmergas 46th Brigade of the strategic vantage point the Peshmerga have over the militants. He estimates their numbers to be about 250 fighters in the mountain ranges eastern and western areas, but exact figures are difficult to confirm.

The US-led coalition assisting the Peshmerga told The National it estimates the number in the Qara Chokh to be closer to 100. Col Mark Andres, a US commander training and advising the Peshmerga, says they move in groups of five to 10 people, largely for defensive purposes, and may be mistakenly double counted.

The flat plain below the fortified hilltop is left to the ISIS fighters, bar the weekly coalition or Iraqi air strikes called in by the Peshmerga or Iraqi security forces, both assisted by US adviser teams.

Col Barzanji points out two parallel streams in the distance. He says fighters have dug tunnels two kilometres long between them with jackhammers powered by generators.

Its easy [for them], there are too many caves in the mountain. They make tunnels in the side of the mountain. They make zigzags to save themselves for when the air force drops the bombs. They are smart, very smart, he says.

Its too difficult to find them. They [are] hiding themselves. They are not coming outside, they just come outside for the water, they prefer the spring water.

Water is the fighters life support. Villagers either sympathetic to the group or coerced by fear provide the fighters with water and food. The Iraqi military once poisoned the natural springs the militants were using, Col Barzanji says, but it was washed out within three days.

Some of the fighters sleep in the village houses they have wrested from locals, while others sleep in the caves. Any operation to oust them would require the work of elite Iraqi and Kurdish special forces, well trained at combating guerrilla warfare and discovering militant hideouts.

Even the Kurds, who are experienced mountain fighters, admit they face great difficulty with a new kind of combatant operating in this terrain. The fighters often move about under the cover of darkness. The Iraqi Kurds say they require night vision goggles and thermal imaging, as well as jammers to stop remote-controlled bombs.

Its a different warfare, they have different tactics, they upgrade their tactics all the time, says Mr Talabany, the Kurdish spy chief. They find new ways of being able to protect themselves and ways of preserving themselves.

Col Andres says the fighters are using pretty ingenious ways of sustaining themselves in the mountains, where the sheer, 30-metre drop of the mountain has created dead space where the fighters can gather uninterrupted.

Daesh fighters have really used every single nook and cranny to situate their locations well, he says.

Photographs taken on Peshmerga missions to root out ISIS militants, seen by The National, show how ISIS fighters use the natural springs to cool watermelons and canned fizzy drinks. Kurdish forces have also found coffee, tea, sugar and batteries alongside Kalashnikovs.

Its like a picnic, Col Barzanji says.

Images also show leafy brown tarpaulins used to cover and disguise cave entrances. He says his fighters have found solar panels used by their adversaries below for power.

The biggest pocket of ISIS fighters in northern Iraq can be found in the Hamrin mountains where Mr Talabany says about 2,500 fighters hide with ease. It is a mountain range that connects five provinces, allowing the group easy access to different areas of the country.

A primary goal of the forces battling ISIS remnants in northern Iraq is to remove the sanctuaries they seek: mountain caverns, like those once used by Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in the Tora Bora mountains of Afghanistan. So the coalition is focusing on striking their hideouts more so than the individuals themselves, Col Andres says.

Thats in fact a more effective strategy right now, because they need a place to stay and need a place to store supplies.

We are squeezing them.

The fighters are trying their best to disguise themselves, with vehicles stolen from locals to confuse the forces either side of them. The militants have even extended the exhaust pipes on their motorbikes, according to the Peshmerga forces, to make them less noisy.

But the remnants of the group are also coming out of the shadows to boast about their presence, with gruesome attacks against villagers who do not side with them, as well as the burning of farmland and vegetation. ISIS wants to show we are here, they burn all the weeds, Gen Barham, a Peshmerga commander, said at an Erbil hotel.

Reports of beheadings in the gap are true, he says. They did it like three times in one month. They went to the houses, they take them and take their heads off. They need to make themselves look strong. They dont act like humans, they are all brainwashed.

Last month, fighters entered a village, took 20 cows from a farmer and shot them all dead, he says.

Its gonna become something big, a lot bigger. This time is Damascus and Baghdad, not just Raqqa and Haleb [Aleppo]

Mohammed Khalid

Most of the militants in the Qara Chokh mountain range, the Hamrin mountain range and the area of Palkana south of Sulaymaniyah are Iraqi. But since the fall of ISISs last piece of territory earlier this year, the eastern Syrian hamlet of Baghouz, they have been joined by foreign fighters. The Peshmerga has monitored Russian-speaking Chechens, non-Iraqi Arabic speakers and Turkmen from Tel Afar.

These foreign fighters, unlike some who have appeared in the media, remain unrepentant. In an interview with The National at a prison facility near Sulaymaniyah, one captured ISIS foreign fighter says the group will rise again, and stronger, providing an insight into the hellbent mindset of the mountain militants.

I can assure you, in just a few months, not years, its going to regain its power. Its going to grow big. We all know whats coming next. Its a big war, says Mohammed Khalid, 28, an Arab Israeli ISIS member.

Its gonna become something big, a lot bigger. This time is Damascus and Baghdad, not just Raqqa and Haleb [Aleppo].

The main targets of this ragtag group of ISIS fighters are five-fold, according to Hisham Al Hashimi, an Iraqi researcher and security adviser to the Iraqi government on the militant group: assassinate specific targets including tribal leaders; attack security forces stationed near the Hamrin and Qara Chokh mountains; exhaust and deplete the economies of nearby cities; threaten energy towers and fuel networks; and obtain personal funds through extortion of villagers and farmers, and the sale of fuel.

Despite those threats posed by ISIS in these areas, the view in Baghdad is that the group is not yet strong enough to challenge for control of an Iraqi city, existing only in desert and mountain areas with a focus, for now, on reorganising.

[The goal for the group] is to fill the gaps in its new structure. Its currently distributing new roles, renewing allegiances, self financing and setting its priorities with the new leadership, Mr Al Hashimi says. Its retaliatory operations are very limited, and will not cause any existential danger in big cities.

The intelligence assessment in Baghdad, according to the Iraqi researcher, is that ISISs central command in Iraq is located south-west of Kirkuk in the Hamrin mountains and around the town of Hawija, the last major urban ISIS stronghold to be liberated in Iraq.

That new leadership is believed to be headed by Abdullah Qardash, a Turkman from Tel Afar, which ISIS controlled before its liberation in August 2017, Mr Talabany says.

The suited man who set up Iraqi Kurdistans first counterism-terror force with the help of the CIA to remove Iraqi Kurdistan of Ansar Al Islam, the Sunni militant group founded by former Al Qaeda members, says he remembers Qardash well.

Somebody is helping, some people in the security elements are helping them, maybe for money, for financial gain. They are finding ways to get their hands on food, weapons and ammunition

Lahur Talabany

The new ISIS leader became a senior member of Al Qaeda in Iraq after the American invasion in 2003 before he was caught and imprisoned. He would meet Al Baghdadi in Bucca prison, a facility Mr Talabany calls the school of terrorism, becoming one of the future ISIS leaders right-hand men.

The history we have with him, we know he was very brutal. He caused a lot of problems in Tal Afar and Mosul region. He had no mercy on the civilian population, he says.

His targets were mainly civilian and his preferred tactic of order was suicide vest or vehicle bomb, some carried out in the middle of markets.

I think this guy will go back to the old roots, he will try to put fear back into the people and the security forces, he says, predicting that he will look to capitalise on the coming winter months to launch attacks.

We will see them be more active operationally. They use the weather to their advantage. To hide from eyes."

Qardash is believed to be in hiding in Iraq and the focus of the regions intelligence services has now turned to him after the death of Al Baghdadi.

He is going to be our main focus now. As long as ISIS is around, we will try to go after their leadership, Mr Talabany says, noting the groups brutality towards the Yazidis when it overran Sinjar in 2014.

Military officials compare ISISs capabilities now to where they were before it took control of Mosul, with the potential to grow in strength again to the point that they were able to overrun that very city.

ISIS now, you can compare with 2012. They are organising themselves and their forces, says Sirwan Barzani, nephew of former president Masoud Barzani and Peshmerga commander-cum-billionaire businessman, in the back room of a plush Erbil restaurant.

They are a big threat. Maybe after they killed Baghdadi, like Al Qaeda maybe they will change the name, but its the same mentality, the same jihadis.

Kurdish officials, while stressing their appreciation of western assistance in the fight against ISIS, say that European help has dwindled since the groups territorial defeat, and say that support must be continued to prevent a revival.

If you ask me as a general on the hottest front line, of course I would say it is not enough. We need more and more, says Mr Barzani, the man responsible for protecting the Iraqi Kurdish capital.

But until Erbil and Baghdad come to an agreement on the disputed territory, ISIS fighters will remain largely out of sight, free to reorganise and operate.

We need to work closely and co-operate and to give no room for ISIS to re-emerge. Both sides recognise the need for this partnership to continue. Today it may be here, tomorrow it may be somewhere else, Falah Mustafa Bakir, senior adviser to President Nechirvan Barzani and former Kurdistan Regional Government foreign minister, said at the newly built, palatial presidential complex in Erbil.

One obstacle to that is the militant Shiite militiamen operating on the other side of the gap within the Iraqi security forces, feared in northern Iraqs Sunni-majority heartlands for their brutality and sectarian disposition. The Hashd Al Shaabi paramilitary force is accused of emboldening locals to turn to ISIS, killing and torturing Sunni men, bullying Sunni women, fleecing money from Sunni-owned companies, and stealing goods from mobile phones to furniture to sell on.

They come to places like this, they terrorise the people and the people get angry, the general says.

After the US-backed overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003 emboldened Shiite forces in Iraq, Al Qaeda sprang to life in the country and this northern area has more experience of terrorism than any. When ISIS arrived there, Al Qaeda remnants defected to the group.

The presence of the Hashd Al Shaabi here threatens to prolong the fight against the militants, as do troubles in Baghdad. Mr Talabany also says elements in the Iraqi security forces are aiding the ISIS fighters, without specifying.

Somebody is helping, some people in the security elements are helping them, maybe for money, for financial gain. They are finding ways to get their hands on food, weapons and ammunition, he says.

Anti-government protests, ongoing for almost two months, are also of concern to officials in Erbil, who believe that trouble at the heart of the country will leave the Iraqi security forces weakened in the north.

If these demonstrations continue and spread through Iraq, I think there will be more opportunities for ISIS to strike security and small towns, maybe to cut off supply lines, says Mr Talabany. Everything is connected in this region, nothing is isolated.

Such developments have only added to the feeling in Iraqi Kurdistan that they could be left to fend off the threat of ISIS again, alone.

As the sun sets behind the Qara Chokh, that thought shifts Col Barzanjis tone from jovial to intense.

We are fighting for all the world here.

Updated: December 10, 2019 03:08 PM

Go here to read the rest:
The 'new beginning' of ISIS: how the militant group is using Iraq's blind spot to rise again - The National

I felt like I was in Iraq, and I never been, Ozark resident speaks on shooting – WDHN – DothanFirst.com

Update:

Reports have identified the deceased suspect involved in the shooting as Bradley Allen Cutchens, 23, of Ozark.

Original Report:

OZARK, Ala. (WDHN) Ozark Police responded to a home on Briar Hill Court close to 10 p.m. Thursday night.

A local resident, who wished to remain anonymous, told WDHN the suspect did not live in on the street where that shooting took place. She said his mother was in distress and called the police department for help.

Even though that young man stayed on the street, his mama was asking for help when he said he was going to commit suicide, and he said if you call the police they wont be able to get in. Ill meet them before they get here and thats exactly what he did, She said.

After authorities arrived, she said thats when the gunshots started.

I couldnt move, I couldnt even hit the floor because it was just as shocking to me.

According to the resident, the incident left many in the area in shock.

I feel like I was in Iraq, and I ain`t never been, I feel like I got PTSD. It was so many officers and so much shooting it just didnt make sense.

See the original post here:
I felt like I was in Iraq, and I never been, Ozark resident speaks on shooting - WDHN - DothanFirst.com

Bloodbath: Iraq Is Cracking Down on Protesters With Live Ammunition and Military-Grade Tear Gas Grenades – Free

Iraqi security forces killed at least nine people when they opened fire on anti-government protesters Sunday, continuing a brutal crackdown on dissent that has already claimed 339 lives.

The latest deaths happened in Baghdad and in Nassiriyah and the port of Um Qasr, near Basra, when Iraqi forces used live fire to disperse demonstrations, according to reports. Dozens more were wounded in the clashes, which took place when security forces tried to clear protesters who were occupying roads and bridges to block access to government buildings.

Human rights groups have accused Iraqi security forces of using brutal tactics against protesters, including the widespread use of live fire and controversial tear gas grenades that have caused deadly injuries. Amnesty International, which has described the situation as a "bloodbath, has called on the government to rein in security forces, but the latest violence indicates there is no sign of that happening.

Security forces have been using live fire and tear gas grenades in a lethal manner since the outset of the protests, Rand Hammoud, Amnesty Internationals research, campaigns and communications assistant for Iraq and Jordan told VICE News.

Weve seen a consistent abuse of the rights to freedom of expression and assembly of the Iraqi people.

Iraq has been rocked by mass anti-government protests since Oct. 1, when thousands of young Iraqis took to the streets of the capital. Angered by the failures of the ruling class, who they accuse of siphoning off the countrys oil riches, theyve demanded the reform of the political system to address endemic corruption, high unemployment and failing public services like electricity and clean water.

Iraq is ranked the 12th most corrupt country in the world by Transparency International, and has an unemployment rate of 25%.

People are rising up against corruption, against the lack of public services these are their demands, said Hammoud.

The protests spread swiftly across Shiite-majority provinces in the south, fuelled by the security forces brutal response: 149 civilians were killed in the first six days of demonstrations. Its become the biggest protest in the country in the post-Saddam Hussein era.

READ: How tuk-tuk drivers became the unlikely heroes of Iraqs protests

Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi took office in Oct. 2018 promising reforms such as tackling corruption, boosting economic investment, and strengthening infrastructure, which have not been delivered. He has made a series of pledges to appease the protesters, including new elections, a cabinet reshuffle and government subsidies for job seekers.

But thats failed to placate the protesters, who are demanding the dissolution of parliament and a complete overhaul of the nation's political system.

On Oct. 31, President Barham Saleh said Abdul-Mahdi had offered to resign if parliament could agree on his successor, but so far no such replacement has been named.

READ: These Iraqi militias are prepared to fight the U.S. if it starts a war with Iran

The government has resorted to repressive tactics against protesters, such as cutting off Internet access and policing Facebook for dissent, and has been criticized for its violent crackdown on the protests.

Amnesty International has expressed particular concern about the use of military-grade tear-gas grenades, known as smokers, which the group alleges have been used to target protesters at point-blank range, with officers apparently aiming for protesters heads and bodies.

The group says it has confirmed through medical scans provided by hospital workers that a number of protesters have been killed by being shot in the head with the grenades, which became embedded in their skulls. Online, gruesome footage has circulated of protesters with severe head wounds inflicted by smokers.

Iraqs defense ministry has denied buying the grenades and blamed their use on an unidentified third party.

READ: Baghdadi is dead. That doesnt mean ISIS is

Hammoud said that in spite of the governments brutal measures, the protests showed no sign of letting up.

People continue to practice their right to freedom of expression and assembly despite the excessive use of force by the security forces, she said.

Cover: An injured protester is rushed to a hospital during clashes between security forces and anti-government protesters in Baghdad, Iraq, Sunday, Nov. 24, 2019. (AP Photo/Khalid Mohammed)

Continued here:
Bloodbath: Iraq Is Cracking Down on Protesters With Live Ammunition and Military-Grade Tear Gas Grenades - Free

Iraq Is Finally Ready To Solve Its Biggest Oil Problem – OilPrice.com

The central Iraqi government said it had reached an agreement in principle with the government of semi-autonomous Kurdistan on the terms of sharing the oil production of the northern Iraqi province.

The Associated Press reports that the Kurdish government had agreed to deliver 250,000 bpd of crude oil to Baghdad by the start of 2020 and receive in return a bigger portion of the federal Iraqi budget.

According to Iraqi government officials who spoke to the AP, the oil-sharing deal is part of a broader agreement between Baghdad and Erbil that the two have been discussing for months amid growing protests in some parts of Iraq. Despite the protests, the two sides are making progress, the sources who wished to remain unnamed said. Some topics yet to be agreed on include revenue sharing, military cooperation, and perhaps the hottest issue, territory.

Kurdistan is home to some of the biggest oil fields in Iraq, around the city of Kirkuk. The fields around Kirkuk, as well as the city itself, were until the fall of 2017 under the control of the Kurdish government, although the area was not officially part of the Kurdistan region. However, after the ill-fated independence referendum, which led to a strong reaction from Baghdad, the central Iraqi authorities regained control of the oil fields that account for a sizeable portion of Iraqs oil total.

Around 300,000 bpd of crude oil previously pumped and exported in the Kirkuk province to the Turkish port of Ceyhan were shut in when the Iraqi federal government moved in October 2017 to take control over the oil fields in Kirkuk from Kurdish forces after the semi-autonomous region held a referendum that Baghdad didnt recognize.

Bilateral relations remained tense until the elections in Iraq, which brought into office Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi. The Kurdish government considers Abdul-Mahdi friendlier to their interests than his predecessor.

The deal was struck because the Kurds see Adel as a partner they can trust, one of the AP sources said. There may have been a sense of urgency on the part of the Kurds because of this, since the protests, which have so far claimed more than 300 lives, have escalated to calls for the resignation of the Prime Minister.

By Irina Slav for Oilprice.com

More Top Reads From Oilprice.com:

Excerpt from:
Iraq Is Finally Ready To Solve Its Biggest Oil Problem - OilPrice.com

The Trump Administration Gutted the Staff Overseeing $1 Billion in Aid to Iraq. A Watchdog Is Raising Red Flags. – ProPublica

ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as theyre published.

Iraq is one of the top recipients of American assistance, and the U.S. foreign aid agency manages more than $1 billion in projects there, including funding for Iraqi religious minorities pushed by Vice President Mike Pence. But increasingly, the agency doesnt have people on the ground to make sure the money is being well-spent.

The U.S. Agency for International Development has been forced to cut nearly 80% of its non-Iraqi staff in Iraq in the last year, even as the agency funds large, ambitious and complex aid projects there. A critical government watchdog report released this week said USAID officials reported the cuts have had significant adverse effects on the oversight and management of grants.

As ProPublica detailed this month, Pences office has pressured USAID to support local groups representing Iraqi minorities, particularly Christians. The watchdog report released this week said, in the context of the staff reductions and uncertainty, overseeing local groups is particularly challenging given that awards to local organizations require increased involvement.

Subscribe to the Big Story newsletter.

One small charity that recently received a USAID grant and primarily serves Christian Iraqis has no full-time paid staff and no experience with government grants.

Overall, the report notes that USAID now has no staff based permanently in Iraq to oversee $430 million in basic humanitarian aid, such as food, safe drinking water and medical services. USAID officials manage the funding remotely via phone calls, reports from implementers and temporary visits, the report said.

As a result, staff are only able to engage in the bare minimum coordination with the rest of the U.S. government, the Iraqi government and the international community, USAID staff told the inspector general.

In May, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo ordered a partial evacuation of U.S. personnel in Iraq in response to concerns over threats from Iran. The ordered departure has been controversial, and diplomats have criticized what they view as a gutting of core diplomatic functions in Iraq.

That decision, combined with an earlier State Department move to shrink the USAID mission, reduced the agencys non-Iraqi staff from 26 at the start of the 2019 fiscal year to six by this fall, the report said. Some of those officials relocated to Washington, while others transferred to Germany.

USAID, the State Department and Pences office did not respond to questions. In response to the prior ProPublica story, a USAID spokeswoman said local grants in Iraq follow all federal regulations and have empowered those groups to respond to grassroots needs.

The report, which covers the period between July 1 and Oct. 25, was jointly prepared by the inspectors general of USAID, the State Department and the Pentagon.

The watchdog report said the Pompeo-ordered departure had been extended through Nov. 9, citing reports of violence and threats to diplomatic personnel. In July, Foreign Policy reported that the lower staffing levels are being treated as permanent.

USAID manages $1.16 billion in assistance in Iraq, spanning development, humanitarian aid and stabilization efforts, according to the report.

That large portfolio, coupled with the staff reductions, create uncertainty as to how programs will be overseen remotely, the report said. Uncertainty around staffing levels also raises questions about USAIDs continuing ability to effectively oversee its high-priority, high-risk portfolio.

U.S. assistance in Iraq includes over $400 million for religious and ethnic minorities targeted by the militant group Islamic State. That has been a major priority for Pence, as well as for conservative Christian groups and vocal communities of Iraqi Christians.

A new component of that effort was announced by USAID last month: $4.1 million to six local Iraqi organizations. ProPublica previously found that political appointees played a significant role in the latest awards.

The awardees included two groups that had been rejected by career officials for separate grants in Iraq in 2018. One of the groups, the Shlama Foundation, is a small charity that primarily serves Christian Iraqis; it will receive $1 million over two years. It has no full-time paid staff and no experience with government grants, a Shlama board member, Ranna Abro, previously told ProPublica.

Shlama did not respond to a request for comment this week, but Abro said previously that it is capable of handling the work, and that USAID had fully and completely reviewed our capacity and is releasing the funds in small, manageable amounts based on deliverable outcomes.

USAID has exacting requirements for its funding, requiring groups to provide extensive background and financial information. Small organizations often are less equipped to fulfill those requirements and need particularly close oversight from agency officials, experts on foreign aid said.

The watchdog report addressed the latest awards to local Iraqi groups, and it said their structure relies on in-country expertise from USAID personnel to train local organizations on the requirements of receiving U.S. funding. It added: According to USAID, this is particularly challenging given that awards to local organizations require increased involvement.

The report also raised questions about the effectiveness of some of USAIDs efforts toward Christians and other minority groups in Iraq.

For instance, one major USAID goal in Iraq has been to encourage the return of Christians, Yazidis and other groups to their homes in northern Iraq, which they fled after Islamic State took over swaths of the country. Last year, USAID administrator Mark Green said the agency was committed to creating the conditions so that these communities can return safely to their ancestral lands.

But officials have acknowledged relatively modest returns on the effort thus far. In September, senior USAID official Hallam Ferguson said the returns of persecuted religious minority groups to their homes still lag far behind other displaced groups in Iraq.

We are struggling against tectonic forces in Iraq, including decades of government neglect and discriminatory policy, more than 15 years of sectarian strife and unchecked local armed groups, Ferguson said in testimony to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom.

According to the watchdog report, USAID officials have said that obstacles in Iraq cannot be resolved without more diplomatic engagement, made far more difficult by Pompeos drawdown. The report cited disputes between local Iraqi political leaders that had allowed a vacuum of governance to develop in Sinjar, an area of Iraq that includes many religious minorities.

The longer these barriers remain in place, the more significant the questions grow about the potential effectiveness of these assistance efforts, the report said.

Visit link:
The Trump Administration Gutted the Staff Overseeing $1 Billion in Aid to Iraq. A Watchdog Is Raising Red Flags. - ProPublica