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Its been more than two decades since the United States invaded Iraq in 2003, starting a war that ultimately lasted eight years, cost tens of thousands of lives, and destabilized the Middle East.

Countless books and news articles have been written about what led to the Iraq War. Told largely from the perspective of western officials, most of them have focused on the United States post-9/11 hunt for weapons of mass destruction that we now know didnt exist.

But a new book by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Steve Coll provides a fresh perspective on the origins of the war, one that explores the 2003 invasion through the two decades that preceded it and through the eyes of the brutal dictator at the center of it all: Saddam Hussein.

In The Achilles Trap: Saddam Hussein, the C.I.A., and the origins of Americas invasion of Iraq, Coll draws on a wide range of sources to tell a compelling, character-driven story about how the United States bungled its way into an avoidable war with Iraq. But some of the most revealing information in the more than 500-page book comes from transcripts of tape-recorded meetings from inside Saddams regime, including many materials never before published, which were captured by invading U.S. forces.

As Coll notes in the books introduction, he obtained a cache of 145 transcripts and files after settling a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit against the Pentagon with free legal support from attorneys at the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. He also received additional records from the private archive of scholar Michael Brill.

By connecting these and additional parts of the captured files with other sources, including interviews with surviving participants, Coll writes, it became possible to see in new ways what drove Saddam in his struggle with Washington, and to understand how and why American thinking about him was often wrong, distorted, or incomplete.

Ahead of his book tour, the Reporters Committee spoke with Coll about why he decided to team up with RCFP attorneys for the project, how the Saddam tapes provided the books narrative voice, and what the U.S. government can learn from his research about how to deal with other authoritarian foreign leaders. (This interview has been edited for length and clarity.)

Primarily, I felt that the mystery of why Saddam did as he did was a neglected part of our understanding of the origins of the decision to invade. Our self-reflection and political arguments about the invasion had concentrated understandably almost exclusively on the decisionmaking in Washington and in London about the threat Saddam seemed to pose, about the bad WMD intelligence, about the public selling of the war, about the medias involvement. All of that had been the way that we had come to terms with the invasion and the discovery that the premise that Iraq had WMD was false.

But why had Saddam created the impression that he had WMD when he didnt? Why did he risk his long run in power and ultimately give up his life for weapons that he didnt possess? That was a question that was almost never asked. And when I learned about the tapes and the other records from his regime, I thought that perhaps there would be a way to tell a multi-sided story to include his part of the bargain into our understanding of where this came from.

I wasnt sure. There were a fair number of materials in a scattershot way that I could access to get a flavor for what they read like, what they felt like. There were conferences that had released excerpts of some transcripts and those materials were still publicly available. I thought they were interesting because they provided an authentic and very unusual case study of the thinking and decisionmaking of a dictator in a closed system, one whose actions and thinking ended up having an enormous impact through the Iraq War on the United States. Its just unusual to get that level of real-time transcripts, even in the U.S. political system.

My ambition was to add to the record substantially by filing a FOIA request that could draw out new materials that maybe had never been released or that were no longer available and still seemed to be important.

In a couple of previous books, I had filed FOIA requests on my own and had had slow but good experiences with extracting useful materials. In those cases, I had a sense of what I was looking for. I would send in my FOIA requests like a stranded survivor throwing a message in a bottle into the sea, hoping that something would come back. Sometimes, in the case of the Exxon book, I didnt hear anything for a long time and I thought, Oh, this is just pointless. Im never going to get anything. And then suddenly, these large envelopes started arriving at my home address some years after I had filed the requests, and I would rip them open and discover what turned out to be good and important materials.

This time, I thought, I cant afford to do it that way. I need professional assistance. I have to run on a more predictable timeline. These materials are too central to the project for me to go alone. So I called the Reporters Committee, and [RCFP Senior Staff Attorney] Adam [Marshall] ended up being my point of contact. He was incredibly helpful in just laying out a process for how I should proceed individually as a filer and what timeline to expect by way of the government failing to do its duty in responding, and then once enough time had passed, then we could talk about litigation. The whole plan made good sense to me, and so thats what we did. And it unfolded almost exactly the way Adam predicted.

My hypothesis about what I should file for was partly based on my own experience with federal FOIA, which is not a great system, the advice I got from Adam and the team, and my analyses of some indexes that were publicly available that provided lists of transcripts, tapes, and other documents with short descriptions saying what they described, and they had dates, so I could see when a conversation had taken place. So I looked through as many indexes as I could find, and I thought and Adam agreed that I should ask for files that were listed in these indexes because they had identification numbers that would make it very easy to locate them so that the government couldnt say, I cant find them, or I have to go dig around a warehouse in Qatar or something like that.

I limited my request to items that were indexed, and then I decided to ask heavily for more recent files because, looking at what was available through scholarship and detritus on the internet, there was a real absence of material from after 9/11 and right up until 9/11. There was a strong bias toward material from the 1980s and 1990s, and I think it was because of the controversies around WMD after the invasion drove a lot of the selection process in the first releases of these materials. People wanted to know, What was the history of the chemical weapons program? How did Saddam talk about using WMD?

There was less on the record about what Saddam was saying and thinking after 9/11. And I was very curious as to why that was and wondered if there was a political bias. Maybe the tapes were embarrassing in some way. I cant explain why there was so little of that material on the record, but once I saw some of those meetings, they were very interesting, and I think they worked really well to bring a completely fresh perspective and voicing onto the page in the part of the history that I figured would be the most familiar to readers, from 9/11 to the invasion. It was challenging because it was the more picked over part of the history, and I had these materials to kind of rewrite the history with Saddams voice very much present.

Well, theres some good stuff (laughs). Thats the main headline.

Its Saddams view of the world at critical junctures [leading up to the invasion of Iraq]. Its the totality of his mindset: his concerns, his paranoia, his conspiracy theories, his reading of the Americans. I would say that is probably over and over again the most interesting thing for the audience that I was trying to write for, which I think isnt just an American audience, but an international one as well. How did Saddam see his own adversaries? We had a theory of him, what was his theory of us? He was very shrewd about matters of power. Obviously he had taken power in very rough circumstances and held it under pressure for a long period of time, so it wasnt surprising to see that he was obsessed with his adversaries and with matters of power and competition among militaries and governments, but the way he thought about that, the way he read the Americans, the way he made his own decisions about whether to cooperate, whether to be aggressive, was absolutely fascinating.

The bonus points were that he was lively. He could be a drudge he rambled on about geopolitical matters and no one ever interrupted him because why would you interrupt someone like that? but he did have a sense of humor. He could be charismatic. There was just an energy in his presence that made it easier to write about him.

As a writer, I had the space to try to really empathize with Saddam, and I had the information available to try to do that in some depth and to try to see the world from behind his eyes. I think you cant help but come away with a sense that, in contemporary affairs, even though we may have a surface impression of adversarial authoritarians, the Saddam case cautions that, in such closed systems, there are almost always many layers of truth behind the surface presentation of a leader that will explain much more than whats visible.

One lesson is that it is in our national interest to maintain contact even with our enemies, even when its morally uncomfortable, even when its politically fraught, because these systems are so closed and there are limits to the insights that are available through other means. It doesnt have to be the president picking up the phone and calling his counterpart. But in Saddams case, we didnt have contact with Saddam or any of his envoys through any channel for like 12 years before the 2003 invasion. In hindsight, that was clearly a mistake. Would we have learned if we had been talking to him or his people that he had kind of lost interest in military affairs toward the end and was obsessed with novel writing? Would we have learned that he issued orders to scientists to make sure that all of the weapons were destroyed and that the documentation was eliminated? Would that have caused us to pause and think, Why is he issuing orders like that? Who knows, but we certainly didnt encounter those facts because we had no access at all.

Yeah, thats the answer. There was a conversation between [President Bill] Clinton and [British Prime Minister] Tony Blair in 1998, when theyre talking about Saddam, and Clinton asked Blair, Has anyone in your foreign ministry talked to Saddam over the last few years? And Blairs like, Id have to check. I dont think so. And Clinton says, If I could, Id pick up the phone and call the son of a bitch, but its so fraught in America that I would just be roasted if I did that, so I cant. But I sort of feel like we should be talking to him.

And its clear from the records that Saddam would have been happy to have a backchannel through his intelligence services or through his family members or any number of channels if we had appointed someone on our side to have those conversations. Would they have been very fruitful? Hard to say. But what is the cost of doing that? Not very high. Its only in domestic politics. And Clintons comment to Blair shows you how intense the pressure is in the White House not to be seen as compromising. And its not only about a presidents political or popular standing, its also that, in these cases, as today, we have sanctions regimes in place. And the effect of the sanctions regimes depends on compliance by allies. So there are good reasons why it doesnt happen, but youre asking an important question, which is, what can we learn from our past failures? And one of them is that you really cant afford to be silent if you think that this adversary can hurt you.

Its kind of the only way I know how to do things, to be honest (laughs). Its what I read, its what I have done before. My niche is to try to synthesize intelligence, political, and military history around Americas encounters with the world, particularly our failures, when we go out and struggle in complex and emerging countries like Iraq or Afghanistan or Pakistan. Im drawn to the challenge of trying to get the big picture into the book while making it readable. And to me, making it readable means you need characters and you need scenes and dialogue and action. And you need to keep it as brisk as you can while not compromising on the complexity of whats going on.

Ive been practicing this for a long time. And I felt like what was so satisfying about this project was that I could deliver a much higher ratio of fun characters and dialogue and action than I normally can because the transcripts were so lively, because Saddam was kind of a larger-than-life character, and because there was so much action behind the scenes: the defection of [Saddams] son in law, coup attempts by the Americans one after another, a couple of wars.

Working in this genre for so many years, I dont often have material that is like that, start to finish, and I was really grateful for it. It was fun. That was the gift of the transcripts. They provided a bedrock of narrative and voice and dialogue that is essential to make a complicated history like this readable.

The Reporters Committee was just invaluable to this whole project. It was a huge gift to have that collaboration. They are great lawyers. They are really committed to the goal of public interest work. They were very collaborative and careful to make sure that what we were doing was something that I understood and they gave me good, honest advice. I come from a family of lawyers, I live around lawyers, and so I appreciate them. But I also recognize best practices. And they were just excellent. I also thought they were hugely effective and efficient. We didnt waste a lot of time going down rabbit holes. They know their business so they were able to accurately predict and manage the process so that we got a great result without a lot of distraction.

The Reporters Committee regularly files friend-of-the-court briefs and its attorneys represent journalists and news organizations pro bono in court cases that involve First Amendment freedoms, the newsgathering rights of journalists and access to public information. Stay up-to-date on our work by signing up for our monthly newsletter and following us on Twitter or Instagram.

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Steve Coll discusses collaboration with RCFP attorneys for new book, "The Achilles Trap" - Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press

In December, 39 Missouri National Guardsmen received Combat Infantryman Badges, the formal recognition given only to troops who have engaged in active ground combat, for actions that took place during their 2023 deployment to Syria.

It was a somewhat uncommon occasion. Taking hostile fire in the Middle East had become more of a rarity for conventional troops in recent years, as the U.S. pared down its missions in Iraq and Syria.

But its become more commonplace since October as troops deployed to the Middle East have regularly faced drone, mortar and missile attacks from Iran-backed militias, totaling more than 180 injuries in 170 incidents.

U.S. Central Command, which is responsible for U.S. military presence in that area of the world, has not responded to repeated requests from Military Times to provide a list of awards for contact with the enemy since October.

Many of those troops in the line of fire have been National Guardsman, as regular rotations in Iraq, Syria and Jordan have largely been carried about by part-time soldiers spending six or more months at a time supporting the mission to defeat ISIS.

Served in Iraq, Syria or Jordan recently? We want to hear from you.

The Missouri soldiers were from 1st Battalion, 138th Infantry Regiment, Army Lt. Col. Rutledge McClain, a Missouri Guard spokesman, confirmed to Military Times. The unit deployed in May and returned in December.

McClain did not respond to a request for the award citations accompanying the badges, which could offer details on what troops downrange faced during the recent attacks.

Guardsmen from Massachusetts, Maryland and Michigan were also deployed in 2023, in a support role that has largely been done with little fanfare, a U.S. official, who was not authorized to speak on the record, told Military Times earlier this month.

The Missouri Guard did not publicize 1-138ths bravery, but members of the unit shared photos of the ceremony on Facebook,. One of the states recruiters then re-shared the photos.

The mission in Iraq, Syria and Jordan is to keep ISIS under control, mostly through special operations forces working with local forces to carry out kill-or-capture operations on known ISIS leadership.

To support that mission, thousands of conventional troops also deploy, taking care of everything from supply to legal services to security and air defense at outposts housing both U.S. and local troops.

The January attack on Tower 22, a small outpost on the Jordan-Syria border, which killed three Army Reserve soldiers and injured dozens of others, raised questions as to how safe these troops are, spending months at remote outposts, with questions being raised after the attack about the level of available air defenses.

Most casualties from recent attacks in Middle East are brain injuries

Guardsmen took most of the many of the casualties in that attack. Approximately 35 troops were from the Arizona National Guard, according to their spokeswoman, Army Capt. Erin Hannigan. Their injuries ranged from cuts and bruises to more serious traumatic brain injuries, including one soldier who returned stateside for treatment, she said.

New rotations of Guard troops headed to the Middle East at the beginning of the year, including the New Jersey National Guard. More than 1,500 members of the 44th Infantry Brigade Combat Team left in January for the states biggest deployment of troops since 2008.

In addition, the Ohio Army National Guards 1483rd Transportation Company, which hadnt deployed in 15 years, and 1st Battalion, 181st Infantry Regiment from Massachusetts, also headed downrange.

U.S. troops in the Middle East are not thought to have been targeted by Iran-backed militias since Feb. 4, following multiple attacks on Kataib Hezbollah facilities and leadership in retaliation for the Tower 22 attack.

We will maintain our focus on the mission that were there to do, which is the enduring defeat of ISIS, Air Force Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder, a Pentagon spokesman, said during a briefing Feb. 20. But again, if our forces are threatened or attacked, we maintain the inherent right of self defense and well take action.

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The National Guard's quiet role in Iraq, Syria and Jordan - Yahoo! Voices

Iraq (MNN) Religious minorities voice concern as Iraqs government threatens to close all of the Internally Displaced Persons or IDP camps by July 30, 2024.

Its a big concern because theres a huge number; were talking probably over half a million people that are currently housed in IDP camps in Kurdistan, Samuel* of Redemptive Stories explains.

Many people view the camps as not a long-term healthy solution, which is the truth. But it is the current solution, and it continues to be an issue for which there arent good answers.

IDP camp closures are kind of a yearly campaign promise that they try to push through, Samuel adds. I doubt it will fully come to fruition, but some camps will be closed over the next four months.

Most Christian IDPs have already been resettled in Iraq, but the Yazidi people have fewer options.

The Islamic State called Yazidis infidels and tried to eliminate the entire population in August 2014. Hundreds of thousands of Yazidi people took refuge in Kurdistan, where theyre being pushed out of IDP camps today.

Views in June of 2019 around Sardashte Camp for displaced Yazidis, atop Shingal Mountain. (Wikimedia Commons)

For many of them, that means being relocated back to their homes, but again, home doesnt really mean home because thats why theyre in this camp in the first place, Samuel says.

Their home has been destroyed; their home is no longer safe, or they dont have jobs; lots of different reasons.

Opportunity follows every crisis. This is another case where the Church, our brothers and sisters, can step in and fill a need, Samuel says.

If they (Yazidis) are displaced from these camps, they need to be housed somewhere so thats another chance for Christians to love their neighbor as themselves.

As Yazidis return to where they grew up, please pray that this will create new opportunities for organizations to move back into those spaces where they havent been for many, many years if ever to serve in those communities, Samuel requests.

Ask the Lord to protect the children of affected families. The children have only known the camp; theyve been there since 2015, Samuel says.

So many of them have been impacted by Christian ministries in those camps, centers that have taught them English, played games with them, and been in kindergarten or tutors.

Header image depicts the Hassan Sham IDP Camp for Arabs who fled the Islamic State. The camp is located near Erbil Governorate and Mosul (Nineveh Plains) on the border of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq. (Wikimedia Commons)

The rest is here:
Iraq to close all IDP camps by July 30 - Mission Network News

ColumnistArshaan Radman writes, "U.S. international diplomacy needs to adopt a more informed position on international issues."

A series of confrontations between Iran-linked proxies and the United States points to a growing challenge for the American presence in the Middle East.

In response to a drone strike that killed three American service members and wounded dozens in Jordan, U.S. military command has ordered airstrikes against targets in Iraq and Syria. Later, a joint U.S. and U.K. force struck Houthi targets in Yemen, leading to serious damage, with 17 Houthi fighters killed. The strikes in Yemen come as a response to Houthi activity aimed at the Red Sea trade, with the Houthis targeting American, British and Israeli-linked ships.

The recent strikes targeting American installations and trade are in part fueled by American support for Israel.

The Houthis, supported by Iran and located right next door to Saudi Arabia, are a Shia insurgent group and yet another front in the Saudi-Iran proxy conflict. In the context of the Yemeni Civil War, while the Houthis control only a fraction of the country, they control a majority of the population and the capital of the nation, Sanaa. Most of the land controlled by the Houthis actually mirrors that of North Yemen, separated from South Yemen until 1990.

The multinational U.S.-led coalition aimed at ensuring the safety and security of ships passing through the Red Sea combines 19 nations, according to Lara Seligman of Politico, with many choosing to remain anonymous in their support. Many international shipping companies are choosing to ship around the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa, adding more shipping mileage and cost, affecting the supply of many consumer and industrial goods.

In some situations, shipping costs through the Suez Canal have increased nearly fivefold as shipping companies are being charged more and more in insurance rates.

Two nations that are not present in the coalition are Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia is continuing the terms of a ceasefire agreement signed in 2022, while the U.A.E. has sat out for now, likely waiting for other powers to resolve the issues themselves.

A future Saudi response will most definitely be limited as the Saudi government and Iran are reaching a detente. Houthi strikes have also avoided Chinese ships, likely as an effort to limit the possibility of a Chinese response.

In December 2023, the French Navy shot down an Iranian-supplied Houthi rocket (estimated cost of $20,000) using an Aster 15 short-range rocket, which has an estimated cost of $1.1 million. At that rate, it is clear that long-term viability lies with the Houthis.

These implications mean the United States has to build its military around deterrence on a budget going forward.

Where real concern creeps in for the U.S. is the fact that in the face of the conflict in Ukraine, growing Chinese power and the current situation in Israel and Palestine, our military is being stretched thin. The economic battle of protecting ships through the Red Sea is a battle that the Houthis can win.

As U.S. military presence grows more and more around the globe, we have to start looking at mending our military to fight more irregular threats this much was evident from our time in Afghanistan. Furthermore, Irans proxy network is proving to be a greater threat than imagined on an international scale.

U.S. international diplomacy needs to adopt a more informed position on international issues. If done correctly, diplomacy still has a chance to work.

Arshaan Radman is a freshman at UT studying global health and biology. He can be reached at aradman@vols.utk.edu.

Columns and letters of The Daily Beacon are the views of the individual and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Beacon or the Beacon's editorial staff.

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Opinion: American airstrikes in Iraq, Syria, Yemen solidify a concerning reality - UT Daily Beacon

In 2014, running through 2017, the conflict with ISIL led to violence and displacement in Iraq. Forcing many to flee their homes and find refuge elsewhere both inside and outside Iraq.

Even though the conflict ended and occupied areas were liberated, its negative impact continues to ripple through the affected communities in various parts of the country. Several displaced people who returned home still struggle with the aftershocks of conflict. Many lost their homes, sources of livelihood, good health, and the community bonds that held everything together. Women and children particularly suffered from specific challenges including a lack of opportunities to contribute to their family incomes as they struggled to rebuild.

As part of efforts to address these challenges, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) working with partners like Human Appeal is providing livelihood and economic support as well as mental health support services to returnees and host community members through vocational training, cash for work activities, and small business grants among others to improve their lives and build back social bonds.

One of the key vocational activities provided is baking classes for women. InUnited Through Food, a UNDP-curated cookbook celebrating Iraqi cuisine baking is identified as one of the traditional aspects of Iraqi culture. For UNDPs social cohesion initiatives, baking is a gateway for women usually delegated homemaking roles only to contribute to their families incomes. Below, we share the stories of three inspiring women from Al Zab in Kirkuk Governorate, whose lives have been transformed by these efforts.

The three women (leftright): Buthaina, Rania, and Suzan show off some of their baked creations during a get-together at the Al Zab Government training centre.

Photo credit: UNDP Iraq 2024

Dreaming of sponge cake - Buthaina Husseins story

I used to dream of making sponge cake, but now I can make it, exclaimed 30-year-old Buthaina Hussein, a married mother of four. She is one of the 10 women from the Al Zab village in Kirkuk Governorate selected to take part in the vocational classes led by Human Appeal, a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Implementing Partner working in the areas of return.

During the 14-day training, she expanded her baking skills, learning how to make different types of cakes and Iraqi candies and perfecting her decorating techniques. By the end of the training, she was taking orders from her neighbours and earning 6000 IQD per cake sold. She hopes to even make more as demand increases.

Buthainas family was displaced in Kirkuk City for 5 years due to the ISIL insurgency and returned to find everything destroyed. We had to start all over again, she said, adding that they are rebuilding their family home and she is happy that she can also make a small contribution to that now.

Everyone in my family is excited about this, my children all support me while I work and they are learning too, she said.

She is also excited about her new friends from the classes, we have become like sisters and consult each other on recipes and other ideas.

From homemaker to businesswoman: Rania

In the same baking class, 32-year-old Rania Kalam is also embracing her new life as a baker. She also proudly describes herself as a businesswoman since she started getting orders right after upgrading her skills. In addition to baking cakes, the training introduced her to dishes like pizza and Iraqi candies, leading to orders for birthday celebrations and engagement parties.

"With my first order, my whole family was outside waiting for the pick-up and took photos of the whole thing, it was such a happy day," Rania shared excitedly adding that her husband now helps her make deliveries.

Even if the little profit I make meets only my needs, it's enough because it reduces the expenses for the whole family, Rania explains adding that savings go to other family needs. Her family fled Al Zab for one and half years returning in 2017 to rebuild.

Suzan gets help

Suzan shares a smile to show her gratitude for the counselling support received from the project. (Photo credit: UNDP Iraq 2024).

Photo credit: UNDP Iraq 2024

For Suzan Salih, a married mother of six, the baking classes introduced her to the projects Mental Health and Psychosocial Support Services (MHPSS).

She was struggling with family rejection after she was appointed to become the first female mukhtar in Shmeet, Alzab district. Traditionally, this position is reserved for men and her brothers saw it as a dishonour to their family when she accepted it.

Despite her family's disapproval, she took on the role offered by the Mayor after working at his house. The disapproval from her brothers affected her deeply, hindering her concentration during baking classes.

It was during the baking classes that she learned about the MHPSS. Feeling isolated, Suzan approached a counsellor from the Human Appeal team. Through individual and group sessions, she found valuable mental health support.

"Now, I focus on supporting my family and those who care about me," Suzan shared, grateful for the newfound strength. Although she's yet to start her home-based baking business, she plans to sell pastries to the local school once she secures a grant.

In her role as mukhtar, Suzan aims to unite people, including returnees. Despite initial challenges, she feels theres more acceptance now, especially from her father and in-laws. She looks forward to a brighter future, empowered by mental health assistance, and determined to make a positive impact in her community.

Building lasting bonds through baking

Despite their varying backgrounds, all ten women who are evenly divided into returnees and host community members - are now good friends, and frequently exchange tips on baking, building the kind of relationships that promote reintegration and social cohesion within their communities. Their trainer continues to guide them in pricing their products while the Human Appeal staff supports them find new markets to sell their goodies.

We are particularly impressed by the drive these women have shown in starting their businesses even before receiving their toolkits, Hani Zuhair, the Project Manager of Human Appeal said, adding that this was a marketable skill because the culture of having dessert and baked goods at home and events is picking up once again in these rural communities. Through the project, beneficiaries also learn about hygiene, the importance of education in their communities, and other topical issues in their communities. This is intended to raise their awareness and enable them to become ambassadors for change within their communities.

All ten women received a baking tool kit that included an oven, a food processor, and mixers among other items to enable them to grow their home-based businesses and sustain their livelihoods in the long run. Those who show interest will also be supported with job placement opportunities to enable them to continue building their skills while they earn.

About this initiative

UNDP is providing this support through its Community-Based Reconciliation and Reintegration in Iraq project. Currently beingimplemented in Kirkuk, Diyala, and Anbar Governates, the project will benefit 170 beneficiaries, including 82 women.

Through efforts such as these, UNDP reached 3,925 returnees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) with direct livelihood support including vocational training as well as 5,482 returnees, IDPs, and host community members received MHPSS support in 2023 alone. A further 9000 individuals will be supported in 2024.

As recovery continues and Iraq embarks on its journey toward lasting peace and sustainable development, these efforts - which are made possible with the generous contributions from UNDPs Funding Window for Peacebuilding - remain crucial for providing the building blocks towards a peaceful and socially cohesive Iraqi society.

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