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A person who attacks settled beliefs or institutions. That is the Merriam-Webster dictionarys definition of an iconoclast. Its Greek root is eikonoklastes literally meaning image destroyer. Generally, iconoclasts are often those who are committed to destroying religious imagery in whatever shape it comes, be it statues, stained glass or paintings. Some attack any personification of an idea they reject.

The most vicious of extremists are those who attack heritage, identity and social cohesion. Iraq has been a victim of attacks from iconoclasts for years, as competing groups try to shape the cultural identity of the country, and force their dominance on it. The examples are numerous, and most damaging was that of ISIS.

When ISIS took over parts of Iraq and Syria over seven years ago, they systematically went about destroying historic relics in Ninewah, Aleppo and beyond. The motivation was threefold: terrorise civilians, claim victory and attempt to destroy a collective identity based on shared memory in order to divide and conquer the society. They followed a long line of terrorists attacking human civilisation. The Taliban attacked the 6th-century Buddhas of Bamiyan in Afghanistan in March 2001, and Al Qaeda attacked the Al Askari shrine in Samara.

In June 2017, the grand leaning minaret of Mosul, Al Hadbaa, was blown up along with the city's historic 12th-century Al Nouri mosque. ISIS militants destroyed the famed mosque and minaret as they retreated from the iconic city, as a parting shot in the injustices they committed against Iraqis from all backgrounds. There was a deliberate attempt to eliminate what was most sacred identity and history from a cosmopolitan people and society they clearly resented.

Four years on, ISIS fighters plans have been disrupted, as Mosul is cleared of mines, and a strategy is in place to restore it after the UAE stepped in and pledged $50 million dollars to rebuild the mosque, minaret and two neighbouring churches. Working with Unesco and the Iraqi government, the UAE has stressed the importance of reconstructing these sites both to help the people of Mosul and Iraq to recover from the trauma of ISIS and also as a way to push back against extremism. Iraqis from cities across the country are keen to see the minaret rise once again, maintaining, importantly, its famous slant.

The most vicious of extremists are those who attack heritage, identity and social cohesion

But the threat of attacks on Iraqs landmarks and heritage is by no means over. Today, statutes of poets and shrines of religious leaders are under direct threat. Extremist clerics, often supported by militias, are seeking to change the cultural identity of Iraq by demanding the removal of statues. In April 2019, there were demands to remove a statue of a female icon, Um Suday Kahramana, in Diwaynia, as religious fanatics were offended by it, but in reality wanted it removed to impose their will on the province.

Last week, similar efforts to destroy important cultural monuments ramped up. Calls were made to tear down a well-known statue of Abu Jaafar Al Mansur, the founder of Baghdad. Extremists elements in both Iraq and Iran seek to extinguish a symbol of Abbasid Iraq when it was ruling much of the Muslim world.

Those who support the extremist elements of the militias roaming the streets of Iraq bristle at any attempts to compare them to ISIS. However, the threats to shrines, like those witnessed recently against the shrine of Imam Abu Hanifa Al Numan in Baghdad, are exactly of the kind extremists would make sectarian, divisive and violent.

Imam Abu Hanifa is the founder of the Hanafi school of Sunni jurisprudence and is revered by Muslims the world over. Thankfully, the calls to protest around Abu Hanifa mosque have come to nothing. Security forces, local actors and the general public have ensured its safety. Followers of both Sunni and Shia Islam prayed side by side in Abu Hanifa mosque immediately after the call for its destruction. On Wednesday, Iraqi President Barham Salih visited the shrines of both Imam Abu Hanifa and Imam Moussa Al Kadhim, in an attempt to show the commonalities between both communities. Saying that he wanted to send a message to underline the values, history, ethics and the religion that we share, Mr Salih was told by Iraqis from all faiths that they reject any attempts to divide them along sectarian lines.

In the lead up to elections in Iraq, various politically motivated groups will seek to stoke sectarian tensions, playing on identity politics. Iraq has many enemies, from corrupt officials to extremist militias. But the iconoclasts are the ones who may help the country in an unexpected way, bringing together Iraqis from different backgrounds who are proud of their icons and history, regardless of how troubled it is.

Mina Al-Oraibi is editor-in-chief of The National

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Iraq's extremists are formidable, but they cannot undo its history - The National

Over the past year the authorities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KR-I) have ruthlessly cracked down on journalists, activists and protesters exercising their right to freedom of expression, including by arbitrarily arresting and forcibly disappearing them, Amnesty International said today. The crackdown which first began in March 2020, intensified after widespread protests in August 2020 demanding an end to corruption and better public services.

Authorities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have launched a chilling crackdown in their efforts to silence critics over the past year. They have rounded up activists and journalists and prosecuting them on trumped-up charges in unfair trials and harassing or intimidating family members who were kept in the dark about the status of their loved ones, said Lynn Maalouf, Deputy Director for Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.

"The Kurdistan Region of Iraq authorities must end the crackdown and immediately release all of those who have been arbitrarily detained. The authorities must also refrain from using vague and ill-defined laws to curtail the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Authorities in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have launched a chilling crackdown in their efforts to silence critics over the past year.

The organization investigated the cases of 14 people from Badinan, in Duhok governorate, who were arbitrarily arrested between March and October 2020 by Asayish (KRG security and intelligence) and Parastin forces (Kurdistan Democratic Party intelligence) in connection with their participation in protests, criticism of local authorities or for their journalistic work. All of them were held incommunicado for up to five months and at least six were forcibly disappeared for periods of up to three months. Eight of them claimed they had been tortured or otherwise ill-treated during detention. On 16 February 2021, five of them were sentenced to six years in prison based on confessions extracted under duress.

Amnesty International spoke to former detainees, lawyers, human rights workers and journalists, and reviewed court documents. The organization documented the use of three laws that have been used to arrest and prosecute these activists, namely Law no.21 on matters of national security, a defamation law and law on the misuse of electronics, all of which contain vague and overly broad definitions of crimes that are not recognized under international law.

In the governorate of Duhok alone Kurdish security forces arrested more than 100 people between March 2020 and April 2021. Most were later released but at least 30 remain in detention, including the five activists and journalists already sentenced.

Peaceful freedom of expression and journalism are not crimes. Many of those detained were tried on fabricated charges and some of those who have been released have fled the region, amidst a growing atmosphere of fear that has even seen family members of activists, journalists and protesters threatened and harassed, said Lynn Maalouf.

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Arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances in Kurdistan Region of Iraq - Amnesty International

Erbil, Iraq, 14 June 2021 On 11 June, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq and the National Committee on the Implementation of the Strategy to Combat Violent Extremism at the National Security Advisory launched a four-day workshop on the role of theassigned teams and committees at the presidency, parliament, and prime ministry offices and at the governorates in implementing the strategy to Combat Violent Extremism in Iraq.

The workshop, facilitated by experts from the national committee and UNDP international experts, aimed at presenting the national strategy to combat violent extremism and its implementation plan, discussing the responsibilities of the central teams and governorates committees in implementing the strategy and developing action plans at the local level. Participants were also engaged in sessions highlighting regional and international comparative experiences with focus on the role of local government and community members, including women, in combating violent extremism.

UNDP Iraq Resident Representative Zena Ali Ahmad states, Sustainable solutions to violent extremism require an integrated holistic approach that focuses on unity and cohesion in society and strengthening governance at local levels. Our workshop with representatives from the national committee sets the stage for a partnership conducive to preventing violent extremism in Iraq.

Ali Abdullah Albedeiri, chairman of the National Committee on the Implementation of the Strategy to Combat Violent Extremism in Iraq, states, This workshop is timely and important to engage the local authorities in the implementation of the strategy which requires integrated and coordinated national and international efforts and the buy in from the community and local government.

Additional specialized sessions will follow, targeting other national and local partners including civil society, governorate teams, youth and religious leaders to enhance their role in the implementation of the national strategy to combat violent extremism.

Support to Prevention of Violent Extremism (PVE) in Iraq is part of UNDP Social Cohesion Programme to promote stronger, peaceful, and more cohesive communities in all areas of Iraq.

Media contact:

Miriam Pineau, Media & Advocacy Project Specialist | miriam.pineau@undp.org |+964 790 110 1982

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UNDP Iraq Supports the National Security Advisory / the National Committee on the implementation of the Strategy for Combating and Preventing Violent...

2. Rationale

2.1. Rationale

Between late 2013 and 2017, intensification of conflict in north and central Iraq has resulted in large scale displacement.Following the de-escalation of active military operations against ISIL, Iraq has witnessed an increase in numbers of IDPs returning to their Area of Origin (AoO). Although many have since already returned, as of the beginning of 2021 approximately 1.2 million people remain internally displaced with more than half of them for more than four years, and 4.1 million people needing some form of humanitarian assistance, including 2.4 million people with acute humanitarian needs1. This includes 187,555 individuals that reside in 29 IDP camps, or composite camp areas.2 The round VII of REACH-CCCM Intentions Assessment in April 2021, which looked at 15 prioritised camps, found that only 1% of IDPs intended to return over the twelve months following data collection.3 Considering the rapidly-changing context of the crisis with the closure and consolidation of camps from August-December 2020 as well as new displacements and waves of returns throughout Iraq, including the movement of Iraqis previously in Syrian camps to camps in Iraq, up-to-date information about the needs of IDPs and available infrastructure and services in camps is necessary in order to address these needs as well as plan the camp strategy for the coming months. The conditions in camps differ greatly from one camp to another as well as between governorates, thus regular monitoring of conditions is essential to strategise appropriately the consolidation of some camps and closure of others in the coming year.While the humanitarian situation in Iraq has been gradually improving over the past two years, the transitional process has been defined by persisting political instabilities, resurgences of localised conflicts, and regional insecurities that are not directly related to the protracted displacement crisis. The large scale protests that broke out in Central Southern cities in late 2019, the Turkish military offensive in Northeast Syria, the heightened tensions between the United States and Iran and an increase in attacks of non-state armed groups on civilian and military targets have led to a substantial worsening of the political and security situation in Iraq and have added another layer of complexity to the humanitarian response. The current economic situation in Iraq is also characterised by a currency devaluation, due to oil-price collapse in 2020, happening for the first time in decades, which further shrinks the economy of the country and impacts the humanitarian situation. 4 Furthermore, the outbreak of COVID-19 in Iraq represents a public health crisis that could further aggravate the humanitarian situation and exacerbate existing vulnerabilities.5 The first case of COVID-19 in Iraq was recorded in February 2020 and as of 10 June, the World Health Organisation had recorded 1,237,856 confirmed as well as 16,614 deaths related to COVID-19.6 While the Iraqi government was able to largely contain the spread of the virus in the early stages, government-imposed lockdowns, and movement restrictions have inhibited access of millions of Iraqis to livelihood opportunities, education, and essential health services. The recent increase in COVID-19 cases throughout Iraq, as well as the ongoing access constraints have further restricted the provision of humanitarian aid to populations in need.Camp Profiles:To inform a more effective humanitarian response for IDPs living in camps, REACH and Iraq CCCM Cluster conduct IDP Camp Profiling assessments. Information from this profile will be used to monitor camp conditions and highlight priority needs and service gaps faced by households in all accessible IDP camps across Iraq, as well as multi-sectoral differences across camps, in order to address needs, and to inform prioritisation of camps for consolidation or closure where necessary. The data collected by the Camp Profiling will provide a comprehensive evidence base for programming and for future monitoring exercises inside camps. In addition, results of Camp Profiling will inform future planning by the CCCM cluster, as the primary harmonised mechanism for assessing IDP camps across Iraq.Intentions:The different settings in which IDPs reside can have a considerable impact on their stability in their area of displacement and the specific threats and vulnerabilities that they may face, which may in turn affect intentions to move, with regard to decisions to return or remain, and reasons for doing so. Consequently, it is important to understand and assess the movement intentions of IDP population groups.

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Research Terms of Reference Camp Profiling XV & Intentions Survey VIII IRQ1705 & IRQ1806, June 2021 - Iraq - ReliefWeb

Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi said yesterday that the spiritual leader of Iraq's Shia Muslims, Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Al-Sistani, has warned against using his fatwa which led to creating the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in 2014 to confront Daesh, for political or economic gains in favour of non-national projects.

In a statement issued on the 7th anniversary of Sistani's non-binding legal opinion, Al-Kadhimi said: "Our beloved country has gone through very difficult circumstances in those days, which put it before a dangerous existential challenge, had it not been for God's protection and the fatwa issued by the supreme authority, Mr. Ali Al-Sistani that had stopped this terrorist monster that scared the entire world."

"The fatwa has led to the elimination of this organisation during a period the world could not have imagined," he added.

Al-Kadhimi said the fatwa emanated from Al-Sistani's patriotic spirit which only answers to his Iraqi identity, leaving sectarian and ethnic lines separate.

OPINION: Pro-Sistani factions leave Shia forces, but Iraq's PM signals they are here to stay

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Iraq PM: Sistani warned of using PMF for partisan projects - Middle East Monitor