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Iraq's judges are facing death threats and some have been assassinated. On Feb. 5, a judge looking into drug cases was shot dead by gunmen in the city of al-Amarah in southern Iraq.

This prompted the head of the Supreme Judicial Council, Judge Faiq Zaidan, to pay a visit on Feb. 7 to the governorate to meet with other judges, calling for urgent measures to be taken to strengthen the security situation.

According to statistics published on Feb. 11, 74 judges have been killed in Iraq since 2003. All of them were assigned to corruption, terrorism and drug cases.

The seriousness of threats facing judges prompted Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi on Feb. 15 to give instructions on the need to provide the necessary protection for magistrates.

Rahim al-Okaili, a judge and former head of parliaments Integrity Committee, told Al-Monitor, The assassinations targeting judges since 2003 are nothing like Iraq had witnessed before, adding that in a few cases only the perpetrators were exposed and held accountable for their crimes.

Terrorism and sectarian assassinations were mostly behind the killing of judges before 2010. Today, however, it seems that organized crime groups, influential parties and armed groups are joining hands to get it done, he said.

Jamal al-Asadi, a security expert and former inspector general in the Iraqi Interior Ministry, told Al-Monitor, Providing sufficient guarantees for judges to protect their security and keep their decisions at bay from political and criminal interference or any other forms of pressure is necessary to protect communities.

The number of judges in Iraq is not commensurate with the responsibilities placed on them or with the international standard that measures the number of judges inrelation to the populationat a rate of seven judges per 100,000 people. This means that Iraq needs to have 2,800 judges, excluding public prosecutors, while the country has 1,600 magistrates and one prosecutor, Asadi explained.

He said that losing a judge is a great loss. Judges put a lot of effort in education and training to get where they are today.

Riad al-Masoudi, a leader of the Sadrist movement, told Al-Monitor, Article 87 in the third chapter stipulates that the judiciary is an independent authority.

Some political forces are aware that the judiciary is a strong and independent body, so they try to undermine it by stirring mistrust, suspicion and pressure. The judiciary handles serious cases, which is why courts and judges are not at the forefront. The executive branch represented by the government, namely the Interior Ministry and its security apparatus, should be the first line of defense to protect the attack on judges, he added.

The political forces seek to have representatives in the judicial body, which is, so far, relatively at bay from political interference. This is why some politicians have threatened the judiciary and judges," Masoudi said.

Fadel Abu Ragheef, a security expert in the Development Research Center, told Al-Monitor, Judges played a major role in issuing arrest warrants against terrorist leaders, which turned them into targets.

The judiciary supported Kadhimis efforts to combat corruption and issued arrest warrants against defendants in major corruption cases, which made them the target for the corrupt and powerful forces behind these crimes.

Jawad al-Hindawi, the head of the Arab Center for Policies and Capacity Enhancement, told Al-Monitor, Iraq is currently witnessing a proper booster of the judiciary role, especially the Federal Supreme Court. But this is where things collide. While the judiciary is seeking to impose justice, the rule of law, the respect of the constitution, the fight against corruption and sabotage, some external and internal forces are keen on maintaining a state of instability, crimes and the undermining of the states foundations.

Ali al-Tamimi, a legal expert and former judge, told Al-Monitor, The solution lies in security forces providing protection for judges until the judiciary is fully independent. Failing this, judges wont be able to carry out their missions.

Ihsan al-Shammari, a professor of political science and head of the Center for Political Thinking, told Al-Monitor, The repeated targeting of judges is the result of the lack of the states deterrent action against armed groups.

He spoke of the rise of major mafias in the Iraqi state, which have grown even more powerful due to the lack of prosecution. The alliance between these mafias and tribes will only mean more targeting of judges and the security establishments.

Shammari added that there is a struggle for influence over weapons and drugs, with every group being supported by a powerful party which would perpetuate the conflict. Any decision to prosecute the criminals would push the mafias into retaliatory actions, with assassinations of the concerned judges and investigation officers.

According to information Shammari claims is from official sources, The mafias and groups targeting the judges are linked to foreign parties.

Judge Iyad Mohsen Damad said in a Facebook post, The security and intelligence services bear the full responsibility in providing the necessary protection for judges and preventing any attack on them.

While there are reports that the Supreme Judicial Council and senior judges in Iraq are relatively well protected from attacks, they still face political peril when it comes to their stances or temptations to issue politicized rulings.

It is necessary for the judiciary to remain distanced from political motivations and not allow political forces to control it while working on providing full protection to judges so they can achieve justice.

Continued here:
Iraqi judges in crosshairs of drug dealers with powerful connections - Al-Monitor

Mohammad Mokhber made the comment during a meeting with visiting President of the Central Bank of Iraq Mustafa Ghaleb Makhif, adding that interaction with neighboring countries is a priority of Iran.

Among the countries neighboring the Islamic Republic of Iran, the government and the people of the Iraqi Republic, due to deep religious, cultural and historical bonds, have a special standing for the Islamic Republic, Mokhber said.

Both sides should pave the way for deeper cooperation and activities of the Iraqi and Iranian private sector and companies, and to that end, it is necessary that the central banks of the two countries play a stronger role in facilitating financial affairs.

Mokhber also touched on the security situation in the region, stressing that Iraqs stability, security and international standing is of great significance for Iran.

He said Tehran believes regional problems can only be resolved by regional countries using their domestic potentials and getting assistance from neighbors, and any intervention by foreign countries, and especially the US, will only keep governments and nations back.

Ghaleb, in turn, called for cooperation between the central banks to help the implementation of previous agreements between the two countries.

He added that Iraq considers it a priority to remove existing obstacles to investment of Iranian companies in the country and participation in Iraqi projects.

Ghaleb also hailed Irans role in helping restore stability and security to Iraq, stressing that the religious ties between the two neighbors are unbreakable.

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Iran Calls For Increasing Financial Transactions With Iraq - Iran Front Page - Iran Front Page - IFP News

The impact of COVID-19 on children

In Iraq, the COVID-19 pandemic is threatening to reverse the gains made in relation to child protection and wellbeing in the past few years. School closures initiated by the Federal Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government were some of the longest in the world, at 63 weeks, and affected 11 million children. School reopenings have been inconsistent and fluctuating. Many children have not been able to access remote educational modalities due to low computer ownership, limited access to internet and poor connectivity. This has left up to 7.4 million children without access to education during the periods of closure. Children who could access remote schooling received poor quality education as many teachers could only teach 50% of the time. This potentially impacts childrens short-term educational attainment and their future overall development.

Prior to the pandemic, one in five children in Iraq lived in poverty. Since the onset of COVID-19, with a rise in unemployment in an already fragile economy, that figure has risen to up to 40% . There are also signs that violence against children is increasing, and access to basic services, such as routine health care, is limited.The economic impacts of the pandemic, along with the extended school closures, have led to an increase in negative coping strategies, including school drop-out, child marriage and child labour. In surveys of refugee and asylum seekers in Iraq, UNHCR found there was a sharp increase in the percentage of [households] reporting turning to child marriage (42%), child labor (17%), and/or selling household items (17%) to generate funds.

In summary, the COVID-19 pandemic has had many, varied impacts on childrens protection and well-being. Child protection organizations, such as World Vision Iraq, have had to adapt their programming to meet the enhanced and particular needs of children at this time.

The objectives of World Vision Iraqs COVID-19 Response are:

Scaling up preventative measures to stop the spread of the virus

Strengthening health systems and workers

Supporting children impacted by COVID-19

Collaborating and advocating to ensure the most vulnerable children are protected

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Child Protection and COVID-19: Iraq Case Study - Iraq - ReliefWeb

The Assyrian cathedral dedicated to the Holy Apostles Mar Thomas, Mar Addai and Mar Mari will rise near the citadel. Construction was put on hold for the past 10 years, but now the community is back in its land after a long exile. Yesterday also marked the 7th anniversary of an attack by the Islamic State against Assyrian Christians in the Khabour plain in which scores of Christians were killed and their places of worship were devastated.

Baghdad (AsiaNews) A simple but intense ceremony yesterday marked the laying of the first stone of the future Assyrian Cathedral of the Holy Apostles Mar Thomas, Mar Addai and Mar Mari, disciples of the East, in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan.

The church will become the religious and administrative centre of the patriarchal see of the Assyrian Church of the East, marking its final return to Iraq. The see had been closed for more than a decade.

The ceremony was led by Patriarch Mar Awa III, together with numerous local religious leaders (including Chaldean and Syriac bishops) along with government officials and representatives of civil society groups.

The land on which the future cathedral and the patriarchal see will rise belongs to the Assyrian Church of the East and is located near downtown Erbil, not far from the citadel.

Construction began about ten years ago, under the leadership of then Patriarch Mar Dinkha IV, but was eventually abandoned for a long time. The project was resumed recently, culminating in yesterdays ceremony.

Local Christian sources are very happy about the event, noting that it represents a further sign of the Churchs "return to Mesopotamia" and its land of origin after a few decades of exile.

The Assyrian Church of the East follows the Eastern Syriac rite and is considered a legitimate continuation of the Eastern Church.

In 1933, due to the geopolitical situation in the region and anti-Christian persecution, starting with the Assyrian-Armenian genocide in the First World War, the Church moved its headquarters first from the Middle East to Cyprus, then to Chicago in the United States.

The first steps towards return were taken in 2006, with the decision to build the new patriarchal see in Erbil and the election of the patriarch, with full authority over the place where the history of the Assyrian Church originated.

Mar Awa Royel is the current head of the Assyrian Church of the East, succeeding Mar Gewargis III Sliwa who resigned last September. Most of the Churchs 350,000 members live in the diaspora.

In both Iraq and Syria, Christians also commemorated yesterday (pictures 3 and 4) the seventh anniversary of a deadly attack by the Islamic State against Assyrian villages in the Khabour plain, in Syria.

Overnight between 22 and 23 February 2015, hundreds of Islamic State vehicles drove into 35 villages in Hasakah governorate, north-eastern Syria, kidnapping 290 civilians, most of them women and children, executing at least 44 of them.

About 10,000 people fled the region in search of safety. All churches and Christian places of worship were set on fire or destroyed in one of the darkest pages in the history of anti-Christian persecution by the Islamic State.

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IRAQ SYRIA First stone of the future cathedral of the Assyrian Church of the East laid in Erbil - AsiaNews

Damascus: Its been almost 20 years since the toppling of Saddam Husseins regime in April 2003 following the US-led invasion of Iraq. Iraqs Sunnis have had to pay a high price for being the community that produced the deposed president. Since then, they have seen de-Baathification, systematic persecution, faced paramilitary death squads, while being collectively prohibited from top posts like the presidency and premiership.

The only exception to that rule was transitional president Ghazi Al Yawer, a toothless and ceremonial Sunni tribal leader, who served as president between June 2004 and April 2005.

Two new leaders

For two solid decades, however, the community felt threatened, weakened, and headless. But, now, the Sunni Muslim community now seems to be on a rebound, united under the leadership of two figures: Businessman-turned politician Khamees Khanjar and Parliament Speaker Mohammed Al Halbousi.

Behind closed doors, Khanjar and Halbousi are rumoured to be close to Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Halbousi is often considered Riyadhs man in Baghdad, while Khanjar is frequently associated with Ankara, although nothing in their careers points to such affiliation.

It would be only natural for them to reach out to Sunni heavyweight states to maintain a threshold in Iraqi politics, especially given that most of their counterparts in the Shiite community were parachuted into their jobs by Iran, including all former premiers, or been on Iranian payroll since the 1980s.

Contradicting careers

Although Khanjar is better known to the outside world for his wealth, Halbousi is no less successful as a businessman, and no less rich. Before entering politics, he had made a fortune as head of the Al Hadeed Co, handling major reconstruction projects, including the sewage matrix of his native Falluja. At 41, he is young, well-connected both regionally and internationally, and hails from a prominent tribe that was never close to Saddam or Daesh.

Khanjar is older, at 56, and sanctioned by the US since 2019, on charges of corruption. Among other things, he is accused of amassing a fortune through a tobacco business partnership with Saddams son Uday. He parted ways with Uday in 1996 and moved to the Gulf, working in real estate development, financial services, and industry, before returning to Iraq in 2003.

When the 2003 invasion happened, the two men stood at opposite ends of the spectrum, Khanjar bankrolling the Sunni insurgency while Halbousi was working with American contractors on reconstruction. Khanjar was later accused of collaborating with Daesh, prompting him to set up a 3,000-man army of tribal figures (all Sunni Muslims) to fight Daesh in Iraq.

Khanjar has raised eyebrows by calling for a three-way federalisation of Iraq, between Sunnis, Shiites, and Kurds. The Sunni region, he says, would become a hub for regional investment while southern Iraq would remain in Irans orbit.

What the Sunnis will get?

Collectively, the two Sunni politicians won 51 seats in last Octobers parliamentary elections (37 for Halbousis Taqqadum Party, 14 for Khanjars Azm Movement). Iraqi Kurds, who are also Sunni Muslims, won 63 seats, bringing the communitys share up to an impressive 114 out of 329 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.

Thats not enough for secure a majority, however, which requires 165 votes in Parliament.

Last January, Halbousi and Khanjar teamed up with Moqtada Al Sadr, the powerful Shiite militia leader-turned-politician, who controls 73 seats in the Iraqi Chamber. Backed by a collective vote with Sadrs MPs, they managed to secure a second term for Halbousi as speaker, making him the first Sunni to serve for two terms in parliament since 2003.

Sadr is increasingly relying on them to dictate state policy, given that bad blood brewing between him and rival Shiite parties, the Iran-backed Coordination Framework. Those parties, including the Fateh Alliance and Badr Organisation, lost their majority in Parliament and collectively walked out on the chambers first session on January 9.

Sadr is planning to name a member of his Sairoun Party as Iraqs next prime minister, citing the numerical majority of his parliamentary bloc. To do that, he needs parliamentary allies.

Thirty-one Kurdish MPs support him (from the Kurdistan Democratic Party), along with the Sunni bloc of 51 MPs. If combined with the 73 seats that he controls, that adds up to 155 seats 10 votes short of a majority which can be filled with support from smaller parliamentary blocs.

If Halbousi and Khanjar stand up Sadr until curtain fall and they have no reason not to then they will undoubtedly be rewarded with a greater share of seats in the future government. Since the toppling of Saddam, the Sunnis had been banned from key positions like the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Interior, although compensated with one sovereignty portfolio, being Defence.

Whether that changes in the upcoming period depends on the politics of Khanjar and Halbousi, and what strings they will pull in the upcoming weeks and months.

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For first time since fall of Saddam, Iraq's Sunnis united, bent on rebound - Gulf News