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F.A. works as a teacher in the Karrada district of Baghdad, and says her brother almost ended her life following a verbal argument over the way she wore her hijab. He had choked her, she asserts, and the marks of his hands are still on her neck. According to the teacher, she repeatedly reached out to the community police to report the mistreatment she had experienced and request her brother be kept away from her due to the abuse he subjects her to. Eventually, she received the following response: "We are fasting, go solve things amongst yourselves, why dont you?", or more accurately, "We are not inclined to listen to your complaint".

Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Iraq has witnessed a sharp increase in cases of violence against women an increase that was especially pronounced during the past year. Social media platforms have been inundated with images, videos, and content reflecting womens anger and dissatisfaction with the situation, along with comments expressing their outcry and rejection of the hostile behaviors and domestic violence they are being subjected to. In most cases, it has been noted that authorities suddenly become involved and investigate the circumstances only after the case starts receiving wide media attention.

Established by the Iraqi Ministry of Interior in 2008, the community police in Iraq was tasked with the main role of supporting families, resolving social altercations, and protecting human rights, vulnerable groups, and minorities. It was initially considered a progressive step towards supporting and assisting women, and this has been the case in many instances. However, the harsh reality remains that many women in Iraq continue to live in tragic conditions.

Through photos of the torture and psychological exhaustion evident on their faces and bodies, Iraqi women share messages laden with sorrow and anger amongst themselves. Whether to share the burden of their suffering, seek help, or curse out their abusers, many women seem to share their stories in search of a little consolation or assistance. However, even that aspiration is not always achievable in light of the authorities inaction and failure to protect them as first-class citizens.

In this regard, the Head of Cyber Monitoring at the Community Police of al-Najaf Province, Asmaa al-Talqani, says, "The role of the community police is to resolve issues in a friendly and educational manner, without the need to resort to police stations or the judiciary. This helps to alleviate the burden caused by the daily and continuous influx of reports received by the police. We engage directly with the complainant as soon as we receive the necessary information."

Al-Talqani discusses the challenges they face that impede their work, with the most prominent ones being the tribal nature of Iraqi society and the difficult mindset of the local community. This necessitates "communicating with them for days, solely to persuade them to refrain from harming or even killing the runaway girl, for example."

Many cases have occurred where community police returned girls to their families, such as the case of Tayiba al-Ali. Community police and the local police personally communicated with her family after she informed them that she would be killed by her own family. The authorities obligated the family to sign a pledge to not harm her. Tribal parties also intervened in an attempt to calm the situation. However, the case ended tragically with Tayiba being strangled to death three days later, on February 2nd.

According to al-Talqani, "We have limited powers, and when we encounter cases where individuals refuse to return, we hand them over to the judiciary, and they are then referred to the shelters and homes in the province. However, we cannot forcibly take abused girls against their families' will, as we don't have any legal provisions that align with such action."

She adds, "Our mission is to contain the situation and prevent it from escalating. We provide guidance to parents regarding psychological support and how to deal with victims of domestic violence and extortion, within the limits of our authority. Then we follow up on the case using our own methods, and we are serious about our work. However, there is no work that is free from problems and pressures. There may be minor failures, but women should not hesitate to file reports and complaints or contact us."

There will be no full rights for an individual without them realizing their need for those rights themselves, and without government institutions focusing on granting those rights. Social security cannot be provided to a victim who lives in fear in her own home more than she fears strangers in the streets. A woman may receive hits and kicks, but she cannot make a call or file a complaint seeking refuge for herself. The possibilities here are limited and unsafe, as they are subject to certain powers and conditions. Obedience and silence are the absolute necessity for women to stay alive. This is how this society has built its walls around women, making them completely helpless and powerless over time.

A study on violence against women in Iraq, published on the United Nations Women website, indicated that the absence of a deterrent law to protect women and girls from domestic violence, weak law enforcement institutions, and the proliferation of weapons outside the scope of state control, are all factors that have led to the escalation of violence against women and girls.

In the same judicial study, the investigation found that court decisions tend to be lenient in some of the penalties imposed on perpetrators of domestic violence crimes, and most of these cases end in reconciliation.

M.A., a teacher at the University of Basra, says she called the community police line several times after hearing her neighbor's screams, and she received the following response: "You think we don't have any work to do besides you?" Then the line was disconnected. Two days later, in the same area in Basra province, a banner was put up in mourning of H.A., her 20-year-old neighbor whom she used to occasionally run into by chance when she'd return from university. She says, "No one spoke about her death, and we didn't know the cause."

"The circumstances of death here are mysterious and ambiguous most times, but the features of death are the same on women's faces. Sometimes, when a woman tries to file a complaint against an abusive father or brother, she may be met with religious advice and preaching, as if the community police have suddenly become the morality police," says A.J., a 23-year-old student at the College of Arts in Baghdad. She explains how she reported her father's threats to kill her, and her report was met with these words: "It's just an angry outburst; do not be afraid. These problems happen within families."

For her part, Nourhan, a 19-year-old student at a Baghdad high school, provided us with information and pictures she had stored in the past years about an attempted assault by her younger brother. She would repeat, "He's a monster, not a brother." She spoke of several attempts to report the abuse, but she would hesitate when picking up the phone. Every time she wanted to speak up about what happened, she would get scared and back down, like any other girl who sees the conditions of women and hears about their fates when facing the perpetrator or facing death.

Nour's testimony ends with a bitter smile and a derisive joke, the kind that a person rarely forgets, "If something happens to me, seek justice for me, reclaim my rights, and don't remain silent," as if seeking justice and reclaiming rights after death will produce a result. But if the girl reclaims her rights, will she reclaim her life?

Basma al-Zaidi, the Director of the Women's Affairs Section in the Community Police within the Baghdad Police Directorate, says that "the community police's performance and tasks are humanitarian missions aimed at preserving human rights and promoting civil peace within its authorized powers."

She recounts that during her work in the Women's Affairs Section, she encountered many success stories of battered and abused women who had run away. However, "there are some cases that require days or months to be resolved completely. We try to convey to people that the solutions provided by the community police are friendly and reconciliatory, and that our work is based on the principle of restorative justice between the parties, rather than engaging in conflict and dispute and exacerbating the situation."

As for the reports and appeals received via the hotline, she says, "We do our part by responding to the reports immediately, and if the case needs to be referred to another institution, we also guide and direct the informant to the judiciary within our knowledge and capabilities. We have units and patrols that work on a daily and regular basis to reduce the cases of running away and suicide that have been prevalent among women and teenagers recently. We encourage a culture of reporting cases of violence and are confident that we will do our best and everything in our power."

In a conversation with Iraqi researcher Janan al-Jabri, she focused on mentioning the basics, which is that when we call something a person's right, we mean that society should protect it by law enforcement, education, and upbringing. So how come the relevant authorities are unable to provide full assistance due to the lack of fair laws that enable them to perform these tasks? When it comes to a battered or fleeing woman, the authorities she sought help from might return her to her family, like what had happened last month as reported in the media when the community police returned four abused girls to their homes fearing tribal retribution after obtaining written commitments from their families to not harm them, regardless of the consequences the fleeing women might face upon their return. Where should women turn to in such cases? What are the alternatives?

The community police mentions that they monitor these cases upon their return, but there are reservations due to the confidentiality of their work, and sharing the details of these cases without the consent of the families is not allowed. They also address the ethical aspects of their work, which require them to adopt a certain methodology that has to be near-hidden from the public eye. For example, we asked a group of young people working in the medical field about cases of suicide or abuse that reach hospitals and what actions and procedures they take in turn. The collective response was, "Most of the girls who attempted suicide refuse to have their parents and families with them in the hospital room. They just scream and cry most of the time, and the abusers are often the ones accompanying them. Therefore, we only treat them. As for reporting, it doesn't help because we are harmed, and the patient is harmed even more. Her life may even be in danger."

One nurse mentioned that she once tried to file a report about a married woman who was brutally abused in a bloody and horrific way, with blue bruises on her face along with jaw fractures, but she didn't complete the report out of fear of legal accountability and violating the patient's privacy.

After a long conversation with a member of the division who receives the reports, he stated, "There are what we call empty reports that take up time from police work when they do not deserve it. We are asked to sort out these reports so that we can focus on the urgent tasks. There are cases when we try to call those who filed the reports, but their devices are either off or busy. What can we do in such situations?"

He adds, "We know that blame will always be placed on us under all circumstances, while the real delay and incompetence is not in our system or the police's response, but rather in the government system that is still revising drafts laws without passing any of them to advance or progress our work".

These are endless narratives about the realities experienced by women in every part of the country, some of which are recorded in memoirs and others shared as anecdotes. The reality remains as it is between the testimonies of victims and the discussions among personnel in security and government institutions. How can we obtain our rights and address these cases without waiting for a response from a call that may see our lives end before we can hang up, or even fail to make the call in the first place?

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A broken shield for women? Community policing in Iraq fails the ... - Raseef22

Summary

The United Nations Investigative Team to Promote Accountability for Crimes Committed by Daesh/Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant is reporting for the tenth time to the Security Council, marking new key outcomes towards the fulfilment of its mandate in respect of accountability for core international crimes committed by Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL, also known as Daesh).

Following previously reported investigative achievements, the Team successfully launched new lines of inquiry on the development and use of biological and chemical weapons, the destruction of cultural and religious heritage and the crimes committed against various communities of Iraq. The Team has started to be engaged in building criminal case files with its Iraqi counterparts investigative judges, prosecutors and forensic and law enforcement experts against Daesh/ISIL perpetrators who escaped from Iraq and are residing in third States.

The Team, confident in the future adoption of a domestic legal framework to prosecute Daesh/ISIL members for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, is aiming to work with the Iraqi judiciary on key evidence and leads that could support charges related to core international crimes.

The Team will continue to share its expertise and knowledge with relevant jurisdictions, within and beyond Iraq, to hold Daesh/ISIL members accountable for such crimes.

The major evidence-digitization project led by the Team is continuously being implemented and UNITAD is assisting its counterparts in the digitization of records at several courts in Baghdad, Tikrit, Anbar, Ninawa, Kirkuk, Tazah Khurmatu and Erbil. This support includes the provision of training on the management of key evidence, as well as on the physical archiving of records.

The Team is highly dedicated to uninterruptedly providing its expertise, information, and equipment to Iraqi counterparts, in particular in the framework of its digitization project.

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Tenth report of the Special Adviser and Head of the United Nations ... - ReliefWeb

The following report is now acomplimentaryoffering from MEMRI's Jihad and Terrorism Threat Monitor (JTTM). For JTTM subscription information,click here.

The Sabereen News Telegram channel, which supports Iran-backed militias in Iraq, reported on May 31, 2023 that the Russia-backed Wagner PMC group had posthumously awarded a Russian medal and Black Cross ribbon to an Iraqi fighter named Abbas Abu Dharr Witwit, who was reportedly residing in Russia.[1]

For more about the involvement of jihadi groups in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, see MEMRIs studyThe Jihadi Conflict Inside The Russia-Ukraine War.

According to the post, Witwit who was killed on April 6, 2023 had a residency in Russia. "The Wagner Company grants the families of an Iraqi martyr the most prestigious medal of courage given to a resident of Russia who met martyrdom during the confrontations to liberate the city of Bakhmut," said the post.

The channel also shared a video of a Wagner representative giving the medal and the ribbon to a man who is identified in the post as Witwit's parent. In the video the father who spoke in Arabic language, praised his son, saying that "he was a hero, and he died like a hero, for the sake of freedom,a multipolar world and against the [powers] of arrogance."

The Putin's Friends in Iraq Telegram channel shared an English-language post reading: "[Witwit] selflessly gave his life while defending the ideals of freedom, justice and a multipolar world that America does not control. He dedicated his life to fighting against oppression, imperialism, and injustice. Believing that every person has the right to live in a world free from tyranny and fear, he devoted himself to the cause of defending these values and making them a reality."[2]

Witwit is a well-known Iraqi Shiite tribe that descends from Hilla city in Babil Province and Kurbela Province.

Over the past months, there have been several reports of jihadis who spent years fighting in Iraq and Syria now fighting in Ukraine, on both sides of the conflict.[3]

[1]Telegram, May 31, 2023.

[2]Telegram, May 31, 2023.

[3]See MEMRI JTTM Report:The Jihadi Conflict Inside The Russia-Ukraine War, May 22, 2023.

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Telegram Outlets Linked To Iran-Backed Militias In Iraq: Wagner ... - Middle East Media Research Institute

Now is not the time to be complacent, or to take for granted that Iraq has turned a corner, said the UN Special Representative for Iraq Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert.

Achievements range from fighting corruption to advancing energy independence, said Ms. Hennis-Plasschaert, who also heads the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), briefing on recent developments.

But going forward, she said, critical actions must tackle outstanding issues, including forging an agreement on a functioning budget and ensure the long-awaited provincial council elections occur by the end of 2023.

Turning to the Kurdistan region, she said disagreements between the two ruling parties in recent months drove the region close to the brink amid an increasingly reckless and irresponsible political situation.

Among a range of concerns, she raised the issue of the long-overdue parliamentary elections.

Time is of the essence, she said, adding that agreement on outstanding electoral issues must urgently be found. Another postponement would be detrimental to public trust.

Despite repeated declarations of commitment from Baghdad and Erbil, she remained disappointed over the scant progress made so far, in implementing the 2020 Sinjar Agreement, which outlined a road map for reconstructing the north of the country.

Such stagnation creates further space for spoilers to exploit the situation to their own ends, and it blocks thousands of displaced Sinjaris from returning to their areas of origin, she said.

A recent rise in tensions between communities in Sinjar was in large part further fuelled by online disinformation targeting the Yazidi community.

While local leaders from all sides have collectively worked to dispel this spike in tensions, she said, challenges to reconciliation will persist until meaningful steps are taken, including those towards a unified administration, stable security structures and reconstruction.

Be it the budget, questions surrounding hydrocarbon resources, disputed territories, the implementation of the Sinjar Agreement, or any other outstanding issue for that matter, she said it remains essential to move beyond ad hoc engagements between Baghdad and Erbil.

Developing countries, like Iraq (pictured) lack the resources to invest in recovery, climate action and the SDGs.

Water represents the most critical climate emergency for Iraq. By 2035, it is estimated that Iraq will have the capacity to meet only 15 per cent of its water demands. Around 90 per cent of Iraq's rivers are polluted, and seven million people are currently suffering from reduced access to water. This is a significant multiplier of threats to Iraqs stability.

Welcoming the priority placed on the issue of water security by Iraqs Government, she said plans for the extensive updating of water management systems are said to be underway, which will be vital in meeting demands driven by population growth and urbanization.

The fair sharing of resources among Iraqs neighbours is equally important, she said. If water access becomes a competition, everyone loses; bold domestic actions and close regional cooperation offer the only winning solution.

Regional security, economic and political developments will continue to impact Iraq, she said, emphasizing that the importance of the Governments efforts to scale up diplomacy with and among its neighbours in a number of areas, from border security and trade to water-sharing and climate issues.

Underlining the need for active, empowered and protected civic space, she expressed hope that Iraqs leaders and authorities publicly embrace civic engagement, and the freedom of expression at that, to avoid fomenting a renewed sense of isolation and disillusion among Iraqi people, particularly the younger generation and women.

Accountability, rule of law, and respect for human rights are equally essential to preventing recurring cycles of crises, she said.

Turning to the issue of missing Kuwaiti and third-party nationals and of Kuwaiti property as a result of Iraqs short-lived invasion of the country in 1990, she noted progress in locating witnesses and possible burial sites and welcomed welcome the Prime Ministers decision to establish a committee to continue these efforts.

However, she said her Officer continues to await progress on the retrieval of missing Kuwaiti property, including the national archives.

These gains could be easily spoiled, whether through unchecked corruption, interference from within, intrusion from the outside, a groundswell of disillusion or political horse-trading against the common good, she said.

Iraq has tremendous potential, she said. Through ambitious Government plans, provided they are fully implemented, many drivers of instability can be addressed.

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Despite gains, Iraq has not yet 'turned the corner', Security Council hears - UN News

As the final days of the holy month of Ramadan approached, Muqtada al-Sadr busied himself with preparations for his annual itikaf, a period of reflection to be spent in the great mosque of Kufa.

To those around him, it seemed clear he was trying to divert his attention away from events in the world outside the walls of his home in central Najafs Hanana.

It has been almost a year since the influential Shia cleric announced his withdrawal from politics. Over the past few months, as a new Iraqi government was formed without his participation, he resolutely refused to enter into any political dialogue or receive visitors trying to speak to him about developments or issues the country was facing.

Sadrs entourage could see how difficult it was for Sadr to remain calm as he made his arrangements for the three-day Kufa mosque retreat. It was plainly difficult for him to stay away from the daily drama of Iraqi politics.

Sadr had just a few days before he was due to head to Kufa. He asked who would join him in itikaf, and what food they would be given for their days of reflection, one of Sadrs close aides told Middle East Eye.

Everyone told him everything was as he wanted it and that there was nothing to worry about. But that wasnt quite true.

On 13 April, immediately after the evening prayer, a short video began circulating on social media. In it, a bearded young man appears wearing black religious garb, his face hidden behind a black mask. The figure called on everyone to pledge their allegiance to Sadr, identifying him as the Mahdi, the awaited twelfth imam of the Shia who, it is believed, will appear as a saviour to bring justice to all.

The masked man said that the Kufa mosque would witness the launch of a "big campaign" to declare allegiance to Sadr during his stay there.

"We will pledge allegiance to him and announce that he is the awaited imam, and we will be under his banner and support him," the man said.

"Do not let down the imam of your time. Give your allegiance to him and support him."

Hours later, dozens of Sadrs supporters, who call themselves "owners of the cause", gathered in Hanana in front of his house to declare their allegiance.

To their surprise, Sadrs guards did not greet them, instead assaulting the rapturous Sadrists and handing them over to the police, local sources told MEE.

Sadr already knew that there were some among the most devoted in the Sadrist movement that believe he is the Mahdi, and footage like the video of the masked man was not particularly unusual. But for some reason, the developments "provoked him a lot, and raised his fears", Sadr's aide said.

Rather than being a show of support, the video was seen as an attempt to destabilise Sadr.

"That was an explicit threat to Sadr's life and a threat of chaos," the aide told MEE.

According to the aide, whoever was behind the video wanted to provoke Sadrists into massing at the Kufa mosque and then confronting Shia clergy in Najaf, who would not accept the claim Sadr is their long-awaited saviour.

"These people are very dangerous and can carry out crimes in the name of Sadr," he said.

If this analysis is correct, Sadrs response showed he understood well what was at play and decided to distance himself from it as soon as possible.

He cancelled his itikaf, ordered most of his offices closed, and suspended his movements religious and social work for at least a year.

At least three prominent Shia leaders told MEE that "a malicious plan was behind that movement", and that Sadr was indeed a target.

It was an ideological game aimed at manipulating Sadr and inflating his ego. If he remained silent or responded to the game positively, then killing him became legitimate," one of the leaders said.

"Whoever was behind this scheme, he was seeking to implicate Sadr and to force him in one way or another to take a stand."

Since that day, Sadr has only been dealt further painful blows, both by his political opponents and people closer to home. It seems more than one player is trying to drag him out of his seclusion.

In Shia jurisprudence, adult Muslims must choose a senior cleric to be their religious reference - or marjaa - and follow his fatwas and instructions in all matters of life.

Traditionally, that marjaa must be alive and known for his religious scholarship. But the two founders of the Sadrist movement, Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr and Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, stressed that a marjaa should be the most knowledgeable cleric available - alive or dead.

Grand Ayatollah Kadhim al-Haeri, who was a student of the first Sadr and guardian of the second, did not deviate from this line. In fact, he issued a fatwa allowing people to follow a dead marjaa, as long as they have the permission of a living one, like himself.

When Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr was assassinated by Saddam Husseins agents in 1999, the Sadrists began to follow Haeri spiritually and the slain Sadrs son, Muqtada, politically.

Haeri also gave Muqtada al-Sadr permission to manage his fathers office and religious schools, as well as the funds raised through khums (obligatory religious charity) and donations.

This arrangement benefitted Sadr considerably and helped keep the Sadrist movement together under his leadership - particularly keeping the loyalty of youth born following his fathers death.

Fear, a fatwa, and bloodshed: Inside the battle for Iraqs Green Zone

This situation changed completely at the end of August last year, when Haeri, who is based in the Iranian city of Qom, announced his sudden and unprecedented retirement due to illness and advanced age.

In his announcement, Haeri rescinded his permission for Sadr to manage the movements funds and activities.

"Sayyid Haeri's sudden retirement confused Sadr and greatly embarrassed him," Khalid al-Hamdani, professor at Najafs scientific seminary, told MEE.

Retirement is not customary among Najaf clergymen so everyone was surprised by it, including the offices of Sadr and Haeri himself. That retirement has impacted all the arrangements between Sadrs and Hairis offices dating back to 2003.

Haeris retirement prompted Sadr to suspend the work of the Sadrist religious schools and institutions, and he stopped receiving the khums.

Not only did he lose access to the hundreds of millions of dollars they brought in, he haemorrhaged followers as well.

Only adding to the shocking and strange nature of Haeris announcement, as a number of Shia scholars in Najaf described it, was the order for the marjaas followers to obey Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei instead.

"Herein lies the danger, said a prominent Sadrist leader. Previously, Sadrists would be embarrassed following Khamenei spiritually, and therefore working with the Iraqi armed factions associated with the Iranian supreme leader.

But not only had Haeri embarrassed Sadr by associating him with Khamenei, who he had long kept a distance from, he had opened the door for Sadrists to consider other clerics as their marjaa rather than Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr.

"Can you imagine what happened? The semi-closed circle, which Sadr was keen to keep the Sadrists inside, has broken, and this is what Sadr never expected to happen," Sadrs aide said.

Today, Sadrs status is a hot topic of discussion, with Haeris announcement opening the door for the clerics Shia rivals to question his legitimacy at every opportunity.

'Frankly, the issue is far from jurisprudence, religion and faith. It is a struggle over the Sadrist grassroots'

- Former Sadr aide

Dozens of Telegram channels, WhatsApp groups and Facebook pages, some of them linked to Shia armed factions and others of unknown affiliation, have been heavily promoting the debate for weeks.

It seems clear that the real threat facing Sadr is political, not ideological, especially after his opponents, the Shia rivals in particular, have realised that his main source of strength is the same as his main source of weakness: Haeris fatwa.

In response, Sadr has tried to shore up his support.

On 29 April, he asked his followers to submit a written pledge signed in blood where they promised not to follow any religious scholar who has not been a longstanding Sadrist. They also had to vow not to join any"suspicious groups that want to undermine Iraq, the sect and the Sadrist movement".

Sadr was keen to stress to his followers that his enemies had malicious plans aimed at dispersing the Sadrist movement and encouraging them to question their marjaa or leader - Sadr himself.

"Frankly, the issue is far from jurisprudence, religion and faith. It is a struggle over the Sadrist grassroots," said a former Sadr aide, who a few years ago defected to an Iranian-backed armed faction.

"Questioning Sadr's religious and ideological authority, and raising questions about the nature of the relationship between him and his followers, is one of the weapons used in the battle and we all know this.

The former aide acknowledged the cleric relies heavily on the movements youngest generation but also said these youth remain committed to him spiritually and politically.

"Fortifying these people and keeping them under control, away from the influence of opponents, is Sadrs chief goal right now," he said.

Sadrs fiercest opponents are his former companions: followers of his father and uncle, people he has gone into battle with.

Most prominent are Shia armed factions Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataeb Hezbollah, who have ideological, demographic and territorial overlap with the Sadrist movement.

The three factions emerged from the same school of jurisprudence that was founded by the first Sadr leader, Muhammad Baqir, Sadr's uncle and father-in-law.

This demographic and ideological crossover complicates the competition between the factions, making their fight even more cruel.

And the fraternal nature of their competition means the Sadrists, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataeb Hezbollah know exactly how to undermine each other and tempt their fighters away.

Iraqi documents say Hashd al-Shaabi fighters have doubled in two years

This dynamic dramatically and publicly revealed itself earlier this month.

On 6 May, Sadr instructed his supporters to mark the annual anniversary of the assassination of his father later in the month.

Only those who had signed the pledges in blood were allowed to participate in the Najaf ceremony, provided they walk on foot from the outskirts of the holy city to the place where Sadr senior was killed.

Sadrs stipulations and planned march were a message to his opponents, one of the clerics aides told MEE. He was showing his rivals that only he could move such vast crowds of devotees.

"The plan was for everyone to see the number of those willing to die for Sadr. We do not deny that the goal was to display our strength and our men," the aide said.

Just days before the parade was due to take place, it was cancelled.

Sadrs office distributed an audio recording of the cleric, in which he ordered everyone to stop preparations and close Sadrs shrine in Najaf throughout the last week of May, when the anniversary was due to fall.

This was "the best punishment for this hypocritical group and those who support them among the corrupt and shameless militias, Sadr is heard saying, using a common nickname he has for Asaib Ahl al-Haq.

No other reason was given. But developments in the southern governorates of Basra and Nasiriyah in recent weeks offer some clues.

Internal Sadrist correspondence seen by Middle East Eye shows in late April the central security branch of Saraya al-Salam, the Sadrists armed wing, ordered the expulsion of 18 fighters from the 304th Basra Brigade, without mentioning why.

A senior Saraya al-Salam commander in Basra told MEE that the fighters were believed to be defecting to Asaib.

Two weeks later, the same branch ordered the expulsion of Abu Hassan al-Daradji, a senior commander in Basra, on charges of "treason", the correspondence shows.

Twenty-four hours later, websites linked to Asaib published pictures of Darraji accompanied by a number of the armed factions leaders, announcing his defection.

"Our information says that they paid him at least 2bn dinars [$1.5m] to defect from us, along with his unit," the Saraya al-Salam commander told MEE.

It is not clear what material damage Darrajis defection caused Sadrs Basra units, but by the reactions of Asaib Ahl al-Haq, we can see it was a blow to morale.

Local Sadrist leaders in Basra told MEE that Daradji had been made commander of Asaibs special missions team.

"They wanted to tell us that this was his reward," the Saraya al-Salam commander told MEE.

The Sadrist retreat began in June last year, when, frustrated by his inability to form a government, Sadr ordered his MPs to resign from parliament.

That allowed Sadrs Shia rivals in the Coordination Framework alliance to form the government of their choice. It seemed like an incredible coup for them. Months later, it appears more like a trap.

Iraq has witnessed a period of relative calm in recent months. Leaders of the Coordination Framework, which includes most Iranian-backed political forces and armed factions, have gone about their business without obvious concerns.

Yet Shia political leaders told MEE that fears are beginning to surface.

Some of the biggest concerns expressed by Framework leaders is that some of their partners in the Shia alliance are encroaching on their territory and have control over key institutions.

Essentially, the organs of state are a lucrative business for whoever controls them.

'It is certain that several international and local parties are seeking to bring Sadr back to the scene'

- Coordination Framework leader

While Sadrists had powerful positions in government, anyone pursuing illegal and corrupt activities could accuse them of being responsible instead, giving them plausible deniability.

With that no longer possible, Sadrs friends and enemies alike find they miss him and wish for his return to political life, "to relieve them of embarrassment and to provide them with the required cover for their illegal business", as a Framework leader put it.

"Many international and local parties believe that Sadr's presence outside the political process is more costly than his presence inside it, and it is time for him to return," the Framework leader said.

According to the leader, Asaib Ahl al-Haq has begun taking more shares of the spoils of government than its partners are happy with.

If it stays like this, this faction will turn on the rest and swallow them up, he said.

"Others have become exposed and cannot proceed with their illegal activities without the presence of someone that they can use as a cover to throw the charge at.

Sadr, the Framework leader said, is a tool of deterrence and provides a kind of protection for several parties.

It cannot be said that only one player is behind everything that is happening with Sadr now, but it is certain that several international and local parties are seeking to bring him back to the scene, he said.

How and when will he return? This mainly depends on his ability to hold on.

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How Sadr's foes are trying to suck him back into Iraqi public life - Middle East Eye